And for Alfgar and Ethelgiva, they lived to see a their children's children, and peace upon Israel, surviving until the close of the reign of Edward the Confessor, the son of Ethelred and Emma. Their days were days of peace, in strange contrast to their youthful years.
"Peace! and no more from out her brazen portalsThe blast of war's great organ shakes the skies;But, beautiful as songs of the immortals,The holy harmonies of peace arise."--Longfellow.
"Peace! and no more from out her brazen portalsThe blast of war's great organ shakes the skies;But, beautiful as songs of the immortals,The holy harmonies of peace arise."--Longfellow.
THE END.
iGenealogy of Aescendune.
The reader may be glad to have the genealogy of the family in whom it has been the author's aim to interest him placed clearly before him. The following genealogical table, including the principal names in "The First Chronicle of Aescendune," as well as those in the present book, may suffice, the date of decease being given in each case.
Offa, 940
Oswald, 937.
Redwald, 959.
Ella, 959, m. Edith.
Elfric, 960.
Alfred, 998, m. Alftrude.
Elfric, 975.
Elfwyn, 1086, m. Hilda.
Bertric, 1006.
Ethelgiva, 1064 m. Alfgar.
Cuthbert, 1034.
Bertha, 1050 m. Herstan.
Edgitha, 990.
iiCurse of Dunstan.
"In the year of our Lord's incarnation 979, Ethelred, son of Edgar and Elfrida, obtaining the kingdom, occupied, rather than governed it, for thirty-seven years. The career of his life is said to have been cruel in the beginning, wretched in the middle, and disgraceful in the end. Thus, in the murder to which he gave his concurrence he was cruel, base in his flight and effeminacy, miserable in his death.
"The nobility being assembled by the contrivance of his mother, and the day being appointed for Dunstan, in right of his see, to crown him, he, though he might be ill-affected to them, forebore to resist, being a prelate of mature age well versed in secular matters. But, when placing the crown on his head, he could not refrain from giving vent, with a loud voice, to that prophetic spirit which he so deeply imbibed. 'Since,' said he, 'thou hast aspired to the kingdom by the death of thy brother, hear the word of God. Thus saith the Lord God: The sin of thy abandoned mother, and of the accomplices of her base design, shall not be washed out but by much blood of the wretched inhabitants; and such evils shall come upon the English nation as they have never suffered from the time they came to England until then.' Nor was it long after, that is in his third year, that seven piratical vessels came to Southampton, a port near Winchester, and having ravaged the coast fled back to the sea. This I think right to mention, because many reports are circulated among the English concerning these vessels."--William of Malmesbury, English Chronicle, Bohn's Edition, pp.
165-166.
iiiSee "First Chronicle of Aescendune."
ivChronology of Father Cuthbert.
The Christian era did not come in use until about the year 532, when it was first introduced in the code of canon law compiled by Dionysius Exiguus, and, even then, the year of the world was still frequently used, as in some cases in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. When at length the Christian computation became universal, some began the year with the Incarnation (Christmas), others with the Annunciation; a custom not wholly abolished in England till 1752, when the "New Style," or Gregorian Calendar, was introduced.
But in the latter part of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, and the portion upon which our tale is based, the year invariably opens with the Nativity--hence this reckoning has been used in the text, and the Christmas day in chapter 3 begins a new year.
vNow Banbury.
viDeath of St. Edmund.
There are two stories (or more) concerning the Danish invasion in which the saintly Edmund met his death; the first, alluded to in the song of the Etheling (chapter 11), tells how Ragnar Lodbrog, a great sea king, invaded England, but his fleet being shattered by a storm, fell into the hands of Ella, King of Northumbria, who threw him into a pit full of toads and serpents, where he perished, singing his death song to the last, and calling upon his sons to avenge his fate. Those sons were Hinguar and Hubba. They invaded East Anglia after they had avenged their father upon Ella, and King Edmund fought against them, but was taken prisoner. They offered him his life and throne if he would forsake Christianity, and reign under them. But he steadfastly refused, whereupon they put him to death after the manner described in the tale in the case of Bertric, while he called steadfastly upon Christ until his latest breath.
The other tale, given at length by Roger Wendover, tells that Ragnar Lodbrog, with only his hawk in his hand, was driven by a storm to the coast of East Anglia, that King Edmund made him his huntsman, but the former huntsman, Beorn, slew him through jealousy; that King Edmund put Beorn bound in the boat which had brought Lodbrog over, and sent him adrift to perish at sea. But the storm in turn blew him to Denmark, where he told the sons of the man he had slain that Edmund had murdered their father. Hence they came to avenge him. The remainder of the tale agrees with the former narrative, and is the only portion which certainly possesses historical truth.
St. Edmund has been much venerated in the eastern counties, and his shrine at Edmundsbury was greatly reverenced. The tale of the death of Sweyn, given in chapter 18, is a proof of this feeling, in which perhaps the legend partly originated.
viiThe Rista Oern.
This punishment was usual among the Northmen, and was called "at rista oern," from the supposed resemblance of the victim to the figure of an eagle. The operation was generally performed by the chief himself. It is thus described by Snorre:
"Ad speciem aquilae dorsum ita ei laniabat, ut adacto ad spinam gladio, costisque omnibus ad lumbos usque a tergo divisis, pulmones extraheret."--Snorre, p. 108.
viiiFirst appearance of Edmund.
The first mention of Edmund in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle as the commander of the English forces is A.D. 1015, where he was joined with Edric in the command, as related in the text, chapter 18. The date of his birth is uncertain, but the comparison of authorities appeared to the author to justify the ascription of the character and actions, with which he is credited in the tale, to the English hero who first taught his generation to assert their equality with the fierce Danish invaders.
ixThe appellations Wiltshire and Berkshire are of course of later date.
xThe early name of Abingdon.
Johnson, the compiler of the famous collection of English canons, is of opinion that Cloveshoo, where the famous provincial council was held A.D. 803, is identical with Abingdon, and that the town lost its ancient name simply owing to the growing notoriety of the famous abbey; for "no one," says he, "can doubt that the name Abingdon was taken from the abbey." The first memorial, he adds, in which he finds the name Abingdon, is in the Chronicle wherein the burial of Bishop Sidesman, A.D. 977, in St. Mary's Minster, "which is at Abingdon," is mentioned, who was honourably buried on the north side of that fane in St. Paul's Chapel.
On the other hand, some learned antiquarians have maintained the opposite opinion, that the name Abingdon existed even prior to the foundation of the monastery; thus the Rev. Joseph Stevenson, in his edition of the "Chronicle of the Abbey of Abingdon," says-- "Abingdon derives its name, not, as might at first sight be supposed, from the abbey there founded--Abbey dune or Abbots dune: philology forbids it. The place was so called from Abba, one of the early colonists of Berkshire."
xiBishops of Dorchester.
There appears to have been much uncertainty concerning the succession of the bishops of this important see, owing, perhaps, to the confusion caused by its having been the seat of two totally distinct jurisdictions--the one over Wessex, the other over great part of Mercia.
The names of the bishops in the narrative are taken from a list kindly furnished by the Rev. W. Macfarlane, the present vicar of the Abbey Church, whose indefatigable efforts have restored to the ancient fane much of the glory of its ancient days.
According to this list, Ednoth was bishop from 1006 to 1016, when he was slain by the Danes as recorded in the text; and Ethelm succeeding, ruled the see till A.D. 1034, through the comparatively happy days of Canute.
xiiEnd of the Campaign of 1006.
The following extract from the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" gives the further history of the campaign very concisely:
"Then went the Danes to Wallingford, and that all burned, and were then one day in Cholsey: and they went then along Ashdown to Cuckamsley hill, and there abode, as a daring boast; for it had been often said, if they should reach Cuckamsley hill, that they would never again get to the sea: then they went homewards another way. Then were forces assembled at Kennet, and they there joined battle: and they soon put that band to flight, and afterwards brought their booty to the sea. But there might the Winchester men see an army daring and fearless, as they went by their gates towards the sea, and fetched themselves food and treasures over fifty miles from thence. Then had the king gone over Thames into Shropshire, and there took up his abode during the midwinter's tide. Then became the dread of the army so great, that no man could think or discover how they could be driven out of the land, or this land maintained against them; for they had every shire in Wessex sadly marked by burning and by plundering. Then the king began earnestly with the witan to consider what might seem most advisable to them all, so that this land might be saved, before it was utterly destroyed. Then the king and his witan decreed, for the behoof of the whole nation, though it was hateful to them all, that they needs must pay tribute to the Danish army. Then the king sent to the army, and directed it to be made known to them that he would that there should be a truce between them, and that tribute should be paid, and food given them. And then all that they accepted, and then were they victualled from throughout the English nation."-- Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Bohn's Edition.
xiiiThis is copied almost verbatim from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.
xivThe account is taken almost verbatim from Florence of Worcester.
xvChildren of Ethelred.
By his two wives--(1) Aelfleda--(2) Emma, Ethelred had fourteen children, of whom only four or five have been mentioned in this narrative, or are of importance to the student--Edmund Ironside and his brother Edwy (chapter 25), by Aelfleda, and Alfred and Edward by Emma--the last well known in history as Edward the Confessor, and introduced in Chapter XIX. of this tale. The following genealogical table from Edgar to the children of Edmund may be of use. It will be remembered that the lineage of the present royal house passes through the last-named son of Edmund Ironside to Egbert:
Edgar
Edward the Martyr, d. 979.
Ethelred the Unready, d. 1016.
Edmund Ironside, 1016.
Edmund.
Edward, who became the great-grandfather of Henry the Second.
Edwy.
Elgitha.
Alfred, 1036.
Edward the Confessor, 1066.
xviSceorstan.
Antiquarians differ much about the site of this famous battle. Sharp thinks it was near Chipping Norton in Oxfordshire, and Thorpe, in his notes to "Florence of Worcester," says--"May not Chimney be the spot, a hamlet in Oxfordshire, in the parish of Bampton-in-the-Bush, near the edge of Gloucestershire, the name of Chimney being merely a translation, introduced after the Norman Conquest, of Sceorstan, which may probably have owed its origin to a Saxon house or hall, conspicuous for having a chimney when that luxury was of rare occurrence?" Others say that Sceorstan was not in Anglo-Saxon "a chimney," but "a graven stone," and make the site that of a boundary stone, still separating the four counties of Oxford, Gloucester, Worcester, and Warwick, near Chipping Norton. Bosworth says it is Sherston in Wilts.
xviiSingle Combat between Edmund and Canute.
The following account is from Roger of Wendover:
"A few days after this lamentable battle (Assingdun), in which so many nobles fell, King Edmund pursued Canute, who was now committing ravages in Gloucestershire. The said kings therefore came together to fight at a place called Deerhurst, Edmund with his men being on the west side of the river Severn, and Canute with his men on the east, both preparing themselves manfully for battle. When both armies were now on the point of engaging, the wicked Earl Edric called together the chiefs and addressed them as follows: 'Nobles and warriors, why do we foolishly so often hazard our lives in battle for our kings, when not even our deaths secure to them the kingdom, or put an end to their covetousness? My counsel then is, that they alone should fight who alone are contending for the kingdom; for what must be the lust of dominion, when England, which formerly sufficed for eight kings, is not now enough for two? Let them, therefore, either come to terms, or fight alone for the kingdom.' This speech pleased them all; and the determination of the chiefs being communicated to the kings, received their approbation. There is a small island called Olney, in the mouth of that river. Thither the kings, clad in splendid armour, crossed over, and commenced a single combat in the presence of the people. Parrying the thrust of the spear as well by their own skill as by the interposition of their strong shields, they fought long and fiercely hand to hand, his valour protecting Edmund, and his good fortune Canute. The swords rung on their helmets, and sparks of fire flew from their collision. The stout heart of Edmund was kindled by the act of fighting, and as his blood grew warm his strength augmented; he raised his right hand, brandished his sword, and redoubled his blows on the head of his antagonist with such vehemence, that he seemed rather to fulminate than to strike. Feeling his strength failing him, and unable long to endure such an onset, Canute meditated peace; but as he was crafty, and afraid lest if the youth perceived his weakness he would not listen to his words of peace, drawing in all his breath he rushed on Edmund with wonderful valour, and immediately drawing back a little, he asked him to pause awhile and give him audience. The latter was of a courteous soul, and, resting his shield on the ground, he listened to the words of Canute, who thus proceeded: 'Hitherto I have coveted thy kingdom, bravest of men; but now I prefer thyself not only to the kingdom of England, but to all the world. Denmark serves me, Norway yields me subjection, the King of Sweden has shaken hands with me; so that, although Fortune promises me victory everywhere, yet thy wonderful manliness hath so won my favour, that I long beyond measure to have thee as friend and partner of my kingdom. I would that thou in like manner wert desirous of me; that I might reign with thee in England, and thou walk me in Denmark.' Why should I add more? King Edmund most graciously assented and yielded to his words, though he could not be forced by arms. The kingdom was therefore, by Edmund's direction, divided between the two, the crown of the whole kingdom reverting to King Edmund. The whole of England, therefore, to the south of the river Thames, was ceded to him, with Essex and East Anglia, and the city of London, the capital of the kingdom, Canute retaining the northern parts of the kingdom. Laying aside, therefore, their splendid armour, the kings embraced each other amidst the rejoicings of both the armies. They then exchanged their garments and arms in token of peace, and Edmund became Canute, and Canute Edmund."--Roger of Wendover, Bohn's Edition.
xviiiThe Death of Edmund.
This lamentable occurrence is involved in much mystery. Edric Streorn was generally credited with the deed, although some writers, e.g. William of Malmesbury, think he used the aid of attendants on the king, whom he bribed. The Chronicle is silent as to details. Henry of Huntingdon ascribes the deed to a son of Edric. Roger of Wendover agrees with him, adding the facts that the place was Oxford, and the time St. Andrew's night, as in the text. Amidst these conflicting statements fiction perhaps most legitimately takes its place.
xixThe Ordeal.
This ancient custom was observed by Simplicius, Bishop of Autun, so early as the fourth century, and was very generally in use during the period of our tale. Although never formally recognised by the Church of Rome, and forbidden by many edicts on the Continent, it was administered in England under the direction of the clergy, and its details prescribed by the canons during a period extending from the laws of Alfred to the directions given in the ecclesiastical laws of Edward the Confessor, the year before the Norman Conquest, A.D. 1065. The first prohibition of its use in England is in the third year of Henry the Third.
There were three principal modes of its administration. In the first, the ordeal by water, the accused had to take a heavy piece of iron from a boiling cauldron placed in the church--in the second, to carry a bar of heated iron nine feet. The hand or arm was bound in linen, the bandage sealed by the priest, and on the third day the limb was uncovered. If the burn or scald had healed the prisoner was pronounced innocent, otherwise he had to suffer the punishment due to his offence.
The details given in the text are chiefly taken from the Canons of Athelstane; but the mode of purgation therein described is similar to that by which it is said Queen Emma repelled an accusation made by Robert, Bishop of London, in the year 1046. This mode of administration was perhaps more frequently used when a prompt appeal was needed to the judgment of God, or in the case of persons of rank, were they ever, as was seldom the case, compelled to appeal to its decision.
xxIt was a subject of complaint against Canute in Denmark that he gave away most of the bishoprics to Englishmen.
xxiCharacter of Canute.
The great change in Canute's character after his accession to the throne has been noticed by all writers. Each year he seemed to grow in self-command and in the practice of virtue, while all men were edified by his strict attention to his religions duties. Later in life he made a pilgrimage to Rome, and a letter written thence gives a good idea of his general affection for his people. It is addressed to the archbishops and bishops and great men, and to all the English people, and is written in the familiar style a father might use to his children, especially telling them all he had seen at Rome, and about the way in which he spent Easter with Pope John and the Emperor, whom he persuaded to abolish certain dues exacted from English pilgrims. In the last portion of the letter he tells them how he has made up his mind to amend his life in every way, and to atone for all the wrongs committed in the violence of youth. He forbids any person to use violence or to make the royal needs an excuse for wrongdoing, saying, "I have no need of money gathered by unrighteousness." He concludes by saying that he is sure they will all be glad to hear how he has fared, and that they know he has not spared himself any trouble, and never will, to do all that lies in his power for the good of his people.
There is something in the whole tone of the letter which warms one's heart towards the writer, and one cannot help contrasting the reigns of the two conquerors, Canute and William: the first, beginning with violence and bloodshed, grew daily in justice, mercy, and the love of God, and so passed lamented to his grave; the latter, promising at first to govern justly, grew worse and worse in oppressive cruelty and all sorts of wrongdoing, until the sad and hopeless death scene in the abbey of St. Gervase. But the delineation of the latter period must be reserved, all being well, for the "Third Chronicle of Aescendune."