Yeas.—Messrs. Adair, Anderson, Baldwin, Bayard, Bradley, Condit, Gaillard, Gilman, Hillhouse, Howland, Kitchel, Logan, Maclay, Moore, Pickering, Smith of Maryland, Smith of Ohio, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Stone, Sumter, Thruston, and White.Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Mitchill, Plumer, Smith of New York, Tracy, Turner, and Worthington.
Yeas.—Messrs. Adair, Anderson, Baldwin, Bayard, Bradley, Condit, Gaillard, Gilman, Hillhouse, Howland, Kitchel, Logan, Maclay, Moore, Pickering, Smith of Maryland, Smith of Ohio, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Stone, Sumter, Thruston, and White.
Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Mitchill, Plumer, Smith of New York, Tracy, Turner, and Worthington.
And on the question to strike out the second section of the bill, it was determined in the affirmative—yeas 21, nays 9, as follows:
Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Baldwin, Bayard, Bradley, Condit, Gaillard, Gilman, Hillhouse, Howland, Kitchel, Logan, Maclay, Moore, Pickering, Smith of Maryland, Smith of Ohio, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Stone, Sumter, and Thruston.Nays.—Messrs. Adair, Adams, Mitchill, Plumer, Smith of New York, Tracy, Turner, White, and Worthington.
Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Baldwin, Bayard, Bradley, Condit, Gaillard, Gilman, Hillhouse, Howland, Kitchel, Logan, Maclay, Moore, Pickering, Smith of Maryland, Smith of Ohio, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Stone, Sumter, and Thruston.
Nays.—Messrs. Adair, Adams, Mitchill, Plumer, Smith of New York, Tracy, Turner, White, and Worthington.
And on the question to strike out the third section of the bill, it was determined in the affirmative—yeas 27, nays 3, as follows:
Yeas.—Messrs. Adair, Adams, Anderson, Baldwin, Bayard, Bradley, Condit, Gaillard, Gilman, Hillhouse, Howland, Kitchel, Logan, Maclay, Moore, Pickering, Plumer, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Smith of Ohio, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Stone, Sumter, Thruston, Turner, and White.Nays.—Messrs. Mitchill, Tracy, and Worthington.
Yeas.—Messrs. Adair, Adams, Anderson, Baldwin, Bayard, Bradley, Condit, Gaillard, Gilman, Hillhouse, Howland, Kitchel, Logan, Maclay, Moore, Pickering, Plumer, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Smith of Ohio, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Stone, Sumter, Thruston, Turner, and White.
Nays.—Messrs. Mitchill, Tracy, and Worthington.
And the bill having been further amended, on the question, Shall this bill pass? it was determined in the negative—yeas 4, nays 24, as follows:
Yeas.—Messrs. Adams, Plumer, Smith of Ohio, and Thruston.Nays.—Messrs. Adair, Anderson, Baldwin, Bayard, Bradley, Condit, Gaillard, Gilman, Hillhouse, Howland, Kitchel, Logan, Maclay, Moore, Pickering, Smith of New York, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Stone, Sumter, Tracy, Turner, White, and Worthington.
Yeas.—Messrs. Adams, Plumer, Smith of Ohio, and Thruston.
Nays.—Messrs. Adair, Anderson, Baldwin, Bayard, Bradley, Condit, Gaillard, Gilman, Hillhouse, Howland, Kitchel, Logan, Maclay, Moore, Pickering, Smith of New York, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Stone, Sumter, Tracy, Turner, White, and Worthington.
So the bill was lost.
The Senate resumed the consideration of the third resolution reported by the committee, on the 5th of February last, to whom was referred that part of the Message of the President of the United States, at the opening of the session, which relates to the spoliations of our commerce.
Mr.S. Smith.—Mr. President: The subject now before the Senate is, the third resolution reported by your committee on that part of the Message which relates to British spoliations. The first resolution is a declaration of our neutral rights, and has passed the Senate unanimously. The second requests the President to send a special mission to Great Britain to demand restoration of property unlawfully taken from our merchants, and, by a peaceful arrangement, to adjust all differences subsisting between that nation and the United States. The third is now before us. I will take leave to read it.
3.Resolved, That it is expedient to prohibit, by law, the importation into the United States of any of the following goods, wares, or merchandise, being the growth, produce, or manufactures of the United Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, or the dependencies thereof, that is to say: woollens, linens, hats, nails, looking-glasses, rum, hardwares, slate, salt, coal, boots, shoes, ribbons, silks, and plated and glass wares. The said prohibition to commence from the —— day of ——, unless, previously thereto, equitable arrangements shall be made between the two Governments, on the differences subsisting between them; and to continue until such arrangements shall be agreed upon and settled.
3.Resolved, That it is expedient to prohibit, by law, the importation into the United States of any of the following goods, wares, or merchandise, being the growth, produce, or manufactures of the United Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, or the dependencies thereof, that is to say: woollens, linens, hats, nails, looking-glasses, rum, hardwares, slate, salt, coal, boots, shoes, ribbons, silks, and plated and glass wares. The said prohibition to commence from the —— day of ——, unless, previously thereto, equitable arrangements shall be made between the two Governments, on the differences subsisting between them; and to continue until such arrangements shall be agreed upon and settled.
This resolution is intended, Mr. President, to afford aid to the negotiation recommended in the second. Without this aid, or something similar, I doubt whether Great Britain would not calculate, as heretofore, on an indecisive character in our Government—on its indisposition to lend any aid or protection to commerce; and reasoning thus, whether her Minister might not be induced to believe that he could proceed in safety to the destruction of every part of our commerce with her enemies and their dependencies. This measure, Mr. President, is called a war measure. Is it so? If it is, then does Great Britain maintain a constant war measure against the United States, for she, at all times, prohibits the importation, into her ports, of every article manufactured within our country. She even prohibits our provisions from being consumed in her kingdoms, except when her wants compel her to admit them. If, then, she has set us the example, and has, by her laws, prohibited every article of our manufacture from being admitted into her kingdoms, how can our prohibiting a part of her manufactures from being imported into the United States, be considered as a war measure? This measure is notintended to take effect immediately. The first of November next is contemplated; which will give full time for negotiation, and for Great Britain to reflect on her cruel and unprovoked conduct towards us—a conduct that has been highly reprobated in England—a conduct that, when examined, has but too much the appearance of a determination to benefit by the plunder of our property, without the authority of law, and directly contrary to the public sanction given to our neutral trade in a correspondence held between Lord Hawkesbury and Mr. King, in 1801.
The bill, entitled “An act for the relief of Peter Landais,” was read the third time; and, on motion to strike out the word “six,” and in lieu thereof to insert the word “three,” thereby to reduce the sum proposed for his relief to three thousand dollars, it passed in the negative.
On motion, by one of the majority, it was agreed to reconsider the last vote, and to strike out the word “six.”
On motion, to fill the blank with the word “five,” it passed in the negative; and, on motion, it was agreed to fill the blank with the word “four.”
On the question, shall the bill pass as amended? it was determined in the affirmative—yeas 19, nays 10, as follows:
Yeas.—Messrs. Adair, Adams, Anderson, Bayard, Condit, Gilman, Howland, Kitchel, Maclay, Mitchill, Smith of Maryland, Smith of Ohio, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Thruston, Turner, White, Worthington, and Wright.Nays.—Messrs. Baldwin, Bradley, Gaillard, Hillhouse, Moore, Pickering, Plumer, Smith of New York, Sumter, and Tracy.
Yeas.—Messrs. Adair, Adams, Anderson, Bayard, Condit, Gilman, Howland, Kitchel, Maclay, Mitchill, Smith of Maryland, Smith of Ohio, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Thruston, Turner, White, Worthington, and Wright.
Nays.—Messrs. Baldwin, Bradley, Gaillard, Hillhouse, Moore, Pickering, Plumer, Smith of New York, Sumter, and Tracy.
So it wasResolved, That this bill pass as amended.
Mr.Bradley, from the committee appointed on the 16th of January last, to consider the Message of the President of the United States of the 13th of January, respecting the application of Hamet Caramalli, made the following report:
The ex-Bashaw founds his claim on the justice of the United States, from his services and suffering in their cause, and from his having been deceived and amused with the prospect of being placed on his throne, as legitimate Sovereign of Tripoli, and frequently drawn from eligible situations for the purpose of being made the dupe and instrument of policy, and finally sacrificed to misfortune and wretchedness. The committee, from a full investigation of the documents which have been laid before Congress, with other evidence that has come within their knowledge, are enabled to lay before the Senate a brief statement of facts in relation to the ex-Bashaw, and the result of their deliberations thereon.This unfortunate prince, by the treason and perfidy of his brother, the reigning Bashaw, was driven from his throne, an exile, to the Regency of Tunis, where the agency of the United States, in the Mediterranean, found him; and as early as August, eighteen hundred and one, entered into a convention to co-operate with him, the object of which was to obtain a permanent peace with Tripoli, to place the ex-Bashaw on his throne, and procure indemnification for all expense in accomplishing the same. This agreement was renewed in November following, with encouragement that the United States would persevere, until they had effected the object; and in eighteen hundred and two, when the reigning Bashaw had made overtures to the ex-Bashaw to settle on him the two provinces of Derne and Bengazi, and when the ex-Bashaw was on the point of leaving Tunis, under an escort furnished him by the reigning Bashaw, the agents of the United States prevailed on him to abandon the offer, with assurance that the United States would effectually co-operate, and place him on the throne of Tripoli.The same engagements were renewed in eighteen hundred and three, and the plan of co-operation so arranged, that the ex-Bashaw, by his own exertions and force, took possession of the province of Derne; but the American squadron, at that time under the command of Commodore Morris, instead of improving that favorable moment to co-operate with the ex-Bashaw, and to put an end to the war, unfortunately abandoned the Barbary coast, and left the ex-Bashaw to contend solely with all the force of the reigning Bashaw, and who in consequence was obliged, in the fore part of the year eighteen hundred and four, to give up his conquest of Derne, and fly from the fury of the usurper into Egypt. These transactions were, from time to time, not only communicated by our agents to Government, but were laid before Congress in February, eighteen hundred and four, in the documents accompanying the report of the Committee of Claims on the petition of Mr. Eaton, late Consul at Tunis, which committee expressed their decided approbation of his official conduct, and to which report the committee beg leave to refer.In the full possession of the knowledge of these facts, the Government of the United States, in June, eighteen hundred and four, despatched Commodore Barron, with a squadron, into the Mediterranean, and in his instructions submitted to his entire discretion the subject of availing himself of the co-operation of the ex-Bashaw, and referring him to Mr. Eaton as an agent sent out by Government for that purpose.After Commodore Barron had arrived on the station, in September, eighteen hundred and four, he despatched Mr. Eaton and Captain Hull into Egypt, to find the ex-Bashaw, with instructions to assure him that the Commodore would take the most effectual measures with the forces under his command, to co-operate with him against the usurper, his brother, and to establish him in the Regency of Tripoli. After encountering many difficulties and dangers, the ex-Bashaw was found in Upper Egypt with the Mamelukes, and commanding the Arabs; the same assurances were again made to him, and a convention was reduced to writing, the stipulations of which had the same objects in view; the United States to obtain a permanent peace and their prisoners, the ex-Bashaw to obtain his throne. Under these impressions, and with the fullest confidence in the assurances he had received from the agents of the United States, and even from Commodore Barron himself, by one of his(the Bashaw’s) secretaries, whom he had sent to wait on the Commodore for that purpose, he gave up his prospects in Egypt, abandoned his property in that country, constituted Mr. Eaton general and commander-in-chief of his forces, and with such an army as he was able to raise and support, marched through the Libyan desert, suffering every hardship incident to such a perilous undertaking; and with his army, commanded by General Eaton, aided by O’Bannon and Mann, three American officers, who shared with him the dangers and hardships of the campaign, and whose names their country will for ever record with honor, attacked the city of Derne in the Regency of Tripoli, on the twenty-seventh day of April, one thousand eight hundred and five, and, after a well-fought battle, took the same; and for the first time planted the American colors on the ramparts of a Tripolitan fort. And in several battles afterwards, one of which he fought without the aid of the Americans, (they having been restrained by orders, not warranted by any policy, issued as appears by Mr. Lear, the American Consul,) defeated the army of the usurper with great slaughter, maintained his conquest, and, without the hazard of a repulse, would have marched to the throne of Tripoli, had he been supported by the co-operation of the American squadron, which in honor and good faith he had a right to expect. The committee would here explicitly declare, that, in their opinion, no blame ought to attach to Commodore Barron. A wasting sickness, and a consequent mental as well as bodily debility, had rendered him totally unable to exercise the duties of commanding the squadron, previously to this momentous crisis, and from which he has never recovered; and to this cause alone may be attributed the final failure of the plan of co-operation which appears to have been wisely concerted by the Government, and hitherto bravely executed by its officers.But, however unpleasant the task, the committee are compelled, by the obligations of truth and duty, to state further that Mr. Lear, to whom was intrusted the power of negotiating the peace, appears to have gained a complete ascendency over the Commodore, thus debilitated by sickness; or rather, having assumed the command in the name of the Commodore, to have dictated every measure; to have paralyzed every military operation by sea and land; and finally, without displaying the fleet or squadron before Tripoli, without consulting even the safety of the ex-Bashaw or his army, against the opinion of all the officers of the fleet, so far as the committee have been able to obtain the same, and of Commodore Rodgers, (as appears from Mr. Lear’s letter to the Secretary of State, dated Syracuse harbor, July 5th, 1805,) to have entered into a convention with the reigning Bashaw, by which, contrary to his instructions, he stipulated to pay him sixty thousand dollars, to abandon the ex-Bashaw, and to withdraw all aid and assistance from his army. And although a stipulation was made that the wife and children of the ex-Bashaw should be delivered to him on his withdrawing from the territories of Tripoli, yet that stipulation has not been carried into execution, and it is highly probable was never intended to be. The committee forbear to make any comment on the impropriety of the orders issued to General Eaton to evacuate Derne, five days previous to Mr. Lear’s sailing from Malta for Tripoli, to enter on his negotiation; and the honor of the nation forbids any remarks on the unworthy attempt to compel the ex-Bashaw and General Eaton to give up and abandon their conquest, by withholding supplies from the army at Derne, eight days previous to the commencement of the negotiation; nor will the committee condescend to enter into a consideration of pretended reasons, assigned by Mr. Lear to palliate his management of the affairs of the negotiation; such as, the danger of the American prisoners in Tripoli, the unfitness of the ships for service, and the want of means to prosecute the war; they appear to the committee to have no foundation in fact, and are used rather as a veil to cover an inglorious deed, than solid reasons to justify the negotiator’s conduct. The committee are free to say, that, in their opinion, it was in the power of the United States, with the force then employed, and a small portion of the sixty thousand dollars, thus improperly expended, to have placed Hamet Caramalli, the rightful sovereign of Tripoli, on his throne; to have obtained their prisoners in perfect safety, without the payment of a cent, with assurance, and probable certainty, of eventual remuneration for all expenses; and to have established a peace with the Barbary Powers, that would have been secure and permanent, and which would have dignified the name and character of the American people.Whatever Hamet, the ex-Bashaw, may have said, in his letter of June 29th, 1805, to palliate the conduct which first abandoned and then ruined him, the Senate cannot fail to discern that he was then at Syracuse, in a country of strangers to his merits, and hostile to his nation and religion, and where every circumstance conspired to depress him, which, together with the fear of starving, left him scarcely a moral agent.Upon these facts, and to carry into effect the principle of duty arising out of them, the only remuneration now left in the power of the United States to make, the committee herewith present a bill for the consideration of the Senate. The committee are confident that the legislature of a free and Christian country can never leave it in the power of a Mahometan to say that they violate their faith, or withhold the operations of justice from one who has fallen a victim to his unbounded confidence in their integrity and honor.
The ex-Bashaw founds his claim on the justice of the United States, from his services and suffering in their cause, and from his having been deceived and amused with the prospect of being placed on his throne, as legitimate Sovereign of Tripoli, and frequently drawn from eligible situations for the purpose of being made the dupe and instrument of policy, and finally sacrificed to misfortune and wretchedness. The committee, from a full investigation of the documents which have been laid before Congress, with other evidence that has come within their knowledge, are enabled to lay before the Senate a brief statement of facts in relation to the ex-Bashaw, and the result of their deliberations thereon.
This unfortunate prince, by the treason and perfidy of his brother, the reigning Bashaw, was driven from his throne, an exile, to the Regency of Tunis, where the agency of the United States, in the Mediterranean, found him; and as early as August, eighteen hundred and one, entered into a convention to co-operate with him, the object of which was to obtain a permanent peace with Tripoli, to place the ex-Bashaw on his throne, and procure indemnification for all expense in accomplishing the same. This agreement was renewed in November following, with encouragement that the United States would persevere, until they had effected the object; and in eighteen hundred and two, when the reigning Bashaw had made overtures to the ex-Bashaw to settle on him the two provinces of Derne and Bengazi, and when the ex-Bashaw was on the point of leaving Tunis, under an escort furnished him by the reigning Bashaw, the agents of the United States prevailed on him to abandon the offer, with assurance that the United States would effectually co-operate, and place him on the throne of Tripoli.
The same engagements were renewed in eighteen hundred and three, and the plan of co-operation so arranged, that the ex-Bashaw, by his own exertions and force, took possession of the province of Derne; but the American squadron, at that time under the command of Commodore Morris, instead of improving that favorable moment to co-operate with the ex-Bashaw, and to put an end to the war, unfortunately abandoned the Barbary coast, and left the ex-Bashaw to contend solely with all the force of the reigning Bashaw, and who in consequence was obliged, in the fore part of the year eighteen hundred and four, to give up his conquest of Derne, and fly from the fury of the usurper into Egypt. These transactions were, from time to time, not only communicated by our agents to Government, but were laid before Congress in February, eighteen hundred and four, in the documents accompanying the report of the Committee of Claims on the petition of Mr. Eaton, late Consul at Tunis, which committee expressed their decided approbation of his official conduct, and to which report the committee beg leave to refer.
In the full possession of the knowledge of these facts, the Government of the United States, in June, eighteen hundred and four, despatched Commodore Barron, with a squadron, into the Mediterranean, and in his instructions submitted to his entire discretion the subject of availing himself of the co-operation of the ex-Bashaw, and referring him to Mr. Eaton as an agent sent out by Government for that purpose.
After Commodore Barron had arrived on the station, in September, eighteen hundred and four, he despatched Mr. Eaton and Captain Hull into Egypt, to find the ex-Bashaw, with instructions to assure him that the Commodore would take the most effectual measures with the forces under his command, to co-operate with him against the usurper, his brother, and to establish him in the Regency of Tripoli. After encountering many difficulties and dangers, the ex-Bashaw was found in Upper Egypt with the Mamelukes, and commanding the Arabs; the same assurances were again made to him, and a convention was reduced to writing, the stipulations of which had the same objects in view; the United States to obtain a permanent peace and their prisoners, the ex-Bashaw to obtain his throne. Under these impressions, and with the fullest confidence in the assurances he had received from the agents of the United States, and even from Commodore Barron himself, by one of his(the Bashaw’s) secretaries, whom he had sent to wait on the Commodore for that purpose, he gave up his prospects in Egypt, abandoned his property in that country, constituted Mr. Eaton general and commander-in-chief of his forces, and with such an army as he was able to raise and support, marched through the Libyan desert, suffering every hardship incident to such a perilous undertaking; and with his army, commanded by General Eaton, aided by O’Bannon and Mann, three American officers, who shared with him the dangers and hardships of the campaign, and whose names their country will for ever record with honor, attacked the city of Derne in the Regency of Tripoli, on the twenty-seventh day of April, one thousand eight hundred and five, and, after a well-fought battle, took the same; and for the first time planted the American colors on the ramparts of a Tripolitan fort. And in several battles afterwards, one of which he fought without the aid of the Americans, (they having been restrained by orders, not warranted by any policy, issued as appears by Mr. Lear, the American Consul,) defeated the army of the usurper with great slaughter, maintained his conquest, and, without the hazard of a repulse, would have marched to the throne of Tripoli, had he been supported by the co-operation of the American squadron, which in honor and good faith he had a right to expect. The committee would here explicitly declare, that, in their opinion, no blame ought to attach to Commodore Barron. A wasting sickness, and a consequent mental as well as bodily debility, had rendered him totally unable to exercise the duties of commanding the squadron, previously to this momentous crisis, and from which he has never recovered; and to this cause alone may be attributed the final failure of the plan of co-operation which appears to have been wisely concerted by the Government, and hitherto bravely executed by its officers.
But, however unpleasant the task, the committee are compelled, by the obligations of truth and duty, to state further that Mr. Lear, to whom was intrusted the power of negotiating the peace, appears to have gained a complete ascendency over the Commodore, thus debilitated by sickness; or rather, having assumed the command in the name of the Commodore, to have dictated every measure; to have paralyzed every military operation by sea and land; and finally, without displaying the fleet or squadron before Tripoli, without consulting even the safety of the ex-Bashaw or his army, against the opinion of all the officers of the fleet, so far as the committee have been able to obtain the same, and of Commodore Rodgers, (as appears from Mr. Lear’s letter to the Secretary of State, dated Syracuse harbor, July 5th, 1805,) to have entered into a convention with the reigning Bashaw, by which, contrary to his instructions, he stipulated to pay him sixty thousand dollars, to abandon the ex-Bashaw, and to withdraw all aid and assistance from his army. And although a stipulation was made that the wife and children of the ex-Bashaw should be delivered to him on his withdrawing from the territories of Tripoli, yet that stipulation has not been carried into execution, and it is highly probable was never intended to be. The committee forbear to make any comment on the impropriety of the orders issued to General Eaton to evacuate Derne, five days previous to Mr. Lear’s sailing from Malta for Tripoli, to enter on his negotiation; and the honor of the nation forbids any remarks on the unworthy attempt to compel the ex-Bashaw and General Eaton to give up and abandon their conquest, by withholding supplies from the army at Derne, eight days previous to the commencement of the negotiation; nor will the committee condescend to enter into a consideration of pretended reasons, assigned by Mr. Lear to palliate his management of the affairs of the negotiation; such as, the danger of the American prisoners in Tripoli, the unfitness of the ships for service, and the want of means to prosecute the war; they appear to the committee to have no foundation in fact, and are used rather as a veil to cover an inglorious deed, than solid reasons to justify the negotiator’s conduct. The committee are free to say, that, in their opinion, it was in the power of the United States, with the force then employed, and a small portion of the sixty thousand dollars, thus improperly expended, to have placed Hamet Caramalli, the rightful sovereign of Tripoli, on his throne; to have obtained their prisoners in perfect safety, without the payment of a cent, with assurance, and probable certainty, of eventual remuneration for all expenses; and to have established a peace with the Barbary Powers, that would have been secure and permanent, and which would have dignified the name and character of the American people.
Whatever Hamet, the ex-Bashaw, may have said, in his letter of June 29th, 1805, to palliate the conduct which first abandoned and then ruined him, the Senate cannot fail to discern that he was then at Syracuse, in a country of strangers to his merits, and hostile to his nation and religion, and where every circumstance conspired to depress him, which, together with the fear of starving, left him scarcely a moral agent.
Upon these facts, and to carry into effect the principle of duty arising out of them, the only remuneration now left in the power of the United States to make, the committee herewith present a bill for the consideration of the Senate. The committee are confident that the legislature of a free and Christian country can never leave it in the power of a Mahometan to say that they violate their faith, or withhold the operations of justice from one who has fallen a victim to his unbounded confidence in their integrity and honor.
The report was ordered to lie for consideration.
Mr.Bradley, from the same committee, also reported a bill “for the relief of Hamet Caramalli, ex-Bashaw of Tripoli;” and the bill was read, and ordered to the second reading.
Mr. Bradley submitted the following resolutions for consideration, which were read:
“Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That Congress entertain a high sense of the patriotism, intrepidity, and valor, of William Eaton, late General-in-chief of the army of the ex-Bashaw of Tripoli, and of Priestly N. O’Bannon, and George Washington Mann, three American officers, who, with a small number of American marines and the forces of the ex-Bashaw, composed of Greeks and Arabs, courageously marched through the Libyan desert, defeated the Tripolitan army near Derne, andtook that city on the twenty-seventh day of April, eighteen hundred and five, and for the first time spread the American eagle in Africa, on the ramparts of a Tripolitan fort, and thereby contributed to release three hundred American prisoners from bondage in Tripoli.“Resolved, As a further testimony of the gratitude of their country, that the President of the United States be requested to cause to be surveyed, within the limits of the public lands of the United States now open for sale, as the said William Eaton shall elect, a township of six miles square, to be called Derne, as a memorial of the conquest of that city, for ever; and to cause to be laid out, surveyed, and granted, to the said William Eaton, in one entire tract, within the said township, —— thousand acres; and to Priestly N. O’Bannon and George Washington Mann, each —— thousand acres; and to Arthur Campbell, Bernard O’Brian, David Thomas, and James Owen, the only surviving marines who served as volunteers in that expedition, three hundred and twenty acres each; to be granted to them, respectively, their heirs, and assigns, for ever.”
“Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That Congress entertain a high sense of the patriotism, intrepidity, and valor, of William Eaton, late General-in-chief of the army of the ex-Bashaw of Tripoli, and of Priestly N. O’Bannon, and George Washington Mann, three American officers, who, with a small number of American marines and the forces of the ex-Bashaw, composed of Greeks and Arabs, courageously marched through the Libyan desert, defeated the Tripolitan army near Derne, andtook that city on the twenty-seventh day of April, eighteen hundred and five, and for the first time spread the American eagle in Africa, on the ramparts of a Tripolitan fort, and thereby contributed to release three hundred American prisoners from bondage in Tripoli.
“Resolved, As a further testimony of the gratitude of their country, that the President of the United States be requested to cause to be surveyed, within the limits of the public lands of the United States now open for sale, as the said William Eaton shall elect, a township of six miles square, to be called Derne, as a memorial of the conquest of that city, for ever; and to cause to be laid out, surveyed, and granted, to the said William Eaton, in one entire tract, within the said township, —— thousand acres; and to Priestly N. O’Bannon and George Washington Mann, each —— thousand acres; and to Arthur Campbell, Bernard O’Brian, David Thomas, and James Owen, the only surviving marines who served as volunteers in that expedition, three hundred and twenty acres each; to be granted to them, respectively, their heirs, and assigns, for ever.”
The Senate were informed thatJames Jackson, one of their members, from the State of Georgia, had deceased the last night, whereupon,
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to take order for superintending the funeral ofJames Jackson, and that the Senate will attend the same; and that notice of the event be given to the House of Representatives; and,
Ordered, That this committee consist of Messrs.Anderson,Sumter, andWright.
Resolved, unanimously, That the members of the Senate, from a sincere desire of showing every mark of respect due to the memory ofJames Jackson, deceased, late a member thereof, will go into mourning for him one month, by the usual mode of wearing a crape round the left arm.
The Senate adjourned.
A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that the House will attend the funeral ofJames Jackson, Esquire, late a Senator of the United States. They have also determined to wear mourning on the left arm, for the space of one month, in testimony of their respect for the memory of that distinguished Revolutionary patriot.
The bill for the relief of Hamet Caramalli, ex-Bashaw of Tripoli, being under consideration, on the question, Shall this bill pass? Mr.Bradleyhaving finished his remarks in support of the bill—
Mr.Adamssaid: Mr. President, when the question was yesterday stated from the Chair, on the final passage of this bill, and I found myself called on to record my assent to or dissent from it, I felt myself bound in duty to call upon the committee by whom it was reported, for the evidence upon which they had rested the claim of Hamet Bashaw to the grant of money which is proposed by the bill to be made to him. Together with the bill the committee had reported what they term “a brief statement of facts;” upon which they declare the bill itself to be founded, and wherein they consider his claim, not on the generosity, but on the justice of the United States, from his service and sufferings in their cause, and from his having been deceived and amused with the prospect of being placed on his throne, as legitimate sovereign of Tripoli, and frequently drawn from eligible situations for the purpose of being made the dupe or instrument of policy, and finally sacrificed to misfortune and wretchedness. The bill accordingly makes the grant, expressly in consideration of his services and sufferings in our cause; and, in voting for the bill as it now stands, I should consider myself as sanctioning, as far as my vote would go, the report of the committee, upon which the bill is founded. This I could not do without further information. I thought, sir, and have thought, from the moment when I first saw the report, that the statement it contained, far from being supported by the voluminous documents which have been, in the course of the session, communicated to the Senate, respecting all our transactions with Tripoli, was in many respects contradictory to the whole tenor of those documents; my recollection of the documents was, indeed, only of their general tenor; for, amidst the pressure of the various other important business which we have had before us, I had not found time for a reperusal of them since I had heard them read at your table. But, of their general complexion, my mind had received a clear and very decided impression, with which I found it impossible to reconcile any part of the committee’s report. I presumed, however, that the committee were possessed of evidence, not yet communicated to the Senate, which warranted them in those assertions, which all the papers with which I had been made acquainted tended rather to disprove than to confirm. The chairman of the committee has this day informed the Senate of the grounds upon which the report was drawn up, and has communicated what he considers as the additional evidence in its support. He has also favored us with the arguments upon which he thinks the views of the subject, taken in the report, are fully substantiated. I regret, sir, that neither his arguments nor his evidence have been satisfactory to my mind; but that, after giving them what I deem their full share of weight, I still remain convinced that the report is founded upon a supposed state of facts altogether erroneous, and a view of the whole subject altogether incorrect.
The merits of Hamet Bashaw’s claim upon the United States must depend upon the natureof the engagements contracted between the United States and him, and upon the transactions under those engagements. With respect to the nature of the engagements, there is a very striking difference between the statement of the committee and the statement of the President of the United States in his Message of the 13th of January last. The statement of the committee is as much at variance with the ideas of Hamet Bashaw himself as with those of the President, and equally in opposition to those of Commodore Barron and Mr. Lear, as they appear in the printed papers.
With regard to the facts material to constitute the peculiar character of the ex-Bashaw’s claim, the statement of the committee is no less in flat contradiction to the statements of the President, to the acknowledgments of Hamet Bashaw, and to the tenor of the most substantial documents.
As to the nature of the engagements, the committee represent Hamet Bashaw as having been inveigled, deceived, amused with promises to place him on his throne, and finally betrayed and sacrificed. They appear to think the United States were bound, at all events, and, by their exclusive exertions, to restore him to his dignity, and that the mere act of withdrawing their aid, without accomplishing that object, was a treacherous violation of their faith plighted to him.
Let us now see what was the real nature of those magnificent offers of the reigning Bashaw to his brother—the armed escort, and the two provinces—upon the abandonment of which, under the influence of our agents, the report raises such a fund of merit and sacrifice on the part of Hamet. The committee take this circumstance from a statement made by Mr. Eaton to the Committee of Claims, in February 7, 1804, printed among the documents of that season. Largely as the chairman of the committee has drawn from that statement in making his report, it is singular that the following passage in it, page 16, has escaped his attention:
“Meantime, I had wrought upon the Bey’s Minister to countenance and aid my project, in consideration of my promise to give him $10,000, on condition of his fidelity, and in case of its success. I thought it good policy to secure the Minister; not so much for the service he would render, as to check the mischief which seemed impending. He confessed it was the intention of the enemy Bashaw, by this illusive overture, to get possession of the rival brother in order to destroy him; and he permitted my dragoman, under an injunction of secrecy, to communicate the design to Hamet Bashaw. This determined him to go to Malta, under a pretext to his people of evading the Swedish and American cruisers.”
“Meantime, I had wrought upon the Bey’s Minister to countenance and aid my project, in consideration of my promise to give him $10,000, on condition of his fidelity, and in case of its success. I thought it good policy to secure the Minister; not so much for the service he would render, as to check the mischief which seemed impending. He confessed it was the intention of the enemy Bashaw, by this illusive overture, to get possession of the rival brother in order to destroy him; and he permitted my dragoman, under an injunction of secrecy, to communicate the design to Hamet Bashaw. This determined him to go to Malta, under a pretext to his people of evading the Swedish and American cruisers.”
And are these the overtures? Is this the eligible situation, of such precious value to the ex-Bashaw, that this nation, or its Government, is to be charged with perfidy and treachery because our agents prevailed upon him to abandon them? Even so! The reigning Bashaw sends an escort of forty men, with offers of two provinces, to his exiled brother, for the sole purpose of getting him into his possession to destroy him. Our agents discover the project; apprise the destined victim of his intended fate; rescue him from inevitable destruction—and now, we are to be told, that by this act, we were not conferring, but receiving an obligation, which bound us in honor and duty to restore him to his throne.
Thus much, sir, for the nature of the transactions between the agents of the United States and the ex-Bashaw, prior to the year 1804, when Commodore Barron with his squadron were sent into the Mediterranean, and when he was vested with discretionary powers to avail himself of Hamet’s co-operation, and referred to Mr. Eaton as an agent sent out by Government for that purpose.
This discretionary power of Commodore Barron, the chairman of the committee has this day strongly contended was altogether unlimited, and such is the idea given of it in the report; but this I apprehend to be a mistake of the utmost importance. It is in direct contradiction to the statement of the President’s Message, and to the testimony of Commodore Barron himself. The President’s Message says:
“We authorized Commodore Barron, then proceeding with his squadron, to enter into an understanding with Hamet, if he should deem it useful; and as it was represented that he would need some aid of arms and ammunition, and even of money, he was authorized to furnish them to a moderate extent, according to the prospect of utility to be expected from it. The instructions of June 6th, to Commodore Barron, show that a co-operation only was intended, and by no means a union of our object with the fortunes of the ex-Bashaw; and the Commodore’s letters of March 22, and May 19, prove that he had the most correct idea of our intentions.”
“We authorized Commodore Barron, then proceeding with his squadron, to enter into an understanding with Hamet, if he should deem it useful; and as it was represented that he would need some aid of arms and ammunition, and even of money, he was authorized to furnish them to a moderate extent, according to the prospect of utility to be expected from it. The instructions of June 6th, to Commodore Barron, show that a co-operation only was intended, and by no means a union of our object with the fortunes of the ex-Bashaw; and the Commodore’s letters of March 22, and May 19, prove that he had the most correct idea of our intentions.”
Thus, sir, the discretionary power of Commodore Barron, to avail himself of Hamet’s co-operation, was not unlimited—neither by the intention of the Executive, nor in his own understanding. It was limited both as to the nature of the engagement he was to contract, and as to the sum appropriated for the purpose; co-operation is a term of reciprocal import—it certainly means that there should be some operation on both sides. The operation in this case by sea, was to be conducted entirely and exclusively by the squadron of the United States. Hamet Bashaw could contribute, and was expected to contribute, nothing to that. His operation was to be by land; and, upon principles of ordinary reciprocity, it might have been required that this also should be exclusively at his expense. The Government, however, were willing to furnish him some aid even there. And the sum of twenty thousand dollars had been appropriated for that purpose. This was going as far as prudence would warrant, or as good faith could require. Hamet himself could have entertained no other expectation, since, in his letter to Mr. Eaton, of 3d January, he says: “Your operations should be carried on by sea;mine by land.” And even after the peace was made, in his letter to Mr. Eaton, of 20th June, he acknowledges, as clearly as language can express it, that the failure of co-operation was not on our part, but his own; that his means had not been found to answer our reasonable expectations; and that he was “satisfied with all our nation has done concerning him.”
If Hamet, after the capture of Derne, was totally unable to command any resources, or bear any part in co-operation with us, how can it be said that he would, without the hazard of a repulse, have marched to the throne of Tripoli, had he been supported by the co-operation of our squadron? But, further, I ask what were the means, what were the resources, of this sovereign prince, from the hour when Mr. Eaton received his orders to withdraw from him? The event, sir, is worth a thousand arguments. He could not support himself a day. He was compelled to take instantaneous refuge on board our vessels, and was saved from destruction only by being brought away. Does this look like marching to the throne of Tripoli?
I am aware, sir, that the report has very explicitly declared that no blame ought to attach to Commodore Barron; but it has also declared that a wasting sickness, and consequent mental as well as bodily debility, had rendered him totally unable to command the squadron; that to this cause alone may be attributed the final failure of the plan of co-operation; that Mr. Lear appears to have gained a complete ascendency over him, thus debilitated by sickness; or rather that Lear, having assumed the command, in the name of the Commodore, paralyzed every military operation by sea and land; and they go so far as to impute to Mr. Lear all the letters of Commodore Barron, subsequent to that of 21st of March, 1805. If the gentleman from Maryland considers all this, sir, as perfectly respectful to the Commodore, I can only say that it appears in a different light to me, nor do I imagine it will bear that complexion to the person immediately interested in it. But the chairman of the committee has gone yet further. He has told you, in so many words, that the Commodore was reduced to a state of perfect childhood; has represented him as equally incapable of thought and of action; in a mere state of dotage. And all this upon what evidence? Why, because, in one of his letters, Commodore Barron says he is unable to write with his own hand; and because, from the 19th to the 22d of May, there appear among the documents, five letters, long letters, says the gentleman, and yet the Commodore’s secretary had an inflammation in his eyes.
The bill, entitled “An act further to alter and establish certain post roads, and for other purposes,” was read the second time, and referred to Messrs.Anderson,White, andStone, to consider and report thereon.
Mr.Wrightcommunicated a resolution of the Legislature of the State of Maryland instructing their Senators and Representatives in Congress to use their utmost exertions to obtain an amendment to the Constitution of the United States to prevent the further importation of slaves; whereupon, Mr.Wrightsubmitted the following resolutions for the consideration of the Senate:
Resolved, &c.That the following article be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States, as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of the said Legislatures, shall be valid as a part of the said constitution, to wit:Resolved, That the migration or importation of slaves into the United States, or any territory thereof, be prohibited after the first day of January 1808.
Resolved, &c.That the following article be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States, as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of the said Legislatures, shall be valid as a part of the said constitution, to wit:
Resolved, That the migration or importation of slaves into the United States, or any territory thereof, be prohibited after the first day of January 1808.
The Senate took into consideration, in Committee of the Whole, (Mr.Andersonhaving been requested by thePresidentto take the Chair,) the amendments reported by the select committee to the bill, entitled “An act to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares, and merchandise.” And, after debate, thePresidentresumed the Chair, and Mr.Anderson, from the Committee of the Whole, reported that they had disagreed to the amendments of the select committee, but had agreed to an amendment to the bill; which was read, and the bill was amended accordingly; and, on the question, Shall the bill pass to the third reading, as amended? it passed in the affirmative—yeas 19, nays 9, as follows:
Yeas.—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Baldwin, Condit, Gaillard, Gilman, Howland, Kitchel, Maclay, Mitchill, Moore, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Smith of Ohio, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Thruston, Turner, and Wright.Nays.—Messrs. Adair, Bradley, Hillhouse, Pickering, Plumer, Stone, Sumter, Tracy, and White.
Yeas.—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Baldwin, Condit, Gaillard, Gilman, Howland, Kitchel, Maclay, Mitchill, Moore, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Smith of Ohio, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Thruston, Turner, and Wright.
Nays.—Messrs. Adair, Bradley, Hillhouse, Pickering, Plumer, Stone, Sumter, Tracy, and White.
The bill, entitled “An act authorizing the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the District of Columbia,” was read the third time; and, on motion to postpone the further consideration thereof until the first Monday in December next, it passed in the affirmative—yeas 19, nays 10, as follows:
Yeas.—Messrs. Adair, Adams, Anderson, Baldwin, Gilman, Hillhouse, Howland, Kitchel, Maclay, Mitchill, Pickering, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Stone, Sumter, Thruston, Tracy, Worthington, and Wright.Nays.—Messrs. Bradley, Condit, Gaillard, Moore, Plumer, Smith of Ohio, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Turner, and White.
Yeas.—Messrs. Adair, Adams, Anderson, Baldwin, Gilman, Hillhouse, Howland, Kitchel, Maclay, Mitchill, Pickering, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Stone, Sumter, Thruston, Tracy, Worthington, and Wright.
Nays.—Messrs. Bradley, Condit, Gaillard, Moore, Plumer, Smith of Ohio, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Turner, and White.
So the bill was postponed.
The bill, entitled “An act to prohibit the officers of the Army and Navy from holding or exercising any civil office,” was read the second time; and on motion to postpone this bill to the first Monday in December next, it passed in the affirmative—yeas 17, nays 10, as follows:
Yeas.—Messrs. Adair, Adams, Baldwin, Condit, Gilman, Howland, Kitchel, Logan, Mitchill, Plumer, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Tracy, White, and Wright.Nays.—Messrs. Anderson, Gaillard, Hillhouse, Maclay, Moore, Pickering, Stone, Sumter, Turner, and Worthington.
Yeas.—Messrs. Adair, Adams, Baldwin, Condit, Gilman, Howland, Kitchel, Logan, Mitchill, Plumer, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Tracy, White, and Wright.
Nays.—Messrs. Anderson, Gaillard, Hillhouse, Maclay, Moore, Pickering, Stone, Sumter, Turner, and Worthington.
So the bill was postponed.
The following Message was received from thePresident of the United States, which was read, and ordered to lie for consideration:
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:During the blockade of Tripoli by the squadron of the United States, a small cruiser, under the flag of Tunis, with two prizes (all of trifling value) attempted to enter Tripoli, was turned back, warned, and attempting again to enter, was taken and detained as prize by the squadron. Her restitution was claimed by the Bey of Tunis, with a threat of war, in terms so serious that, on withdrawing from the blockade of Tripoli, the commanding officer of the squadron thought it his duty to repair to Tunis with his squadron, and to require a categorical declaration, whether peace or war was intended. The Bey preferred explaining himself by an Ambassador to the United States, who, on his arrival, renewed the request that the vessel and her prizes should be restored. It was deemed proper to give this proof of friendship to the Bey, and the Ambassador was informed the vessels would be restored. Afterwards he made a requisition of naval stores to be sent to the Bey, in order to secure a peace for the term of three years, with a threat of war, if refused. It has been refused, and the Ambassador is about to depart without receding from his threat or demand.Under these circumstances, and considering that the several provisions of the act of March 25th, 1804, will cease, in consequence of the ratification of the treaty of peace with Tripoli, now advised and consented to by the Senate, I have thought it my duty to communicate these facts, in order that Congress may consider the expediency of continuing the same provisions for a limited time, or making others equivalent.TH. JEFFERSON.April 14, 1806.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:
During the blockade of Tripoli by the squadron of the United States, a small cruiser, under the flag of Tunis, with two prizes (all of trifling value) attempted to enter Tripoli, was turned back, warned, and attempting again to enter, was taken and detained as prize by the squadron. Her restitution was claimed by the Bey of Tunis, with a threat of war, in terms so serious that, on withdrawing from the blockade of Tripoli, the commanding officer of the squadron thought it his duty to repair to Tunis with his squadron, and to require a categorical declaration, whether peace or war was intended. The Bey preferred explaining himself by an Ambassador to the United States, who, on his arrival, renewed the request that the vessel and her prizes should be restored. It was deemed proper to give this proof of friendship to the Bey, and the Ambassador was informed the vessels would be restored. Afterwards he made a requisition of naval stores to be sent to the Bey, in order to secure a peace for the term of three years, with a threat of war, if refused. It has been refused, and the Ambassador is about to depart without receding from his threat or demand.
Under these circumstances, and considering that the several provisions of the act of March 25th, 1804, will cease, in consequence of the ratification of the treaty of peace with Tripoli, now advised and consented to by the Senate, I have thought it my duty to communicate these facts, in order that Congress may consider the expediency of continuing the same provisions for a limited time, or making others equivalent.
TH. JEFFERSON.
April 14, 1806.
The bill, entitled “An act to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares, and merchandise,” was read the third time; and the amendment adopted was again considered and rejected.
A motion was made to postpone the bill for the purpose of considering the following resolution:
Resolved, That, in consequence of a more favorable course of conduct on the part of Great Britain, in respect to the disturbance of the trade of the United States; and entertaining a hope that the British Ministry, lately established, will be disposed to a reasonable arrangement of all affairs of difference between the two nations, the Senate do hereby postpone the further consideration of the bill, entitled “An act to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares, and merchandise,” to the first Monday in November next.
Resolved, That, in consequence of a more favorable course of conduct on the part of Great Britain, in respect to the disturbance of the trade of the United States; and entertaining a hope that the British Ministry, lately established, will be disposed to a reasonable arrangement of all affairs of difference between the two nations, the Senate do hereby postpone the further consideration of the bill, entitled “An act to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares, and merchandise,” to the first Monday in November next.
And, on the question to agree to this motion, it passed in the negative—yeas 9, nays 19, as follows:
Yeas.—Messrs. Adair, Adams, Hillhouse, Logan, Pickering, Plumer, Sumter, Tracy, and White.Nays.—Messrs. Anderson, Baldwin, Condit, Gaillard, Gilman, Howland, Kitchel, Maclay, Mitchill, Moore, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Smith of Ohio, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Stone, Thruston, Worthington, and Wright.
Yeas.—Messrs. Adair, Adams, Hillhouse, Logan, Pickering, Plumer, Sumter, Tracy, and White.
Nays.—Messrs. Anderson, Baldwin, Condit, Gaillard, Gilman, Howland, Kitchel, Maclay, Mitchill, Moore, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Smith of Ohio, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Stone, Thruston, Worthington, and Wright.
And on the question, Shall this bill pass? it was determined in the affirmative—yeas 19, nays 9, as follows:
Yeas.—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Baldwin, Condit, Gaillard, Gilman, Howland, Kitchel, Maclay, Mitchill, Moore, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Smith of Ohio, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Thruston, Worthington, and Wright.Nays.—Messrs. Adair, Hillhouse, Logan, Pickering, Plumer, Stone, Sumter, Tracy, and White.
Yeas.—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Baldwin, Condit, Gaillard, Gilman, Howland, Kitchel, Maclay, Mitchill, Moore, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Smith of Ohio, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Thruston, Worthington, and Wright.
Nays.—Messrs. Adair, Hillhouse, Logan, Pickering, Plumer, Stone, Sumter, Tracy, and White.
So it wasResolved, That this bill pass.
The following Message was received from thePresident of the United States:
To the Senate of the United States:In compliance with the request of the Senate, of yesterday’s date, I now communicate the entire correspondence between the Ambassador of Tunis and the Secretary of State; from which the Senate will see, that the first application by the Ambassador for restitution of the vessels taken in violation of blockade, having been yielded to, the only remaining cause of difference brought forward by him, is the requisition of a present of naval stores, to secure a peace for three years; after which, the inference is obvious, that a renewal of the presents is to be expected, to renew the prolongation of peace for another term. But this demand has been pressed in verbal conferences, much more explicitly and pertinaciously than appears in the written correspondence. To save the delay of copying, some originals are enclosed, with a request that they be returned.TH. JEFFERSON.April 18, 1806.
To the Senate of the United States:
In compliance with the request of the Senate, of yesterday’s date, I now communicate the entire correspondence between the Ambassador of Tunis and the Secretary of State; from which the Senate will see, that the first application by the Ambassador for restitution of the vessels taken in violation of blockade, having been yielded to, the only remaining cause of difference brought forward by him, is the requisition of a present of naval stores, to secure a peace for three years; after which, the inference is obvious, that a renewal of the presents is to be expected, to renew the prolongation of peace for another term. But this demand has been pressed in verbal conferences, much more explicitly and pertinaciously than appears in the written correspondence. To save the delay of copying, some originals are enclosed, with a request that they be returned.
TH. JEFFERSON.
April 18, 1806.
The bill for the relief of Hamet Caramalli was read the third time.
Resolved, That this bill pass, that it be engrossed, and that the title thereof be, “Anact for the temporary relief of Hamet Caramalli.”
On motion, it was
Resolved, That Messrs.WhiteandAdamsbe a committee on the part of the Senate, with such as the House of Representatives may join, to wait on the President of the United States and notify him that, unless he may have any further communications to make to the two Houses of Congress, they are ready to adjourn.
On motion, that every thing in the Journal relative to the memorials of S. G. Ogden and William Smith be expunged therefrom, it passed in the affirmative—yeas 13, nays 8, as follows:
Yeas.—Messrs. Adair, Condit, Gilman, Kitchel, Logan, Mitchill, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Stone, Thruston, Turner, Worthington, and Wright.Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Baldwin, Hillhouse, Pickering, Plumer, Smith of Ohio, Tracy, and White.[31]
Yeas.—Messrs. Adair, Condit, Gilman, Kitchel, Logan, Mitchill, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Stone, Thruston, Turner, Worthington, and Wright.
Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Baldwin, Hillhouse, Pickering, Plumer, Smith of Ohio, Tracy, and White.[31]
Ordered, That the Secretary inform the House of Representatives that the Senate, having finished the business before them, are about to adjourn.
Whereupon, the Senate adjourned without day.
New Hampshire.—Silas Betton, Caleb Ellis, David Hough, Samuel Tenney, and Thomas W. Thompson.
Massachusetts.—Joseph Barker, Barnabas Bidwell, Phanuel Bishop, John Chandler, Orchard Cook, Jacob Crowninshield, Richard Cutts, William Ely, Isaiah L. Green, Seth Hastings, Jeremiah Nelson, Josiah Quincy, Ebenezer Seaver, William Stedman, Samuel Taggart, Joseph B. Varnum, and Peleg Wadsworth.
Rhode Island.—Nehemiah Knight, and Joseph Stanton.
Connecticut.—Samuel W. Dana, John Davenport, jr., Jonathan O. Mosely, Timothy Pitkin, jr., John Cotton Smith, Lewis B. Sturges, and Benjamin Tallmadge.
Vermont.—Martin Chittenden, James Elliot, James Fisk, and Gideon Olin.
New York.—John Blake, jr., Philip Van Cortlandt, George Clinton, Silas Halsey, Josiah Masters, Henry W. Livingston, Gurdon S. Mumford, John Russell, Peter Sailly, Thomas Sammons, Martin G. Schuneman, David Thomas, Uri Tracy, Killian K. Van Rensselaer, Nathan Williams, Eliphalet Wickes, and Daniel C. Verplanck.
New Jersey.—Ezra Darby, Ebenezer Elmer, John Lambert, James Sloan, Henry Southard, and William Helms.
Pennsylvania.—Isaac Anderson, David Bard, Robt. Brown, Joseph Clay, Frederick Conrad, Wm. Findlay, Andrew Gregg, James Kelly, Michael Leib, John Pugh, John Hamilton, John Rea, Jacob Richards, John Smilie, Samuel Smith, John Whitehill, and Robert Whitehill.
Delaware.—James M. Broom.
Maryland.—John Archer, John Campbell, Leonard Covington, Charles Goldsborough, Patrick Magruder, Roger Nelson, William McCreery, Nicholas R. Moore, and Joseph B. Nicholson.
Virginia.—Burwell Basset, Matthew Clay, John Claiborne, John Clopton, Christopher Clark, John Dawson, John W. Eppes, James M. Garnett, Peterson Goodwyn, Edwin Gray, David Holmes, John G. Jackson, Walter Jones, Joseph Lewis, Jr., John Morrow, Thomas Newton, jr., John Randolph, Thomas Mann Randolph, John Smith, Philip R. Thompson, Abram Trigg, and Alexander Wilson.
Kentucky.—Geo. Michael Bedinger, John Fowler, Thos. Sanford, John Boyle, Matthew Lyon, and Matthew Walton.
North Carolina.—Nathaniel Alexander, Willis Alston, jr., William Blackledge, Thomas Blount, Evans Alexander, James Holland, Thomas Keenan, Nathaniel Macon, Duncan MacFarland, Richard Stanford, Marmaduke Williams, Joseph Winston, and Thomas Wynns.
Tennessee.—Wm. Dickson, John Rhea, G. W. Campbell.
South Carolina.—Levi Casey, William Butler, Elias Earle, Thomas Moore, Robert Marion, David R. Williams, O’Brien Smith, and Richard Wynn.
Georgia.—Peter Early, Joseph Bryan, Cowles Mead, and David Meriwether.
Ohio.—Jeremiah Morrow.
Mississippi Territory.—Delegate: William Lattimore.
Indiana Territory.—Delegate: Benjamin Parke.
This being the day appointed by the constitution for the annual meeting of Congress, the following members of the House of Representatives appeared, produced their credentials, and took their seats, to wit: