PROGRESSIVE DEMOCRACY—ITS LEGITIMATE FRUITS.

"A man unsound on Slavery, Free Trade, and Internal Improvements, or whose opinions are shrouded in treacherous ambiguity—such a man, be he Black Republican or Democrat, is unworthy of her support. To vote for either, is to give away her influence, to be used against her. It is to stultify principle, and be the instrument of her own undoing."

This doctrine would get very much in the way of such men asToombs and Stephens, of Georgia, and other Anti-Internal Improvement Democrats, but they can excuse Breckenridge on the ground that he acquiesced in the veto of Pierce, and was possibly only trying to make a little capital at home, which is common with Democracy. Besides, Mr. Breckenridge being raised aClay Whig, and representing the Ashland District as a Democrat, should be allowed to pass over theJordanof Democracy by degrees!

His name can be used advantageously in this contest in anotherrespect. While Mr. Buchanan was Mr. Clay's most vindictive enemy, traducer, and calumniator, Mr. Breckenridge can be held up to the Clay Whigs, as having announced to the House of Representatives the death of Mr. Clay, in language and sentiments branding Buchanan as a malignant slanderer, without mentioning his name, by the character he gave to Clay! Closing his eulogy upon Mr. Clay in these words, Mr. Breckenridge evidently looked with the eye of prophecy at the slanders of Buchanan, the recollection of which would "cluster" around his grave:—

"Every memorial of such a man will possess a meaning and value to his countrymen. His tomb will be a hallowed spot. Great memories will cluster there, and his countrymen as they visit it may well exclaim:

"Such graves as his are pilgrim shrines—Shrines to no creed or code confined;The Delphian vales, the Palestines,The Meccas of the mind."

If we mistake not, this young Breckenridge is the nephew of the Rev. John Breckenridge, formerly of Baltimore, and pastor of the Presbyterian Church. If so, he is the nephew of the Rev. Robert Breckenridge, the talented and staunch advocate of the American party. The venerable uncle of this young man, whilst pastor of the Church in Baltimore, was a most formidable opponent of the Roman Catholic religion, and is the man who conducted the debate with Archbishop Hughes, in 1836, which we now have before us, in a large volume of 550 pages. Of courseBishop Hugheswill require the young man to repudiate his uncle's views and charges in opposition to the Papal religion; and this, we should think, he will do for the sake of the Catholic vote in America!

The following important document we take from the National Intelligencer, of January 22, 1851. It was signed and published by gentlemen irrespective of parties—forty-fourSenators and Representatives in Congress. It will be acuriosityto those of our readers who may have forgotten its well-timed and patriotic pledges. How unfortunate it has been for the country, and especially thepublic tranquillity, that the determination and counsels of these men were, in an evil hour, departed from, and flagrantly violated by the demagogues of the self-styled Democratic party! To the violation of this solemn pledge by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise line, and the reöpening of the Slavery agitation by the introduction of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, intended to elevate that miserable little demagogue,Stephen A. Douglass, to the Presidency, we are indebted for all the scenes of bloodshed in Kansas, to the angry slavery discussions in Congress, and the disgraceful scenes of riot being almost daily enacted there!

Several copies of the following Declaration were circulated in Congress, and obtained a number of signatures in both halls; but no other list was ever published, that we know of, besides this, which, it will be seen, was headed by the illustriousHenry Clay:

"The undersigned, members of the thirty-first Congress of the United States, believing that a renewal of sectional controversy upon the subject of slavery would be both dangerous to the Union and destructive of its objects; and seeing no mode by which such controversy can be avoided, except by a strict adherence to the settlement thereof effected by the Compromise Acts passed at the last session of Congress, do hereby declare their intention to maintain the said settlement inviolate, and to resist all attempts to repeal or alter the acts aforesaid, unless by the general consent of the friends of the measure, and to remedy such evils, if any, as time and experience may develop. And, for the purpose of making this resolution effective, they further declare that they will not support for the office of President, Vice-President, Senator, or Representative in Congress, or as a member of a State Legislature, any man, of whatever party, who is not known to be opposed to the disturbance of the settlement aforesaid, and to the renewal, in any form, of agitation upon the subject of slavery.

"Henry Clay,C. S. Morehead,Robt. L. Rose,W. C. Dawson,Thos. J. Rusk,Jere. Clemens,James Cooper,Thos. C. Pratt,Wm. M. Gwin,Samuel A. Elliot,David Outlaw,O. H. Williams,J. Philips Phœnix,A. M. Schemerhorn,Jno. R. Thurman,D. A. Bokee,Geo. R. Andrews,W. P. Mangum,Jeremiah Morton,R. I. Bowie,E. C. Cabell,Alex. Evans,Howell Cobb,H. S. Foote,Wm. Duer,Jas. Brooks,A. H. Stephens,R. Toombs,M. P. Gentry,H. W. Hilliard,F. E. McLean,A. G. Watkins,H. A. Bullard,T. S. Haywood,A. H. Shephard,Daniel Breck,Jas. L. Johnson,J. B. Thompson,J. M. Anderson,John B. Kerr,J. P. Caldwell,Ed. Deberry,H. Marshall,Allen F. Owen."

Therowdyismandtreacheryof Democracy never intended to abide by this pledge—and hence their "disturbance of the settlement aforesaid," by opening up anew this villainous "agitation upon the subject of slavery." This violation of a solemn pledge has introduced into Kansas civil war, caused bloodshed, the shooting down of men in cold blood, and overrun that country with contending parties, called "Friends of Freedom" and "Border Ruffians," armed with Sharpe's rifles, Colt's revolvers, bowie-knives, and clubs, mixed with Bibles!

All this really affords an illustration of the domineering insolence of Democratic Abolitionism—an element in our Federal Government which will stop at no extremity of violence, in order to subdue the people of the Slave States, and force them into a miserable subservience to its fanatical dominion. And it is worthy of note, that the shooting of Sheriff Jones and others in Kansas, occurred immediately after the arrival of theNew Haven Emigrant Rifle Company! This, too, calls to mind forcibly the very delectableconversational speechifyingthat took place at the New Haven Rifle Meeting, among the pious villains who figured most conspicuously. As it is short, we give it entire:

Rev. Mr. Dutton (pastor of the church.)—One of the deacons of this church, Mr. Harvey Hall, is going out with the company to Kansas, and I, as his pastor, desire to present him a Bible and a Sharpe's rifle. (Great applause.)E. P. Pie.—I will give one.Stephen D. Purdee.—I will give one for myself, and also another one for my wife.Mr. Beecher.—I like to see that—it is a bold stroke both right and left. (Great laughter.)Charles Ives.—Put me down for three.Thomas R. Trowbridge.—Put me down for four. (Continued laughter.) Dr. J. I. Howe.—I will subscribe for one.A gentleman said that Miss Mary Dutton would give one.Dr. Stephen G. Hubbard.—One.Mr. Beecher here stated that if twenty-five could be raised on the spot, he would pledge twenty-five more from the church at Plymouth—fifty being a sufficient number for the whole supply. (Clapping of hands all over the house.)Prof. Silliman now left Mr. Beecher to speak for the bid, and sat down to enjoy the occasion.Mr. Killem.—I give one.Mr. Beecher.—Killem—that's a significant name in connection with a good Sharpe's rifle. (Laughter.)

E. P. Pie.—I will give one.

Stephen D. Purdee.—I will give one for myself, and also another one for my wife.

Mr. Beecher.—I like to see that—it is a bold stroke both right and left. (Great laughter.)

Charles Ives.—Put me down for three.

Thomas R. Trowbridge.—Put me down for four. (Continued laughter.) Dr. J. I. Howe.—I will subscribe for one.

A gentleman said that Miss Mary Dutton would give one.

Dr. Stephen G. Hubbard.—One.

Mr. Beecher here stated that if twenty-five could be raised on the spot, he would pledge twenty-five more from the church at Plymouth—fifty being a sufficient number for the whole supply. (Clapping of hands all over the house.)

Prof. Silliman now left Mr. Beecher to speak for the bid, and sat down to enjoy the occasion.

Mr. Killem.—I give one.

Mr. Beecher.—Killem—that's a significant name in connection with a good Sharpe's rifle. (Laughter.)

After this, this clerical vagabond, Beecher, blessed the weapons, and encouraged the party to go forth and "do or die" in the sublime "cause of nigger freedom!" In all human probability, sweet Mary Dutton's rifle may have sped the ball that pierced the side of Sheriff Jones, the officer of the law, while in the honest dischargeof a sworn duty! Subsequent murders, where pro-slavery men were shot down with these rifles, we attribute to theomenthat Beecher found in his name "Killem"—it is a significant name in connection with Sharpe's rifle. The real assassins shoot down their men, and with theirriflesandBiblesflee; butshewho unfrocked herself by furnishing a rifle, andhewho gave and blessed the weapon of death, are here to accept the thanks of their admirers and partisans. Let sweet Mary and herbelovedpastor be crowned with wreaths of deadly night-shade, and consigned to one cell in Sing Sing prison!

But the success of Ruffianism in Kansas, in the hands of those vile Abolition Democrats, has emboldened members of the same party to introduce it in the Federal Capital. But the other day,Mr. Sumner, of Massachusetts, made, in his place in the U. S. Senate, one of the most incendiary and inflammatory speeches ever uttered on the floor of either House of Congress! The vocabulary of Billingsgate was exhausted in denouncing all who dared to justify the institution of slavery—using, over and over again, such terms as "hireling, picked from the drunken spew of an uneasy civilization in the form of men," &c. The language made use of was disgraceful to the vile Abolitionist himself, and to the Senate, of which he never ought to have been a member. There was no limit to the personal abuse in which the villainous Senator indulged, no restraint to the vile epithets coined in his insane head; and the very natural consequence was, a personal chastisement of Mr. Sumner, in the Senate chamber, by Mr. Brooks, a Representative from South Carolina, and a relative of Judge Butler, the gentleman abused in his absence, which, for its severity, never was equalled in Washington. Mr. Sumner was the aggressor, because he poured out the vials of his wrath upon not only Judge Butler, a distinguished Senator, but upon the whole State of South Carolina.

We do not justify the selection of atimeandplacebyMr. Brooks, for punishing this Massachusetts Abolitionist; but we should despise the son of South Carolina who could hear his native State arraigned in such temper and language, without feeling intensely, andmanifestingthat feeling at a proper time and place. Indeed, it would be strange if a South Carolinian did not resent the arrogant, insulting, and contemptuous tone which Mr. Sumner saw fit to indulge in towards South Carolina in general, and her Senator in particular! We know Judge Butler—we have seen him on the Bench, in the discharge of the duties of a Circuit-Judge—we have seen and heard him in the Senate Chamber, where he has served for years, with credit to himself and honor to his State. He is an accomplished man, and a most amiable and honorable gentleman. His character is unblemished; he stands deservedly high;he is a gentleman of urbane and courteous demeanor, and is beloved, esteemed, and respected, by allgentlemenwho know him or associate with him. Besides, he is an old man, gray-haired, and palsied; and, whether present or absent, deserved to be treated as a gentleman.

Northern men may not expect to vilify the South in this way, without having to atone for it. Men who profess to belong to the peace party, ought not to employ language that will provoke a fight, and then shield themselves behind their non-resistant defences. They voluntarily put themselves upon the platform ofresistance—they pass insults, and they must submit to the consequences. We have just finished the perusal of a case in Æsop's Fables, exactly in point. It is the case of atrumpetertaken prisoner in battle. He claimed exemption from the common fate of prisoners of war, in ancient times, on the ground that he carried no weapons, and was, in fact, a non-combatant, belonging to the peace party! "Non-combatant, the Devil!" exclaimed the opposing party, pointing to his trumpet, as preparations were being made to put him to death, "Why, Sir, you hold in your hands the very instrument which incites our foes to tenfold furies against us!"

But this fight between the parties has to come, and it should begin at Washington, and if not in the halls of Congress, at least in thestreetsof the Federal city. Let the battle be fought there, and not inKansas, and let it fall upon the villainous agitators of the Slavery question, and theDemocraticdisturbers of the Compromises of the Constitution. Let it comenow, that it may be fought out and settled, and not left toposterity, to curse and crush the rising generation!

Mr. Brooks is a Democrat, and an anti-Know Nothing. Mr. Sumner is a Democrat—was elected by the votes of the Democrats, over that noble and dignified Whig, Mr. Winthrop, and his election was hailed throughout the Union as a Democratic triumph!

Massachusetts, irrespective of parties, seems to have taken great offence at this occurrence, and to have held indignation meetings, and was to have hadLegislativeaction upon the subject. We tell Massachusetts that she is alone to blame, for sending such a man to the United States Senate. There was a great debate in the Senate twenty-five years ago, in which Daniel Webster and Gov. Hayne met each other and grappled like giants, as they were. The State of South Carolina, in that day, though represented by an able, patriotic, and great man, came offsecond best. The Senator from Massachusetts, of that day, was an able statesman, a Constitutional lawyer of unsurpassed abilities, and, withal, a cautious gentleman, and rose above the low blackguardism of a Sumner and a Wilson. Whentauntedby the Senator from South CarolinawithFederalism, and opposition to some of the features of the War of 1812, the great Webster presented Massachusetts before the Senate and the Union, in such a manner that men of all sections bowed down and worshipped her. Standing erect with the flash of his eagle eye, he exclaimed, "There is Boston, and Concord, and Lexington, and Bunker Hill"—let them testify to the loyalty of Massachusetts to this glorious Union! Not only did Mr. Webster come out of that controversy with South Carolina with the admiration of every man in the country, but with the respect and admiration of Calhoun, Hayne, McDuffie, and all the high-toned statesmen of the South. And why? Because he was not a Sumner, a Wilson, or anAbolition Blackguard. Times have changed—a different man takes the place of a Webster, with only the memory of an insulting speech and a broken head! Let Massachusetts send men to the United States Senate who can and will demean themselves like gentlemen, and gentlemen from the South will appreciate them, while they differ honestly with them on great questions.

What wonderfulprogressDemocracy is making in the country!First, Democracy quarrelled and jowered over the election of a Speaker two months, and finally, by the introduction of thePlurality Rule, caused Banks, a Black Republican, to be elected. And as if determined to atone for this wear of time and money, they have brought about a series of fights, which, before they are disposed of, will cost the government half a million of dollars!

Firstthen, William Smith, an ex-Governor of the State of Virginia, and member of the House of Representatives, assailed and beat the editor of theEvening Star, in December last, in the street.

Second, Albert Rusk, a member of the House of Representatives from Arkansas, assailed and beat the editor of the New YorkTribunein the grounds of the capitol, immediately after leaving the House of Representatives.

Third, Philip T. Herbert, of Alabama, a member of Congress from California, shot down and killed an Irish Catholic waiter at Willard's, and is now under bonds to appear before the Court and await his trial for such crime as they may adjudge him to have committed.

Fourth, Preston S. Brooks, a member of the House of Representatives from South Carolina, assails and beats unmercifully a Senator from Massachusetts, when occupying his seat in the Senate of the United States.

Fifth, Mr. Bright knocked down the doorkeeper, for an inconsiderable offence. Here, then, we have five breaches of the peace in five months, by Democrats upon Democrats, although the "Boston Pilot," a Catholic organ, falsely charges that some of theparties making these assaults are "Know Nothings." We congratulate the Democratic party upon the progress of its leading members! They are sinking by swift descent into barbarism, and bringing the country to ruin. And in keeping with all this, they have tried to nominate for the Vice-Presidency a man who openly proposed in Congress the repeal of our neutrality laws, so as to bring a general fight!

It will not do to say thatSumneris not of the Democratic party, because he is a regular-built Free-Soiler and Black Republican: the WashingtonUnionsettled this point in 1852, when it uttered these memorable words:

"The Free-soil Democratic leaders of the North are a regular portion of the Democratic party, and General Pierce, if elected, will make no distinction between them and the rest of the Democracy in the distribution of official patronage, and in the selection of agents for administering the government."

The rules of the Senate forbid personalities in debate, and it was the sworn duty of its Locofoco President, Mr. Bright, to have called Mr. Sumner to order for his abuse of Judge Butler. But as far back as thirty years ago, under the auspices ofJohn C. Calhounas presiding officer, a decision was made to the effect that the presiding officer of the Senate was neither bound nor had he the power to call Senators to order! That power, according to his decision, belonged wholly to the Senate itself——thus delivering over the minority of that body to "the tender mercies" of the majority! The object of Mr.Calhounat the time was to play into the hands of a combination which had been formed to break down the Administration of John Quincy Adams, and to cripple Henry Clay. The instrument used was the sarcastic, irritating, and personal rhetoric of John Randolph, then a member of the Senate. To this end, Randolph was suffered to deliver in the Senate a long succession of tirades, disgraceful to the Senate, abusive of New England and of Henry Clay. Here is a specimen of Randolph's abuse, which led to a duel between him and Mr. Clay:

"This man, (mankind, I crave pardon,) this worm, (little animals, forgive the insult,) was raised to a higher life than he was born to, for he was raised to the society of blackguards. Some fortune—kind to him, cruel to us—has tossed him to the Secretaryship of State. Contempt has the property of descending, but stops far short of him. She would die before she would reach him: he dwells below her fall. I would hate him, if I did not despise him. It is notwhathe is, butwherehe is, that puts my thoughts into action. The alphabet which writes the name of Thersites, blackguard, squalidity, refuses her letters for him. That mind which thinks on what it cannot express, can scarcely think on him. An hyperbole forMeannesswould be an ellipsis forClay."

This was pleasing to Mr. Calhoun and the dominant party in the Senate, and his decision which tolerated it never was questionedby any authoritative precedent, untilMillard Fillmorewas elected Vice-President. With characteristic independence, he determined that a precedent so unreasonable and absurd should not be binding on him as the presiding officer of the Senate. He therefore, on assuming the duties of his office, delivered an address to the Senate, in which he informed that body that he considered it his sworn duty to preserve decorum, and wouldreversethe rule which had so long prevailed, that Senators were not to be called to order for words spoken in debate! The Senate ordered this address to be entered at large on their journals, as an evidence of their endorsement of its doctrines; and there it is now, recorded evidence of the patriotism, high sense of decorum, and senatorial dignity of that great and good man,Millard Fillmore.

The following tables exhibit the official vote of Tennessee for President in 1852, for Governor in 1853, and for Governor in 1855, as compared at the capital of the State, and will be valuable as a table for reference. In the last contest, when theKnow Nothing issueswere fully made, causing all thelatent blackguardism in the Democratic ranks to be fully developed, it will be seen thatAndrew Johnsonreceived 67,499 votes, andMeredith P. Gentry65,342, leaving Johnson a majority of 2,157, a falling off of 104 votes from his majority overMaj. Henrytwo years before that. It will also be perceived that the vote of the State at this last election is an increase of 8,260 over the vote two years previous. Of this increase,Col. Gentrygets 4,182, his vote exceedingMaj. Henry'sby that much, while Johnson's increase upon his own vote two years previous was 4,078.

It is a moderate calculation to say that Johnson received at least two thousandforeign and illegal votes; while we are within bounds when we say that at least 5,000 old-line Whigs refused to vote forCol. Gentry—demonstrating beyond all doubt that a majority of the legal voters of the State were opposed to Johnson and his party.

In the contest now being waged,Fillmore and Donelsonwill carry the State by a majority ranging fromthreetofivethousand votes, despite the low Billingsgate slang and vile blackguardism that may be heaped upon them and their supporters. And as this calculation is made inJune, five months in advance of the election, we must ask those into whose hands this work shall fall without the limits of Tennessee, to bear it in mind, and when they get the returns in November, to give us credit for our sagacity or our want of sagacity!

The contest will be fierce and bitter, exceeding any former political battle witnessed in the State. If the orators and editors ofthe self-styled Democratic party have not greatly reformed in the space of one year, but little argument will be adduced, but little gentlemanly courtesy manifested; and instead of facts, figures and arguments, bitter invective, low blackguardism, and Billingsgate abuse of secret organizations, dark lanterns, and Protestant clergymen, will be the order of the day. In thiscongenialwork, all the conglomeration of ignorant men, foreign paupers, and fag-ends and factions, styling themselvesDemocrats, will engage!

But to the official vote of the State:

1852.1853.1855.Counties.Scott.Pierce.Henry.Johnson.Gentry.Johnson.Anderson602267648379772333Bledsoe464209469303404361Blount82756611467341069789Bradley54777856210856441021Campbell313251356445507383Carter585139721294768238Claiborne503519620707756744Cooke743196867383929422Grainger8524779987671327621Greene780130190219159891985Hawkins77883180511808871158Hamilton7746487869729661044Hancock241336221532264589Jefferson116830713966391697444Johnson36593392184400215Knox186356522797702560695McMinn796866799965909953Meigs14144211856197588Marion453292476357554468Monroe8058477399008511005Morgan240222229260219358Polk272470249527385676Rhea300307270358298415Roane8206789127551002769Sevier62180824133964120Scott199127186182121259Sullivan260111436114076011403Washington56585396710698471338————————————19,29818,76321,78719,394

Counties.Scott.Pierce.Henry.Johnson.Gentry.Johnson.Bedford139013561359125716301293Cannon453727445803458859Coffee205722274824294880Davidson261720582597196331321783De Kalb559588632610560738Dickson323607357743388745Fentress153411166504129616Franklin330113335612243941302Giles130314471301146813121439Grundy443275837422425Hardin643808671827745775Hickman2418392638122231053Humphreys263471341501354543Jackson1170803115499511221131Lawrence547583523731524845Lewis431866618234243Lincoln606229761723224022521Maury132417991238173114441793Montgomery1260993130910041502881Marshall666134067112826781310Macon617374553341540424Overton345103943112822901528Robertson101376911837631256804Rutherford149513131407124314351288Smith174252017355461572644Stewart533725479718563785Sumner825156380614257801740Van Buren10716511020590228Warren34492240210933931153Wayne666380709430687535White949518974634978694Williamson158376315027101621688Wilson224892322419952290937————————————26,93030,55027,84232,623

Counties.Scott.Pierce.Henry.Johnson.Gentry.Johnson.Benton340485393465475453Carroll149864914696631567694Decatur400315408285353429Dyer508411476373442483Fayette10061034101110061151940Gibson15709011514102416181213Hardeman717102465110256191123Henderson119351113015931230734Henry899151689114968711738Haywood790732726785803762Lauderdale330277319252354297McNairy92187210169849151059Madison142681912617951448788Obion431644547792407865Perry325314387329320450Shelby182416281545143518311477Tipton357565284527424566Weakley783114973312798851411——————————————————58,80257,12314,93214,10815,71315,48257,123———Scott's majority,1,679East Tennessee,19,29818,76321,78719,394Middle Tennessee,26,93030,55027,84232,623————————————61,16063,42165,34267,49961,16065,342——————Johnson's majority2,2612,157

As a matter of reference, and that none may mistake the American Ticket on the day of the election, we give it as agreed upon and matured by our party:

HON. NEILL S. BROWN, of Davidson.HORACE MAYNARD, of Knox.

1stDistrict—N. G. TAYLOR, of Carter.2d"MOSES WHITE, of Knox.3d"REESE B. BRABSON, of Hamilton.4th"W. P. HICKERSON, of Coffee.5th"ROBERT HATTON, of Wilson.6th"W. H. WISENER, of Bedford.7th"C. C. CROWE, of Giles.8th"J. M. QUARLES, of Montgomery.9th"ISAAC R. HAWKINS, of Carroll.10th"JOSEPH R. MOSBY, of Fayette.

This is an able ticket, and greatly superior to the opposing ticket, as our readers will bear us witness when they hear the parties in debate. Most of these gentlemen have consented toserve on the ticket at great personal sacrifices; and like their chief, Mr.Fillmore, they have undertaken to serve their party and country "without waiting to inquire of its prospects of success or defeat." And all the reward they seek is to be able to conduct the struggle to a victorious consummation in Tennessee, and this we feel confident they will do. The battle in Tennessee will be hotly contested, but it is by no means doubtful. Tennessee for the last twenty years, and in five preceding presidential contests, has refused to range herself under the black banner of Locofocoism; and now that that banner is doubly infamous by being raised and cheered by Catholics, foreigners, and paupers of every clime, it is fair to presume she will spurn the flag!

The Black Republican Party, in their recent Convention at Philadelphia, have nominatedJohn Charles Fremont, of California, for the Presidency, and Ex-SenatorWilliam L. Dayton, of New Jersey, for the Vice Presidency!

This man Fremont is no statesman—has no experience in political life—has not the first qualification for this eminent and responsible station—and his nomination has not been made upon any plausible pretext whatever. He is an Engineer by profession—once penetrated with his companions to the Pacific coast, across the Rocky Mountains—is the son-in-law ofTom Benton—is a Free Trade Locofoco, and an avowed Free Soiler.

The following letter addressed by Fremont to the great Tabernacle Abolition meeting in New York, last spring, is full and explicit, and defines his position on the slavery question:

"New York, April 29, 1856.

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