Tuesday, January 17.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:In execution of the act of the present session of Congress, for taking possession of Louisiana, as ceded to us by France, and for the temporary government thereof, Governor Claiborne, of the Mississippi Territory, and General Wilkinson, were appointed Commissionersto receive possession. They proceeded with such regular troops as had been assembled at Fort Adams, from the nearest posts, and with some militia of the Mississippi Territory, to New Orleans. To be prepared for any thing unexpected which might arise out of the transaction, a respectable body of militia was ordered to be in readiness in the States of Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee, and a part of those of Tennessee was moved on to the Natchez. No occasion, however, arose for their services. Our Commissioners, on their arrival at New Orleans, found the province already delivered by the Commissioners of Spain to that of France, who delivered it over to them on the 20th day of December, as appears by their declaratory act accompanying this. Governor Claiborne being duly invested with the powers heretofore exercised by the Governor and Intendant of Louisiana, assumed the government on the same day, and, for the maintenance of law and order, immediately issued the proclamation and address now communicated.On this important acquisition, so favorable to the immediate interests of our western citizens, so auspicious to the peace and security of the nation in general, which adds to our country territories so extensive and fertile, and to our citizens new brethren to partake of the blessings of freedom and self-government, I offer to Congress and our country my sincere congratulations.TH. JEFFERSON.January 16, 1804.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:

In execution of the act of the present session of Congress, for taking possession of Louisiana, as ceded to us by France, and for the temporary government thereof, Governor Claiborne, of the Mississippi Territory, and General Wilkinson, were appointed Commissionersto receive possession. They proceeded with such regular troops as had been assembled at Fort Adams, from the nearest posts, and with some militia of the Mississippi Territory, to New Orleans. To be prepared for any thing unexpected which might arise out of the transaction, a respectable body of militia was ordered to be in readiness in the States of Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee, and a part of those of Tennessee was moved on to the Natchez. No occasion, however, arose for their services. Our Commissioners, on their arrival at New Orleans, found the province already delivered by the Commissioners of Spain to that of France, who delivered it over to them on the 20th day of December, as appears by their declaratory act accompanying this. Governor Claiborne being duly invested with the powers heretofore exercised by the Governor and Intendant of Louisiana, assumed the government on the same day, and, for the maintenance of law and order, immediately issued the proclamation and address now communicated.

On this important acquisition, so favorable to the immediate interests of our western citizens, so auspicious to the peace and security of the nation in general, which adds to our country territories so extensive and fertile, and to our citizens new brethren to partake of the blessings of freedom and self-government, I offer to Congress and our country my sincere congratulations.

TH. JEFFERSON.

January 16, 1804.

The Message and papers therein referred to were read.

The Senate resumed the second reading of the bill erecting Louisiana into two Territories, and providing for the temporary government thereof.

On motion to amend the fourth section of the bill, by inserting the following words at the end thereof:

“The Legislative Council, a majority of the whole number concurring therein, shall have power to elect, by ballot, a delegate to Congress, who shall have a seat in the House of Representatives, and shall have the right of debating, but not of voting:”

“The Legislative Council, a majority of the whole number concurring therein, shall have power to elect, by ballot, a delegate to Congress, who shall have a seat in the House of Representatives, and shall have the right of debating, but not of voting:”

It passed in the negative—yeas 12, nays 18, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Breckenridge, Cocke, Ellery, Logan, Nicholas, Potter, Israel Smith, John Smith, Samuel Smith, Venable, and Worthington.Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Armstrong, Baldwin, Bradley, Brown, Condit, Dayton, Franklin, Hillhouse, Jackson, Maclay, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, Stone, Tracy, Wells, and White.

Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Breckenridge, Cocke, Ellery, Logan, Nicholas, Potter, Israel Smith, John Smith, Samuel Smith, Venable, and Worthington.

Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Armstrong, Baldwin, Bradley, Brown, Condit, Dayton, Franklin, Hillhouse, Jackson, Maclay, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, Stone, Tracy, Wells, and White.

On motion to strike out the fourth section of the bill, as follows:

“Sec. 4.The legislative powers shall be vested in the Governor, and in twenty-four of the most fit and discreet persons of the Territory, to be called the Legislative Council, who shall be selected annually by the Governor from among those holding real estate therein, and who shall have resided one year at least in the said Territory, and hold no office of profit under the Territory, or the United States. The Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the said Legislative Council, or of a majority of them, shall have power to alter, modify, or repeal, the laws which may be in force at the commencement of this act. Their legislative powers shall also extend to all the rightful subjects of legislation; but no law shall be valid which is inconsistent with the Constitution of the United States, with the laws of Congress, or which shall lay any person under restraint, burden, or disability, on account of his religious opinions, declarations, or worship; in all which he shall be free to maintain his own, and not be burdened for those of another. The Governor shall publish throughout the said Territory all the laws which shall be made, and shall, from time to time, report the same to the President of the United States, to be laid before Congress; which, if disapproved of by Congress, shall thenceforth be of no force. The Governor or Legislative Council shall have no power over the primary disposal of the soil, nor to tax the lands of the United States, nor to interfere with the claims to land within the said Territory. The Governor shall convene, prorogue, and dissolve the Legislative Council whenever he may deem it expedient. It shall be his duty to obtain all the information in his power in relation to the customs, habits, and dispositions, of the inhabitants of the said Territory, and communicate the same, from time to time, to the President of the United States.”

“Sec. 4.The legislative powers shall be vested in the Governor, and in twenty-four of the most fit and discreet persons of the Territory, to be called the Legislative Council, who shall be selected annually by the Governor from among those holding real estate therein, and who shall have resided one year at least in the said Territory, and hold no office of profit under the Territory, or the United States. The Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the said Legislative Council, or of a majority of them, shall have power to alter, modify, or repeal, the laws which may be in force at the commencement of this act. Their legislative powers shall also extend to all the rightful subjects of legislation; but no law shall be valid which is inconsistent with the Constitution of the United States, with the laws of Congress, or which shall lay any person under restraint, burden, or disability, on account of his religious opinions, declarations, or worship; in all which he shall be free to maintain his own, and not be burdened for those of another. The Governor shall publish throughout the said Territory all the laws which shall be made, and shall, from time to time, report the same to the President of the United States, to be laid before Congress; which, if disapproved of by Congress, shall thenceforth be of no force. The Governor or Legislative Council shall have no power over the primary disposal of the soil, nor to tax the lands of the United States, nor to interfere with the claims to land within the said Territory. The Governor shall convene, prorogue, and dissolve the Legislative Council whenever he may deem it expedient. It shall be his duty to obtain all the information in his power in relation to the customs, habits, and dispositions, of the inhabitants of the said Territory, and communicate the same, from time to time, to the President of the United States.”

It passed in the negative—yeas 12, nays 18, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Cocke, Hillhouse, Olcott, Plumer, Stone, Tracy, Venable, Wells, White, and Worthington.Nays.—Messrs. Armstrong, Baldwin, Bradley, Breckenridge, Brown, Condit, Dayton, Ellery, Franklin, Jackson, Logan, Maclay, Nicholas, Pickering, Potter, Israel Smith, John Smith, and Samuel Smith.

Yeas.—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Cocke, Hillhouse, Olcott, Plumer, Stone, Tracy, Venable, Wells, White, and Worthington.

Nays.—Messrs. Armstrong, Baldwin, Bradley, Breckenridge, Brown, Condit, Dayton, Ellery, Franklin, Jackson, Logan, Maclay, Nicholas, Pickering, Potter, Israel Smith, John Smith, and Samuel Smith.

The Senate resumed the second reading of the bill erecting Louisiana into two Territories, and providing for the temporary government thereof; and on the question to amend the following clause of the fifth section:

“In all criminal prosecutions which are capital, the trial shall be by a jury of twelve good and lawful men of the vicinage,” by striking out the words “which are capital.”

It passed in the negative—yeas 11, nays 16, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Cocke, Logan, Maclay, Plumer, Stone, Tracy, Wells, White, and Worthington.Nays.—Messrs. Baldwin, Bradley, Breckenridge, Condit, Dayton, Ellery, Franklin, Jackson, Nicholas, Olcott, Pickering, Potter, Israel Smith, John Smith, Samuel Smith, and Venable.

Yeas.—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Cocke, Logan, Maclay, Plumer, Stone, Tracy, Wells, White, and Worthington.

Nays.—Messrs. Baldwin, Bradley, Breckenridge, Condit, Dayton, Ellery, Franklin, Jackson, Nicholas, Olcott, Pickering, Potter, Israel Smith, John Smith, Samuel Smith, and Venable.

And after progress, on motion,

Ordered, That the consideration of this bill be further postponed.

After the adjournment of the High Court of Impeachments, the Senate adjourned.

TheVice Presidentbeing absent on account of the ill state of his health, the Senate proceeded to the election of a Presidentpro tempore,as the constitution provides; and the ballots having been collected and counted, a majority thereof was for the HonorableJohn Brown, who was accordingly elected President of the Senatepro tempore.

Mr.Loganpresented the memorial of the American Convention for promoting the abolition of slavery, and improving the condition of the African race, signed Matthew Franklin, president, praying that such laws may be enacted as shall prohibit the introduction of slaves into the Territory of Louisiana, lately ceded to the United States; and the petition was read.

The Senate resumed the second reading of the bill erecting Louisiana into two Territories, and providing for the temporary government thereof; and on motion to strike out of the fourth section, from the word “annually,” line fourth, to the words “United States,” line seventh, the words, “by the Governor, from among those holding real estate therein, and who shall have resided one year, at least, in the said Territory, and hold no office of profit under the Territory or the United States,” for the purpose of inserting the words following:

“The Governor shall lay off and divide the territory aforesaid into twenty-four convenient districts, from each of which districts there shall be chosen, annually, by the housekeepers resident therein, two of the most fit and discreet persons, who shall also be residents therein and landholders, and holding no office of profit under the territorial government, or that of the United States, and make a return of their names to the Governor, out of which number the Governor shall select twenty-four, to wit, one from each district. But if any of the districts should refuse or neglect to make such appointment for one month after the time appointed by the Governor for making the said elections, he shall then have the power of selecting from each district, so refusing or neglecting, one fit person for the purposes aforesaid.”

“The Governor shall lay off and divide the territory aforesaid into twenty-four convenient districts, from each of which districts there shall be chosen, annually, by the housekeepers resident therein, two of the most fit and discreet persons, who shall also be residents therein and landholders, and holding no office of profit under the territorial government, or that of the United States, and make a return of their names to the Governor, out of which number the Governor shall select twenty-four, to wit, one from each district. But if any of the districts should refuse or neglect to make such appointment for one month after the time appointed by the Governor for making the said elections, he shall then have the power of selecting from each district, so refusing or neglecting, one fit person for the purposes aforesaid.”

On this, a division on the question was called for, and that it be taken on striking out.

Whereupon, the yeas and nays being required by one-fifth of the Senators present, on striking out, it passed in the negative—yeas 15, nays 14, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Breckenridge, Cocke, Condit, Hillhouse, Logan, Maclay, Plumer, John Smith, Stone, Tracy, Venable, and Worthington.Nays.—Messrs. Armstrong, Baldwin, Bradley, Brown, Dayton, Ellery, Franklin, Jackson, Nicholas, Olcott, Pickering, Potter, Israel Smith, and Samuel Smith.

Yeas.—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Breckenridge, Cocke, Condit, Hillhouse, Logan, Maclay, Plumer, John Smith, Stone, Tracy, Venable, and Worthington.

Nays.—Messrs. Armstrong, Baldwin, Bradley, Brown, Dayton, Ellery, Franklin, Jackson, Nicholas, Olcott, Pickering, Potter, Israel Smith, and Samuel Smith.

The Senate resumed the second reading of the bill erecting Louisiana into two Territories, and providing for the temporary government thereof; and a motion was made to amend the bill, by inserting the following as section eighth:

“That it shall not be lawful for any person or persons to import or bring into the said Territory, from any port or place without the limits of the United States, or to cause or procure to be so imported or brought, or knowingly to aid or assist in so importing or bringing any slave or slaves; and every person so offending, and being thereof convicted, before any court within the said Territory, having competent jurisdiction, shall forfeit and pay, for each and every slave so imported or brought, the sum of —— dollars, one moiety for the use of the United States, and the other moiety for the use of the person who shall sue for the same; and every slave so imported or brought shall thereupon become entitled to, and receive his or her freedom.”

“That it shall not be lawful for any person or persons to import or bring into the said Territory, from any port or place without the limits of the United States, or to cause or procure to be so imported or brought, or knowingly to aid or assist in so importing or bringing any slave or slaves; and every person so offending, and being thereof convicted, before any court within the said Territory, having competent jurisdiction, shall forfeit and pay, for each and every slave so imported or brought, the sum of —— dollars, one moiety for the use of the United States, and the other moiety for the use of the person who shall sue for the same; and every slave so imported or brought shall thereupon become entitled to, and receive his or her freedom.”

Whereupon, a motion was made to amend the amendment by striking out, after the words “port or place,” the words “without the limits of the United States,” and insert in lieu thereof, “for sale.”

A division of the question was called for, and that it be taken on striking out; and, on the question, Shall the words be struck out? it passed in the negative,—yeas 6, nays 22, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Baldwin, Bradley, Ellery, Jackson, Israel Smith, and Samuel Smith.Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Armstrong, Breckenridge, Brown, Cocke, Condit, Franklin, Hillhouse, Logan, Maclay, Nicholas, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, Potter, John Smith, Stone, Venable, Wells, White, and Worthington.

Yeas.—Messrs. Baldwin, Bradley, Ellery, Jackson, Israel Smith, and Samuel Smith.

Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Armstrong, Breckenridge, Brown, Cocke, Condit, Franklin, Hillhouse, Logan, Maclay, Nicholas, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, Potter, John Smith, Stone, Venable, Wells, White, and Worthington.

On motion to agree to the original amendment, it passed in the affirmative—yeas 21, nays 6, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Breckenridge, Brown, Cocke, Condit, Franklin, Hillhouse, Logan, Maclay, Nicholas, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, Potter, John Smith, Stone, Venable, Wells, White, and Worthington.Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Baldwin, Bradley, Ellery, Jackson, and Israel Smith.

Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Breckenridge, Brown, Cocke, Condit, Franklin, Hillhouse, Logan, Maclay, Nicholas, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, Potter, John Smith, Stone, Venable, Wells, White, and Worthington.

Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Baldwin, Bradley, Ellery, Jackson, and Israel Smith.

The Senate resumed the second reading of the bill erecting Louisiana into two Territories, and providing for the temporary government thereof; and a motion was made to amend the bill, by adding the following to the new section, adopted as section eighth:

“And be it further enacted, That no male person brought into said Territory of Louisiana, from any parts of the United States or Territories thereof, or from any province or colony of America belonging to any foreign Prince or State, after the —— day of —— next, ought or can be holden by law to serve for more than the term of one year, any person as a servant, slave, or apprentice, after he attains the age of twenty-one years; nor female in like manner, after she attains the age of eighteen years, unless they are bound by their own voluntary act, after they arrive to such age, or bound by law for the payment of debts, damages, fines, or costs:Provided, That noperson held to service or labor in either of the States or Territories aforesaid, under the laws thereof, escaping into said Territory of Louisiana, shall, by any thing contained herein, he discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up in the manner prescribed by law.”

“And be it further enacted, That no male person brought into said Territory of Louisiana, from any parts of the United States or Territories thereof, or from any province or colony of America belonging to any foreign Prince or State, after the —— day of —— next, ought or can be holden by law to serve for more than the term of one year, any person as a servant, slave, or apprentice, after he attains the age of twenty-one years; nor female in like manner, after she attains the age of eighteen years, unless they are bound by their own voluntary act, after they arrive to such age, or bound by law for the payment of debts, damages, fines, or costs:Provided, That noperson held to service or labor in either of the States or Territories aforesaid, under the laws thereof, escaping into said Territory of Louisiana, shall, by any thing contained herein, he discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up in the manner prescribed by law.”

It passed in the negative—yeas 11, nays 17, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Bradley, Brown, Ellery, Hillhouse, Logan, Olcott, Plumer, Potter, Israel Smith, Wells, and Worthington.Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Armstrong, Baldwin, Breckenridge, Cocke, Condit, Dayton, Franklin, Jackson, Maclay, Nicholas, Pickering, John Smith, Samuel Smith, Venable, and White.

Yeas.—Messrs. Bradley, Brown, Ellery, Hillhouse, Logan, Olcott, Plumer, Potter, Israel Smith, Wells, and Worthington.

Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Armstrong, Baldwin, Breckenridge, Cocke, Condit, Dayton, Franklin, Jackson, Maclay, Nicholas, Pickering, John Smith, Samuel Smith, Venable, and White.

A motion was made to amend the bill, by adding to the end of section eighth, last adopted, the following:

“That it shall not be lawful for any person or persons to import or bring into the said Territory, from any port or place within the limits of the United States, or cause to, or procure to be so imported or brought, or knowingly to aid or assist in so importing or bringing any slave or slaves, which shall have been imported since the —— day of —— into any port or place within the limits of the United States, from any port or place without the limits of the United States; and every person so offending and being thereof convicted, before any court within the said Territory having competent jurisdiction, shall forfeit and pay, for each and every such slave so imported or brought, the sum of —— dollars; one moiety for the use of the person or persons who shall sue for the same. And no slave or slaves shall directly or indirectly be introduced into said Territory, except by a person or persons removing into said territory for actual settlement, and being at the time of such removalbona fideowner of such slave or slaves; and every slave imported or brought into the said Territory, contrary to the provisions of this act, shall thereupon be entitled to and receive his or her freedom.”

“That it shall not be lawful for any person or persons to import or bring into the said Territory, from any port or place within the limits of the United States, or cause to, or procure to be so imported or brought, or knowingly to aid or assist in so importing or bringing any slave or slaves, which shall have been imported since the —— day of —— into any port or place within the limits of the United States, from any port or place without the limits of the United States; and every person so offending and being thereof convicted, before any court within the said Territory having competent jurisdiction, shall forfeit and pay, for each and every such slave so imported or brought, the sum of —— dollars; one moiety for the use of the person or persons who shall sue for the same. And no slave or slaves shall directly or indirectly be introduced into said Territory, except by a person or persons removing into said territory for actual settlement, and being at the time of such removalbona fideowner of such slave or slaves; and every slave imported or brought into the said Territory, contrary to the provisions of this act, shall thereupon be entitled to and receive his or her freedom.”

And a division was called for, and that the question be taken on the first proposition, ending with the words, “sue for the same:” and, on the question to agree to this first division of the amendment, it passed in the affirmative—yeas 21, nays 7, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Bradley, Breckenridge, Brown, Cocke, Franklin, Hillhouse, Logan, Maclay, Nicholas, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, Potter, I. Smith, John Smith, Venable, Wells, White, and Worthington.Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Baldwin, Condit, Dayton, Ellery, Jackson, and Samuel Smith.

Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Bradley, Breckenridge, Brown, Cocke, Franklin, Hillhouse, Logan, Maclay, Nicholas, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, Potter, I. Smith, John Smith, Venable, Wells, White, and Worthington.

Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Baldwin, Condit, Dayton, Ellery, Jackson, and Samuel Smith.

A motion was made to strike out all that follows the word “and,” in the second division of the amendment, for the purpose of a further amendment; and after debate, the consideration of the subject was postponed.

The Senate resumed the second reading of the bill erecting Louisiana into two Territories, and providing for the temporary government thereof; and a motion was made to strike out the last division of the amendment proposed yesterday, to wit:

“And no slave or slaves shall, directly or indirectly, be introduced into said Territory except by a person or persons removing into said Territory for actual settlement, and being, at the time of such removal,bona fideowner of such slave or slaves; and every slave imported or brought into the said Territory, contrary to the provisions of this act, shall, thereupon, be entitled to, and receive, his or her freedom;” and to insert the following:“No slave shall be admitted into the said Territory from the United States or their Territories, who shall not be the property of some personbona fideremoving from the United States into the said Territory, and making an actual settlement therein, or who shall not have passed by descent or devise to the person or persons claiming the same, and residing within the said Territory, from some person or persons deceased in some one of the United States or their Territories; and every slave who shall be brought into said Territory, otherwise than is hereby permitted, shall be forfeited, and may be recovered by any person who shall sue for the same; and the person or persons offending herein shall moreover forfeit and pay —— dollars for every slave so brought in, to be recovered by action of debt in any court having jurisdiction thereof; one moiety to the use of the United States, and the other moiety to the use of the person who shall sue for the same. And in any action instituted for the recovery of the penalty aforesaid, the person or persons sued may be held to special bail:”

“And no slave or slaves shall, directly or indirectly, be introduced into said Territory except by a person or persons removing into said Territory for actual settlement, and being, at the time of such removal,bona fideowner of such slave or slaves; and every slave imported or brought into the said Territory, contrary to the provisions of this act, shall, thereupon, be entitled to, and receive, his or her freedom;” and to insert the following:

“No slave shall be admitted into the said Territory from the United States or their Territories, who shall not be the property of some personbona fideremoving from the United States into the said Territory, and making an actual settlement therein, or who shall not have passed by descent or devise to the person or persons claiming the same, and residing within the said Territory, from some person or persons deceased in some one of the United States or their Territories; and every slave who shall be brought into said Territory, otherwise than is hereby permitted, shall be forfeited, and may be recovered by any person who shall sue for the same; and the person or persons offending herein shall moreover forfeit and pay —— dollars for every slave so brought in, to be recovered by action of debt in any court having jurisdiction thereof; one moiety to the use of the United States, and the other moiety to the use of the person who shall sue for the same. And in any action instituted for the recovery of the penalty aforesaid, the person or persons sued may be held to special bail:”

And a division on the question was called for, and that it be taken on striking out; and, on the question, Shall the words be stricken out? it passed in the negative—yeas 13, nays 15, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Baldwin, Breckenridge, Cocke, Condit, Jackson, Nicholas, John Smith, Samuel Smith, Stone, Venable, and Wells.Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Bradley, Brown, Ellery, Franklin, Hillhouse, Logan, Maclay, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, Potter, Israel Smith, Worthington, and Wright.

Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Baldwin, Breckenridge, Cocke, Condit, Jackson, Nicholas, John Smith, Samuel Smith, Stone, Venable, and Wells.

Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Bradley, Brown, Ellery, Franklin, Hillhouse, Logan, Maclay, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, Potter, Israel Smith, Worthington, and Wright.

The Senate resumed the second reading of the bill erecting Louisiana into two Territories, and providing for the temporary government thereof; and on motion, to agree to the last division of the amendment proposed on the 30th ultimo, amended as follows:

“And no slave or slaves shall, directly or indirectly, be introduced into the said Territory except by a citizen of the United States, removing into said Territory for actual settlement, and being, at the time of such removal,bona fideowner of such slave or slaves; and every slave imported or brought into the said Territory, contrary to the provisions of this act, shall thereupon be entitled to, and receive, his or her freedom:”

“And no slave or slaves shall, directly or indirectly, be introduced into the said Territory except by a citizen of the United States, removing into said Territory for actual settlement, and being, at the time of such removal,bona fideowner of such slave or slaves; and every slave imported or brought into the said Territory, contrary to the provisions of this act, shall thereupon be entitled to, and receive, his or her freedom:”

It passed in the affirmative—yeas 18, nays 11, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Armstrong, Bradley, Breckenridge, Brown, Cocke, Condit, Franklin, Hillhouse, Logan, Maclay, Olcott, Plumer, Potter, S. Smith, Wells, White, Worthington, and Wright.

Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Baldwin, Dayton, Ellery, Jackson, Nicholas, Pickering, J. Smith, Stone, and Venable.

The Senate resumed the second reading of the bill erecting Louisiana into two Territories, and making provision for the temporary government thereof; and on motion to strike out the eighth section of the original bill, amended as follows:

“Sec. 8.The residue of the province of Louisiana, ceded to the United States, shall remain under the same name and form of government as heretofore, save only that the executive and judicial powers exercised by the former government of the province shall now be transferred to a Governor, to be appointed by the President of the United States: and that the powers exercised by the commandant of a post or district shall be hereafter vested in a civil officer, to be appointed by the President in the recess of the Senate, but to be nominated at the next meeting thereof for their advice and consent; under the orders of which commandant the officers, troops, and militia of his station shall be; who, in cases where the military have been used, under the laws heretofore existing, shall act by written orders and not in person; and the salary of the said officers, respectively, shall not exceed the rate of —— dollars per annum. The President of the United States, however, may unite the districts of two or more commandants of posts into one, where their proximity or ease of intercourse will permit without injury to the inhabitants thereof. The Governor shall receive an annual salary of —— dollars, payable quarter-yearly at the Treasury of the United States:”

“Sec. 8.The residue of the province of Louisiana, ceded to the United States, shall remain under the same name and form of government as heretofore, save only that the executive and judicial powers exercised by the former government of the province shall now be transferred to a Governor, to be appointed by the President of the United States: and that the powers exercised by the commandant of a post or district shall be hereafter vested in a civil officer, to be appointed by the President in the recess of the Senate, but to be nominated at the next meeting thereof for their advice and consent; under the orders of which commandant the officers, troops, and militia of his station shall be; who, in cases where the military have been used, under the laws heretofore existing, shall act by written orders and not in person; and the salary of the said officers, respectively, shall not exceed the rate of —— dollars per annum. The President of the United States, however, may unite the districts of two or more commandants of posts into one, where their proximity or ease of intercourse will permit without injury to the inhabitants thereof. The Governor shall receive an annual salary of —— dollars, payable quarter-yearly at the Treasury of the United States:”

It passed in the affirmative—yeas 16, nays 9, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Armstrong, Breckenridge, Cocke, Condit, Franklin, Hillhouse, Maclay, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, J. Smith, Stone, Venable, and Worthington.

Nays.—Messrs. Baldwin, Brown, Dayton, Ellery, Jackson, Nicholas, Potter, S. Smith, and Wright.

The Senate resumed the second reading of the bill erecting Louisiana into two Territories, and making provision for the temporary government thereof, and agreed to sundry amendments; and on motion to agree to a further amendment, as follows:

“Sec. 7.All free male white persons, who are housekeepers, and who shall have resided one year at least in the said Territory, shall be qualified to serve as grand or petit jurors in the courts of the said Territory; and they shall, until the Legislature thereof shall otherwise direct, be selected in such manner as the judges of the said courts, respectively, shall prescribe, so as to be most conducive to an impartial trial, and to be least burdensome to the inhabitants of the said Territory:”

“Sec. 7.All free male white persons, who are housekeepers, and who shall have resided one year at least in the said Territory, shall be qualified to serve as grand or petit jurors in the courts of the said Territory; and they shall, until the Legislature thereof shall otherwise direct, be selected in such manner as the judges of the said courts, respectively, shall prescribe, so as to be most conducive to an impartial trial, and to be least burdensome to the inhabitants of the said Territory:”

A motion was made to strike out from the beginning, to the words “and they,” inclusive, for the purpose of inserting, “persons to serve as grand and petit jurors in the courts of the said Territory.”

A division of the question was called for, and that it first be taken on striking out; and on the question, Shall these words be struck out? it was passed in the negative—yeas 10, nays 18, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Adams, Bradley, Brown, Hillhouse, Logan, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, John Smith, and Stone.Nays.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Breckenridge, Baldwin, Cocke, Condit, Ellery, Franklin, Jackson, Maclay, Nicholas, Potter, Samuel Smith, Sumter, Venable, Wells, Worthington, and Wright.

Yeas.—Messrs. Adams, Bradley, Brown, Hillhouse, Logan, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, John Smith, and Stone.

Nays.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Breckenridge, Baldwin, Cocke, Condit, Ellery, Franklin, Jackson, Maclay, Nicholas, Potter, Samuel Smith, Sumter, Venable, Wells, Worthington, and Wright.

On the question to agree to the original motion, it passed in the affirmative—yeas 21, nays 7, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Breckenridge, Baldwin, Cocke, Condit, Ellery, Franklin, Jackson, Logan, Maclay, Nicholas, Potter, Samuel Smith, Stone, Sumter, Venable, Wells, Worthington, and Wright.Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Bradley, Hillhouse, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, and John Smith.

Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Breckenridge, Baldwin, Cocke, Condit, Ellery, Franklin, Jackson, Logan, Maclay, Nicholas, Potter, Samuel Smith, Stone, Sumter, Venable, Wells, Worthington, and Wright.

Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Bradley, Hillhouse, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, and John Smith.

The Senate resumed the third reading of the bill erecting Louisiana into two Territories, and making provision for the temporary government thereof; and on motion to amend the bill, by striking out of section 10th, the words:

“And no slave or slaves shall, directly or indirectly, be introduced into said Territory, except by a citizen of the United States removing into said Territory for actual settlement, and being at the time of such removalbona fideowner of such slave or slaves:”

“And no slave or slaves shall, directly or indirectly, be introduced into said Territory, except by a citizen of the United States removing into said Territory for actual settlement, and being at the time of such removalbona fideowner of such slave or slaves:”

It passed in the negative—yeas 9, nays 19, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Baldwin, Cocke, Dayton, Nicholas, John Smith, Stone, Venable, and Wright.Nays.—Messrs. Armstrong, Bradley, Breckenridge, Brown, Condit, Ellery, Franklin, Hillhouse, Jackson, Logan, Maclay, Olcott, Plumer, Potter, Israel Smith, Samuel Smith, Sumter, Wells, and White.

Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Baldwin, Cocke, Dayton, Nicholas, John Smith, Stone, Venable, and Wright.

Nays.—Messrs. Armstrong, Bradley, Breckenridge, Brown, Condit, Ellery, Franklin, Hillhouse, Jackson, Logan, Maclay, Olcott, Plumer, Potter, Israel Smith, Samuel Smith, Sumter, Wells, and White.

On motion to expunge from the same section, after the word “slaves,” the words “and every slave imported or brought into said Territory, contrary to the provisions of this act, shall thereupon be entitled to and receive his or her freedom:”

It passed in the negative—yeas 11, nays 17, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Baldwin, Breckenridge, Cocke, Dayton, Jackson, Nicholas, Stone, Sumter, and Venable.Nays.—Messrs. Bradley, Brown, Condit, Ellery, Franklin, Hillhouse, Logan, Maclay, Olcott, Plumer, Potter, Israel Smith, John Smith, Samuel Smith, Wells, White, and Wright.

Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Baldwin, Breckenridge, Cocke, Dayton, Jackson, Nicholas, Stone, Sumter, and Venable.

Nays.—Messrs. Bradley, Brown, Condit, Ellery, Franklin, Hillhouse, Logan, Maclay, Olcott, Plumer, Potter, Israel Smith, John Smith, Samuel Smith, Wells, White, and Wright.

On motion to insert, in the same section, line 3d, after the word “States,” the words “or from any State authorizing the importation of slaves from any foreign port or place:”

It passed in the negative—yeas 8, nays 13, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Brown, Hillhouse, Logan, Olcott, Plumer, John Smith, White, and Wright.Nays.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Baldwin, Bradley, Breckenridge, Cocke, Condit, Dayton, Ellery, Franklin, Jackson, Maclay, Nicholas, Potter, Israel Smith, Samuel Smith, Sumter, and Venable.

Yeas.—Messrs. Brown, Hillhouse, Logan, Olcott, Plumer, John Smith, White, and Wright.

Nays.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Baldwin, Bradley, Breckenridge, Cocke, Condit, Dayton, Ellery, Franklin, Jackson, Maclay, Nicholas, Potter, Israel Smith, Samuel Smith, Sumter, and Venable.

And having further amended the bill, and filled the blanks, it was agreed that the question on its final passage be postponed until to-morrow.

The Senate resumed the third reading of the bill erecting Louisiana into two Territories, and making provision for the temporary government thereof; and on the question to agree to the final passage of this bill, it was determined in the affirmative—yeas 20, nays 5, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Baldwin, Bradley, Breckenridge, Brown, Cocke, Condit, Ellery, Franklin, Jackson, Logan, Maclay, Nicholas, Potter, John Smith, Samuel Smith, Sumter, Venable, and Wright.Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Hillhouse, Olcott, Plumer, and Stone.

Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Baldwin, Bradley, Breckenridge, Brown, Cocke, Condit, Ellery, Franklin, Jackson, Logan, Maclay, Nicholas, Potter, John Smith, Samuel Smith, Sumter, Venable, and Wright.

Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Hillhouse, Olcott, Plumer, and Stone.

So it wasResolved, That this bill pass, that it be engrossed, and that the title thereof be “An act erecting Louisiana into two Territories, and making provision for the temporary government thereof.”[6]

John Smith, appointed a Senator by the Legislature of the State of New York, in the room of De Witt Clinton, took his seat in the Senate, and his credentials were read, and the oath prescribed by law was administered to him by the President.

Agreeably to the resolution of yesterday, the Senate proceeded to elect a doorkeeper, or assistant to James Mathers, Sergeant-at-Arms; and Henry Timms was appointed.

John Armstrong, appointed a Senator by the Legislature of the State of New York, in the room of Theodorus Bailey, took his seat in the Senate, and his credentials were read, and the oath prescribed by law was administered to him by the President.

TheVice Presidentbeing absent, the Senate proceeded to the election of a Presidentpro tempore, as the constitution prescribes, and the ballots having been collected and counted, a majority thereof was for the HonorableJesse Franklin, who was accordingly elected President of the Senatepro tempore.

Ordered, That the Secretary wait on the President of the United States, and acquaint him that the Senate have, in the absence of theVice President, elected the honorableJesse FranklinPresident of the Senatepro tempore.

Ordered, That the Secretary make a like communication to the House of Representatives.

A message from the House of Representatives, by Messrs.J. RandolphandEarly, two of their members, was received, as follows:

“Mr. President: We are ordered, in the name of the House of Representatives and of all the People of the United States, to impeach Samuel Chase, one of the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, of high crimes and misdemeanors; and to acquaint the Senate that the House of Representatives will, in due time, exhibit particular articles of impeachment against him, and make good the same.

“We are also ordered to demand that the Senate take order for the appearance of the said Samuel Chase, to answer to the said impeachment.”

The Senate took into consideration the amendment reported by the committee to the bill, entitled “An act authorizing the appointment of Commissioners to explore the routes most eligible for opening certain public roads;” and on the question to agree to the said amendment, as follows:

Strike out, in the first section, after the word “proceed,” in the fourth line, to the word “and,” in the seventh line, and insert, “to explore and designate the most eligible route for a turnpike road, to lead from Fort Cumberland, on the Potomac, to Wheeling, on the Ohio.”

It passed in the negative—yeas 13, nays 15, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Breckenridge, Cocke, Dayton, Franklin, Pickering, Israel Smith, John Smith of Ohio, Samuel Smith, Stone, Sumter, Worthington, and Wright.Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Armstrong, Baldwin, Bradley, Ellery, Hillhouse, Jackson, Logan, Maclay, Nicholas, Olcott, Plumer, John Smith of New York, Venable, and White.

Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Breckenridge, Cocke, Dayton, Franklin, Pickering, Israel Smith, John Smith of Ohio, Samuel Smith, Stone, Sumter, Worthington, and Wright.

Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Armstrong, Baldwin, Bradley, Ellery, Hillhouse, Jackson, Logan, Maclay, Nicholas, Olcott, Plumer, John Smith of New York, Venable, and White.

Ordered, That the bill be recommitted, and that Messrs.Nicholas,Worthington, andDaytonbe the committee further to consider and report thereon to the Senate.

Mr.Baldwin, from the committee to whom yesterday was referred the message from the House of Representatives relative to the impeachment of Samuel Chase, made report; which was read and adopted, as follows:

“Whereas, the House of Representatives, on the 13th day of the present month, by two of their members, Messrs. John Randolph and Early, at the bar of the Senate, impeached Samuel Chase, one of the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, of high crimes and misdemeanors, and acquainted the Senate that the House of Representatives will, in due time, exhibit particular articles of impeachment against him, and make good the same;“And likewise demanded that the Senate take order for the appearance of the said Samuel Chase to answer to the said impeachment. Therefore,“Resolved, That the Senate will take proper order thereon, of which due notice shall be given to the House of Representatives.”Resolved, That the Secretary of the Senate notify the House of this resolution.

“Whereas, the House of Representatives, on the 13th day of the present month, by two of their members, Messrs. John Randolph and Early, at the bar of the Senate, impeached Samuel Chase, one of the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, of high crimes and misdemeanors, and acquainted the Senate that the House of Representatives will, in due time, exhibit particular articles of impeachment against him, and make good the same;

“And likewise demanded that the Senate take order for the appearance of the said Samuel Chase to answer to the said impeachment. Therefore,

“Resolved, That the Senate will take proper order thereon, of which due notice shall be given to the House of Representatives.”

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Senate notify the House of this resolution.

The Senate resumed the third reading of the bill, entitled “An act to alter and establish certain post roads.”

On motion, to add the following after section third:

“And be it further enacted, That two post roads shall be laid out, under the inspection of commissioners to be appointed by the President of the United States, one to lead from Tellico block-house, in the State of Tennessee, and the other from Jackson court-house, in the State of Georgia, by routes the most eligible, and as nearly direct as the nature of the ground will admit, to New Orleans.”

“And be it further enacted, That two post roads shall be laid out, under the inspection of commissioners to be appointed by the President of the United States, one to lead from Tellico block-house, in the State of Tennessee, and the other from Jackson court-house, in the State of Georgia, by routes the most eligible, and as nearly direct as the nature of the ground will admit, to New Orleans.”

It passed in the affirmative—yeas 17, nays 10, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Baldwin, Breckenridge, Cocke, Dayton, Franklin, Jackson, Maclay, Nicholas, John Smith of Ohio, John Smith of New York, Samuel Smith, Stone, Sumter, Venable, and Worthington.Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Bradley, Hillhouse, Logan, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, Israel Smith, Tracy, and White.

Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Baldwin, Breckenridge, Cocke, Dayton, Franklin, Jackson, Maclay, Nicholas, John Smith of Ohio, John Smith of New York, Samuel Smith, Stone, Sumter, Venable, and Worthington.

Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Bradley, Hillhouse, Logan, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, Israel Smith, Tracy, and White.

And, sundry other amendments having been agreed to,

Resolved, That this bill do pass as amended.

The bill for the temporary removal of the seat of Government of the United States to the city of Baltimore was taken up for its second reading.

[The debate which took place on this occasion, had progressed to some length before the reporter entered the House. Mr.Wrightwas then on the floor, and had made a motion to postpone the further consideration of the bill until the first Monday in May.]

Mr. W. assigned as reasons for this motion, that it was not his intention in presenting the bill, that it should pass; but that it had been offered with the view of acting as a spur to the inhabitants of Washington to effect a more complete accommodation of Congress. He trusted and believed it would have that effect; and the operation of the postponement would, by hanging the bill over their heads, most powerfully tend to produce the desirable result of a concentration of the city, and an augmentation of accommodation.

Mr.Jacksonfollowed, and, in terms of appropriateenergy, condemned the proposition of removal. He said he should not have believed, but for the express declaration of the gentleman from Maryland, that he would have brought forward a bill the sole object of which was to frighten the women and children of Washington. So far from the measure having the desired effect avowed by the gentleman, if it had any effect whatever, it would be to shake all confidence in the Government, to repress the very accommodation desired.

Mr. J. denied the moral right of Congress to remove the seat of Government; it had been fixed under the constitution, and without its violation could not be changed.

Such a measure would indicate a prostration of plighted faith; would destroy all confidence in the Government, from one end of the continent to the other.

Gentlemen, in favor of this measure, should know its cost. Already had the present seat of Government, in its origination and consequences, cost the nation the assumption of the State debts to the amount of twenty-one millions, and between one and two millions for public accommodation. Would gentlemen be willing not only to lose all that had been expended, but likewise to indemnify the proprietors in the city, whose assessed property amounted to two and a half millions of dollars, and the proprietors of property in the whole District, the amount of which he was unable to state?

Mr. J. concluded by saying, he should vote against the postponement, under the expectation that the Senate would take up the bill and reject it by a majority so great, that no similar proposition should ever again be brought before them.

Mr.Andersondeclared himself hostile to the postponement, as he was in favor of the passage of the bill, under certain modifications. He considered Congress possessed the constitutional power of altering the seat of Government; and he believed, from an experience of the inconveniences attending the existing seat, it was their duty to change it. He allowed that, in such an event, an obligation would arise to indemnify the proprietors for the losses they would thereby sustain. This, however, he considered the lesser evil; as the sum required to make an indemnity would be less than that required for the improvements contemplated, and which are necessary to accommodate the Government.

Mr.Cockedeclared himself decidedly inimical to the bill. The permanent seat of Government was fixed under the constitution, and the power did not belong to Congress to alter it.

Mr.Adamsstrenuously contended against the right of Congress to remove the seat of Government. To do so, would be to prostrate the national faith, and to shake the confidence of the nation in the Government. He considered the proposed measure as inexpedient as it was unconstitutional; as it tended directly to defeat the object of the mover.

Mr.S. Smithsaid, he should vote in favor of the postponement, because he believed, if the bill were not postponed, it would consume more time than could, at this late period of the session, be spared, without a serious neglect of important business before Congress. He expressed his regret at its introduction.

The question was then taken on the motion of postponement, and decided in the negative—yeas 3, nays 24, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. I. Smith, S. Smith, and Wright.Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Armstrong, Baldwin, Bradley, Breckenridge, Cocke, Dayton, Franklin, Jackson, Logan, Maclay, Nicholas, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, John Smith of Ohio, John Smith of New York, Stone, Sumter, Tracy, Venable, White, and Worthington.

Yeas.—Messrs. I. Smith, S. Smith, and Wright.

Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Armstrong, Baldwin, Bradley, Breckenridge, Cocke, Dayton, Franklin, Jackson, Logan, Maclay, Nicholas, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, John Smith of Ohio, John Smith of New York, Stone, Sumter, Tracy, Venable, White, and Worthington.

The bill was then read a second time.

Mr.Daytonsaid, he had been instructed by the Legislature of New Jersey, in case any prospect presented itself of a removal of the seat of Government, to offer, in their name, the public buildings in Trenton for their accommodation. He, therefore, gave notice that, in case the bill went to a third reading, he should produce his instructions, and move the substitution of Trenton in the room of Baltimore. At the same time, he was free to declare his opinion of the impolicy of the proposed measure. The provision of the constitution had arisen from an experience of the necessity of establishing a permanent seat for the Government. To avert the evils arising from a perpetual state of mutation, and from the agitation of the public mind whenever it is discussed, the constitution had wisely provided for the establishment of a permanent seat, vesting in Congress exclusive legislation over it. While he declared this as his creed, he begged it to be understood that there were, in his opinion, some rightful grounds of removal. There were four such, two of which were the following: if the place should be found a grave-yard for those who resided in it, or if the inconveniences of conducting the machine of government should be so great as to prevent the due transaction of the public business. For the existence of these, no fault could be attached to the District. If, therefore, a removal took place on their account, Congress were bound to indemnify the proprietors. There were two other grounds of removal, which would justify a removal without indemnity, as they would be the effect of the misconduct of the inhabitants of the District. These were, the evidence of a turbulent spirit, endangering the safety of Congress, and of a determined resolution, arising from a dissatisfaction which the Government or Congress expressed in favor of a recession.

When he stated these grounds for removal, Mr. D. said, it was not from any apprehension of their occurrence. On the contrary, he believed the Government in perfect safety, and he was convinced, if any hostile arm should be raised against it, the inhabitants of Columbia would be ready to shed their blood in its defence.

Nothing could exceed his surprise at the motives expressed by the gentleman from Maryland for bringing forward this measure. He should have expected, if the gentleman wished to promote the interests of the city, he would have imitated the example of the Athenians, who, in order to make a particular fund devoted to theatrical exhibitions sacred, had passed a law punishing with death any man who should move to divert it from its allotted purpose; and that the honorable gentleman, instead of bringing forward this bill, would have introduced one punishing with death the man who should move a change of the seat of Government; so that he who made the attempt might know that he did it with a halter around his neck.

Mr.Maclaymoved to strike out the words “Baltimore,” and “Maryland,” in the first section.

Motion agreed to—ayes 14, noes 10.

Mr. M. then observed, that he would concisely state the ideas which influenced him on this subject. For the existing inconveniences of this place, and the want of accommodation to which Congress was exposed, he did not consider the inhabitants of Washington in the least to blame. The causes from which these flowed, it was not in their power to control. They arose, in a great measure, from the city being surrounded by seats of trade, which naturally repressed its rise here. Those inconveniences were, he believed, of a nature not to be cured by time, and, if there was no constitutional obstacle, it would be the best policy to remove immediately. He contended that no constitutional obstacle did exist. On the contrary, he was of opinion that it was the duty of the Legislature, in case the public good required it, to remove the seat of Government. He believed that this place would not long remain the seat. The members of the Government will become tired of remaining here, when they are convinced that the inconveniences which they experience will not promote the advantage even of their posterity. The single question then is, whether less inconvenience will be produced by an immediate or a protracted removal. He was clearly of opinion that the inconvenience of removing, at this time, would be less than at a future day. He concluded by saying, that he should not, himself, have brought forward this measure at the present time. He would have waited for more conclusive proofs of the insuperable inconveniences attending a residence at this place, when opinions, at present variant, would be more united.

Mr.Jacksonsaid, the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr.Maclay) had picked a hole in the bill, and what effect it would produce, he could not pretend to say. If the word “Baltimore” had been suffered to remain, it would have been rejected by a large majority.

Mr. J. then went at some length into a view of the unconstitutionality of a removal, and the happy situation of Washington for the seat of the Government. He said that he was far from being friendly, in the first instance, to this measure, which might be called the hobby-horse of, perhaps, the most illustrious man that ever lived. But, once adopted, it became sacred in his eyes; and nothing short of an act of God, in the shape of an earthquake, a plague, or some other fatal scourge, would justify a removal; and, he trusted, that unless some such act occurred, this would be the last time the measure was proposed.

The time would come, though he hoped to God neither his children nor his children’s children would live to see it, when the population on this side of the Mississippi would pass that river, and when the seat of Government would be translated to its banks. Centuries would, however, elapse before that period arrived.

Mr.Andersonsaid, there was no such word in the constitution as “permanent,” applied to the seat of Government; nor did the constitution prohibit the removal of it when the public interest should require it. Believing that such would be the experience of the inconveniences of the place, that Congress would certainly remove within five years, he was for taking that step now. The ill accommodation of the place was manifest to every man; nor did he believe that time would cure the evil. Such losses, however, as should be sustained by the proprietors, he was ready to remunerate. This was the least expensive course which could be pursued, as to make the necessary improvements in this place will require at least the annual sum of fifty thousand dollars for twenty years to come, and at least thirty thousand dollars a year to keep the public buildings in a state of repair. In addition to this immense expense was to be added, the great loss of time which arose from the inconvenient arrangements of the place, and the consequent expenditure of public money. For these reasons, Mr. A. said, he should give a decided vote in favor of the bill.

Mr.Jacksonremarked, that the gentleman from Tennessee ought, in forming his opinion of the constitutionality of removing the seat of Government, to attend as well to the laws passed by Congress on the subject, as to the provisions of the constitution itself. [Mr. J. here read the article of the constitution on the subject.] He said that, according to the rigid construction of this provision, it excluded altogether atemporaryseat, after this part of the constitution was carried into effect. Under this constitutional provision, Congress passed an act on the 6th of July, 1790, not more than a year and a half after the first meeting of the Legislature, and when many of the members of that body had been members of the convention, and might, therefore, be presumed to be the best acquainted with the true meaning of the constitution. This act fixed a temporary and a permanent seat of Government. [Mr. J. read it.] He then asked, can any thing be more clear and explicit? Does it not show, in terms of unequivocal meaning, that it was the opinion of the men best qualifiedto decide, that the seat of Government, once fixed under the provision of the constitution, must be permanent? It was not then imagined that the Government ought to be travelling about from post to pillar, according to the prevalence of this or that party or faction. All the ideas of that day were hostile to this wheelbarrow kind of Government.

Mr.Wrightcontended that, while the constitution had sacredly and irrevocably fixed the permanent seat of Government in this place, Congress might make some other place the temporary seat.

Mr.Andersonsaid, that all that the law passed by Congress proved was, that Congress, and not the constitution, had declared this place the permanent seat. This law, like other laws, was subject to repeal.

Mr.Adamswished, on this subject, to be explicit. He asked what was the meaning of the article of the constitution on this point, and all the laws of Congress passed under it? From the formation of the constitution until the removal of the Government to this place, but one sentiment had existed, which was, that the seat of the Government once fixed under the constitution, became the permanent seat. As to the idea of the gentleman from Maryland, who says this is the permanent seat while Congress are going from one place to another, he could not understand it. The constitution says, the place fixed on by Congress, on the cession of jurisdiction by the States, shall be the seat of Government. The idea of a temporary seat implies, necessarily, two seats of Government. But the expression in the constitution is “seat,” and that implies only one seat. The reason of this provision of the constitution is obvious. As the gentleman from Georgia has very justly observed, the Government had been driven from post to pillar. The question, what place should be the seat of Government, had never presented itself without enkindling violent feelings; and it was supposed that the question would continue to distract our public councils, until some permanent seat of Government was fixed. To carry this into effect, the constitution interposed, and said, ten miles square shall be given to Congress, where their power shall be sovereign, and that shall be the seat of Government. Why give this exclusive legislation, if their residence is not to be permanent? Would it not be the acme of the ridiculous, for Congress to go to Philadelphia, and still continue to exercise exclusive legislation here? Let us now turn to the acts of Congress, and the proceedings had under them. [Mr. A. here read the act of Congress fixing the seat of Government.] It will appear that it was the intention of Congress that this should be the permanent seat of the Government, from the public buildings erected. Thus much as to the understanding of the Government. Now, as to the meaning of Maryland and Virginia, who gave up the territory, and also gave considerable sums of money for its improvement. Could this have possibly been done under the contemplation that Congress would come here, and, after staying three or four years, run off to different quarters of the Union?

Now then, after this uniform opinion, entertained by Congress, by the States of Maryland and Virginia, and by every man who has expressed an opinion on the subject, until within a few years past, are we to be told that it is possible to give a different construction to the constitution? If any thing can fix a meaning to words, every thing which has occurred to this day, unites to decide this the permanent seat of the Government. These, said Mr. A., are my ideas. On the ground of expediency, if it were admitted as applicable to the present question, I would not undertake to say whether this is the most proper place for the residence of the Government. Nor will I say that Congress could not, consistently, remove in consequence of an act of God; that implies force, to which all human institutions must give way. But, say gentlemen, if we remove, we must indemnify the proprietors. But why indemnify if the constitution does not make this the permanent seat of Government, as it has been understood to be by every body until this day? Where is the propriety of indemnifying the holders of property here, if this is not the permanent seat, more than proprietors in Philadelphia or New York, where Congress formerly met? This very argument, urged by the advocates of the bill, shows that the constitution has made this the permanent seat. As to the idea of some gentlemen, of granting millions for an indemnity, the thing is impossible; it cannot be done; the people will not suffer it.

Mr.Daytonreplied to some of the remarks made in the course of the debate, principally for the purpose of explaining his previous observations.

When the question was taken, on ordering the bill to a third reading, and passed in the negative—yeas 9, nays 19, as follows:


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