Early struggles—Red Jacket's opportunity for trial—Council at FortStanwix—Red Jacket's office of Sachem—Red Jacket's opposition to theproposed treaty—Excitement created by his speech—Allayed by Cornplanter—His influence in deciding the treaty—How it affected him.
How long and toilsome the way, ere the ambitious aspirant passes from the low grounds of obscurity, to the dazzling heights of fame! How many hours of anxious toil, through wearisome days and nights, protracted through months and years, are passed, before the arena even is entered, where the race commences in earnest! How many struggling emotions between hope and fear, encouragement and doubt, promise and despair, mark the experience, and clothe it with the sublimity and interest that belong to action in its highest forms!
Did this child of nature cherishing the bright dream from early life, never suffer from these contending emotions, ere he awoke finally to the consciousness of the reality, where he could exclaim, I am an orator, yes, I AM AN ORATOR!
This idea Red Jacket began now to cherish. He had practiced in his native wilds, the forest depths had echoed back those strains of eloquence, that had struggled for utterance in his impassioned bosom, and their force being expended here, served but to awaken a still stronger desire to try his powers, where he could have the answering sympathy of human hearts. His fame and greatness were yet to be achieved. With the inward consciousness of strength that would secure for him the eminence he desired, he awaited eagerly the opportunity for its exercise. This opportunity came.
When the storm of war had rolled by, the hour came for deliberation, and council. England and America had concluded peace, and the jurisdiction of the country of the Iroquois had been surrendered to the United States. Still no provision had been made by the crown for those tribes that had freely fought in her defence. They were left to make their own peace, or prosecute the war on their own account. Their attitude was yet hostile. No expedition of importance was undertaken, but the border men were constantly annoyed by Indians, who drove away their horses and cattle, and committed other acts of depredation. And the inhabitants of the frontier had suffered so severely from the Indian tribes during the war, that these acts served to awaken still deeper feelings of hostility toward them, and led some openly to recommend that the Indians be driven from their lands, and that these be forfeited to the State.
These councils were strenuously resisted by the general government. The humane and considerate Washington thought it wiser to try and conciliate them, and if possible win their confidence and esteem, claiming that their lands, when needed, could be obtained at a cheaper rate by negotiation and purchase, than by war and conquest.
This course, the excellence of which experience has fully demonstrated, was finally adopted, and in pursuance of this design, a general council of the Iroquois was convened at Fort Stanwix, in the fall of 1784. It was attended by Oliver Wolcott, Richard Butler, and Arthur Lee, who were appointed commissioners on the part of the United States. The different tribes of the Iroquois were represented, and Red Jacket was present, and took an active part in its deliberations. He had now been elected to the office of Sachem; at what time precisely, is not known, but probably not far from the close of the war of the Revolution.
The manner in which he gained this office has been ascribed by some to artifice as well as the force of his eloquence. Col. Stone says, that "aspiring to the rank of chief, he not only wrought upon the minds of his people, by the exertion of that faculty which was ever with them a high standard of merit, but he succeeded in availing himself of the superstitious constitution of his race, to effect his purpose. His first essay was to dream that he was, or should be a chief, and that the Great Spirit was angry that his nation had not advanced him to that dignity. This dream, with the necessary variations, he repeated until, fortunately for him, the small pox broke out among the Senecas. He then proclaimed the loathsome infliction a judgment sent by the Great Spirit, to punish them for their ingratitude to him. The consequence ultimately was, that by administering flattery to some, working upon the superstitious fears of others, and by awakening the admiration of all by his eloquence, he reached the goal of his ambition." [Footnote: Col. Stone's Life and Times of Thayendanegea and Life and Times of Red Jacket. This statement has been denied by some, who affirm that his eloquence was the sole cause of his elevation. If this representation came from Brant, it may be recollected that between Red Jacket and Brant there did not exist a very strong attachment, and statements made by one concerning the other, would not be likely to bear the coloring of a very warm friendship.]
However this may have been, it is certain this course was not necessary to establish Red Jacket's position among his people. The circumstances of their history created a necessity for his transcendent abilities, and the light of his genius, though it may have been obscured for a time, must eventually have shone forth, in its original beauty and splendor.
Red Jacket was now called upon to assist in the deliberations of his people, and from this time to the day of his death, we find him connected with, and bearing an important part in all of their public transactions.
The council at Fort Stanwix was the first occasion in which he appeared before the public. It was a meeting of no small moment. With an anxious heart the Indian left his home and wended his way, through his native forests, to the place where he was to meet in council, the chiefs of the thirteen fires. His own tribes had been wasted, by a long and bloody war. The nation they had so long clung to, and by whose artifice they had been led to engage in the strife, stood confessedly vanquished. A new power had arisen in the land, what bearing would it have on their future fortunes?
With the importance of this gathering none were more deeply impressed than Red Jacket.—Yonder he stands, alone;—his knit brow, and searching glance indicate a process of thought, which stirs deeply the emotions of the inner man.—Tread lightly, lest you disturb the silent evolutions of that airy battalion, that is wheeling into rank and file, thoughts that discharged in words, reach the mark and do execution.—Now he wears a look of indignation, which presently turns to one of proud defiance, as he contemplates the encroaching disposition of the white race.—Now you may detect an air of scorn, and his eye flashes fire, as he regards them at first a feeble colony, which might easily have been crushed by the strong arm of the Iroquois.—A feeling of deep concern directly overspreads his features, as he thinks of their advancing power, and of the prospect of their surpassing even the glory of his own ancestry.—A still deeper shade steals over him as he thinks of the waning fortunes of his people.— Presently his countenance is lighted up;—his feelings are all aglow,—a bright thought, has entered his mind.—He conceives the idea of the union of the entire race of red men, to resist the encroachments of the whites. —Are they not yet strong? And united, would they not yet be, a formidable power?
With anxious and matured thoughts, Red Jacket comes to this council gathering. Its bearing on his nation and race, he deeply scans, and treasures up those burning thoughts, with which he is to electrify, and set on fire the bosoms of his countrymen.
Of the proceedings of this council, little is known aside from the bare treaty itself. By this treaty perpetual peace and amity were agreed upon between the United States, and the Iroquois, and the latter ceded to the United States, all their lands lying west of a line commencing at the mouth of a creek four miles east of Niagara, at a place on Lake Ontario called Johnson's Landing; thence south, in a direction always four miles east of the portage, or carrying-path, between Lakes Erie and Ontario, to the mouth of Buffalo creek, on Lake Erie; thence due south to the north boundary of the state of Pennsylvania; thence west to the end of said boundary; thence south along the west boundary of the state of Pennsylvania to the Ohio river.
In consideration of this surrender to the United States of their claim to western lands, the Iroquois were to be secure in the peaceful possession of the lands they inhabited in the state of New York.
This treaty Red Jacket strenuously resisted. He regarded the proposed cession of lands as exorbitant and unjust, and summoned all the resources of his eloquence to defend his position. The course of his argument and the various means he took to enforce it, we have no means of adequately presenting. A few hints respecting it, and the testimony of those present as to the effect produced, is all we have to guide us in forming any estimate of its merits.
After giving a vivid representation of the encroachments already made upon them by the whites, and of the advances they were making in numbers and power, as well as extent of territory, he reminded his hearers of the ancient glory of the Iroquois, and contrasted it with their present wasted and feeble condition. They had been passing through a mighty convulsion, the hurricane had swept over their dwellings, their homes were laid waste, their country made desolate.
He directed them to the extensive dominion they had exercised. Their empire was wide, on the north, and east, and south, and west, there were none to stay their hand, or limit their power. A broad continent was open to them on every side, and their seats were large. But now they were met by a people to whom they had surrendered a large portion of their lands, and "they are driving us on toward the setting sun. They would shut us in, they would close up the path to our brethren at the west. We demand an open way."
They had no right, he affirmed, to part with their western lands. Their laws, their ancient usages forbade it. They ought never to decide a question so momentous as this, without giving all the parties a hearing, who have any interest in its decision. They should be present and join in their deliberations. Their brethren at the west had a right to be consulted in this matter.—It would be unworthy of the name, and exalted fame of the Iroquois, to decide the question without reference to them.— It was a question that affected deeply the interests of the entire race of red men on this continent. He declared finally that rather than yield to the exorbitant demands of the treaty, they should take up their arms, and prosecute the war on their own account.
Such is the scanty outline of a speech that made a wonderful impression on the minds of all his people who were present. During the progress of his speech, their emotions were wrought up to a pitch, that seemed to betoken a rising storm, and at times it seemed as though it needed but a spark to set on fire a flame that was ready to burst out with consuming force.
Those present, who did not understand the language of the orator, were deeply interested in his voice, his manner of elocution, and his perfect and inimitable action. They caught fire from his eye, and felt the inspiration, which was kindled in the minds of all who listened to him understandingly. When he sat down his work was accomplished. There was but one heart among his people. From this time on, he was the peerless orator of his nation.
A very interesting sketch of Red Jacket as an orator, refers, for the existence of the facts which form the basis of its statements, to a treaty held at Canandaigua in 1794. It has been copied by Drake, and published in almost every sketch of the orator's life. Mr. Stone questions its truthfulness on the ground that there is no notice of it in any notes of this council taken at the time, and because also there was evidently an absence of the peculiar circumstances, which the speech referred to, seems to demand. Still he introduces it under the supposition that if delivered there at all, it might have been during the excitement produced among the Indians, by the rejection from the council, by Col. Pickering, of one Johnson, a messenger from Brant, who had been invited to be present at that council. Yet this is by no means probable, as Red Jacket would have been far from rising into eloquence on an occasion, which from his known relations to the proud Mohawk, he would naturally view with satisfaction, instead of resentment. The more probable supposition is, that the writer caught up this as a traditionary statement, which, owing to the lapse of time and the uncertainty of memory, had been changed in one or two of its items, and receiving it as correct, penned it in good faith, as having transpired at that treaty. It is a correct presentation of some of the points in the orator's speech on this occasion, and is as follows: [Footnote: Mr. Stone justly supposes this speech might have been made at the treaty of Fort Stanwix in 1784.]
"… The witnesses of the scene will never forget the powers of native oratory. Two days had passed away in negotiation with the Indians for a cession of their lands. The contract was supposed to be nearly completed, when Red Jacket arose. With the grace and dignity of a Roman Senator, he drew his blanket around him, and with a piercing eye surveyed the multitude. All was hushed. Nothing interposed to break the silence, but the rustling of the leaves. After a long and solemn, but not unmeaning pause, he commenced in a low voice, and sententious style. Rising gradually with the subject, he depicted the primitive simplicity and happiness of his nation, and the wrongs they had sustained from the usurpations of white men, with such a bold and faithful pencil, that every auditor was soon roused to vengeance, or melted to tears. The effect was inexpressible. But ere the emotions of admiration and sympathy had subsided, the white men became alarmed. They were in the heart of an Indian country, surrounded by ten times their number, who were inflamed by a remembrance of their injuries, and excited to indignation by the eloquence of a favorite chief. Appalled and terrified, the white men cast a cheerless gaze on the hordes around them. A nod from the chiefs might be the onset of destruction. At this portentious moment, Farmer's Brother interposed. He replied not to his brother chief, but with a sagacity truly aboriginal, he caused the cessation of the council, introduced good cheer, commended the eloquence of Red Jacket, and before the meeting had reassembled, with the aid of other prudent chiefs, he had moderated the fury of his nation to a more salutary view of the question before them."
The commissioners replied, but without making much headway on account of the agitation and excitement, produced by the orator's speech; that by the common usages of war they might lay claim to a much larger extent of territory; that their demand was characterized by great moderation, and insisted on their yielding to the terms proposed.
There was little disposition among them to yield the point, yet the treaty was finally brought to a successful issue, by the influence of Cornplanter.
Cornplanter was a noble specimen of the Indian race. He had all the sagacity for which his people were distinguished, and was equally active, eloquent and brave. He was well qualified by his talents to engage in the legislative councils of his nation, and was unsurpassed by any, for prowess and daring in the bloody field of strife. No chief, Thayendanegea not excepted, had gained higher laurels for personal valor, and none commanded more fully the confidence and esteem of his nation. His people looked up to him as a tower of strength, and when he spake, his words fell upon them with the weight of great authority. Better acquainted than his junior associate with the details of war, and understanding likewise the wasted and feeble condition of his people, and having learned in the late conflict something of the power of the enemy they would have to encounter, he regarded the idea of their resistance as wholly impracticable, and advised a compliance with the terms of the treaty. Though he regretted the loss of any more territory, he wisely concluded it was better to lose a part, than to be deprived of all. And by throwing his influence decidedly in favor, he succeeded finally in quieting the minds of his people, and in persuading them to accede to the proposals made.
It is a matter of regret that so few traces are left, of Red Jacket's speech on this occasion. Yet had his speech been reported, we might have been as much at a loss as at present, to derive from it a just estimation of his talents. His speeches as reported are tame when compared with the effect produced.
The Indian was an unwritten language. The most distinguished orators of the Iroquois confederacy, matured their thoughts in solitude without the aid of the pen, and when uttered in the hearing of the people, they passed forever into oblivion, only as a striking passage may hare been retained in memory. And with them the want of a written language was thus in a measure compensated. They made an increased effort to treasure up their thoughts. Yet how much must necessarily have been lost! and how liable to waste away, that which remained.
Trusting to them how imperfect must have been a reported speech! And relying on those who transferred their speeches to a different language, we have little assurance of any thing better than mutilated transcripts of the original. Need we be surprised then, to find in Red Jacket's published speeches, a tameness unworthy of his fame? Red Jacket was esteemed by the men of his time as an orator, surpassingly eloquent.
In his speeches as reported, this does not appear. Hence, his reported speeches fail to do him justice, or the men of his time very much overrated his talents.
Taking the latter horn of the dilemma we impeach the judgment and good sense of those who have gone before us. Assuming the former, we present an admitted and proclaimed fact. His contemporaries, while they conceded to him the highest attributes and accomplishments of eloquence, unite in affirming that his reported speeches come far short of the original.
Captain Horatio Jones, a favorite interpreter, has frequently declared,—"it is impossible to do Red Jacket justice." The peculiar shade given to the idea, its beauty in its own native idiom, was often entirely lost in the transfer. In much the same way, Captain Jasper Parrish, of Canandaigua, has frequently been heard to speak, when referring to the forensic efforts of the orator.
And besides, those passages that were most deeply fraught with eloquence, were often lost entirely, from the fact that the way having been prepared by a recital of those details that are reported, the reporter himself has been carried away by the very flood that surrounded, uplifted, and carried away the mass of those who heard him speak. So that the only note that would be made, of a passage of considerable length, is given in one or two short sentences. [Footnote: Conversation of the author with Col. Wm. Jones.]
By the generality of the Iroquois, the terms of the treaty at Fort Stanwix were regarded as severe; and though the services of the renowned Cornplanter were engaged by the commissioners, in an effort to persuade the disaffected into a reconciliation with it, the attempt was but partially successful, and was made at the expense of his own high standing among his people. They were not easily reconciled, and were so much displeased with his conduct on this, and one or two subsequent occasions, that they even threatened his life. A circumstance he touchingly refers to in a speech addressed to General Washington.
"Father," said he, "we will not conceal from you that the great God and not man, has preserved Cornplanter, from the hands of his own nation. For they ask continually—where is the land which our children, and their children after them are to lie down upon? When the Sun goes down he opens his heart before God, and earlier than the sun appears upon the hills, he gives thanks for his protection during the night; for he feels that among men become desperate by their danger, it is God only that can preserve him."
Claim of the United States to Indian lands—Conflicting claims of different States—Difficulty settled—Attempt to acquire the land by a lease—Purchase by Phelps and Gorham—Further purchase by Robert Morris.
At the close of the war of the Revolution, the territory ceded by Great Britain to the United States, included large tracts of country occupied by the Indians. In ceding these lands, she ceded only the right claimed by herself, on the ground of original discovery, which was simply a priority of right to purchase of the original occupants of the soil. The Indians were allowed to dwell upon these lands, and were considered in a certain sense the owners, but were required in case of a sale, to dispose of them to the government. [Footnote: Kent's Commentary.]
As each State claimed to be sovereign in every interest not ceded to the general government, each State claimed the territory covered by its original charter. These charters, owing to great ignorance of geographical limits, created claims that conflicted with each other. From this source originated difficult questions about land titles and jurisdiction, between the States of Connecticut and Pennsylvania,—Massachusetts and New York. These difficulties which existed before, the greater question of the Revolutionary war suspended for a time, but when peace was concluded, they came up again for a consideration and settlement.
The way was in a measure prepared for this, by the relinquishment to the general government, on the part of New York in 1781, and of Massachusetts in 1785, of all their right to territory west of a meridian line drawn south, from the western end of Lake Ontario.
In the adjustment of these difficulties, Connecticut relinquished her claim to a tract of land on the Susquehanna in Pennsylvania, called the Gore, and acquired that part of the State of Ohio called New Connecticut, or Western Reserve. And Pennsylvania obtained a tract of land lying immediately beyond the western boundary of the State of New York, and north-east of her own, embracing the harbor of Presque Isle, on Lake Erie, familiarly known as the Triangle, thus giving her access to the waters of this Lake.
The question in controversy between the States of New York and Massachusetts was more serious, owing to the large amount of territory claimed by the latter in western New York. It was brought to an amicable settlement, by Massachusetts surrendering to New York the right of jurisdiction, over all the land west of the present eastern boundary of the State; and by New York giving to Massachusetts the pre-emptive right, or right of purchasing of the Indians, all of the lands lying west of a meridian line drawn through Seneca Lake, from a certain point on the northern boundary of Pennsylvania, reserving however, a strip of land one mile in width, along the eastern shore of the Niagara river. Thus New York, while she retained the sovereignty, lost the fee of about six millions of acres of land, in one of the finest regions of country in the new world. [Footnote: For a more full account, see "Turner's History of the Phelps and Gorham Purchase."]
While these difficulties were being adjusted, a magnificent speculation was in progress, which bid fair to meet the expectations of its earnest projectors. A company was organized, called the New York and Genesee Land Company, with a view to obtain the entire tract of Indian lands within the State. To evade the law forbidding the sale of these lands to any party not authorized by the State, it was proposed to obtain them by a lease, that should extend nine hundred and ninety-nine years. A lease extending so long, was regarded as equivalent to a sale.
With a view to further its designs another company, the Niagara Genesee Company, was also formed in Canada, of those who were most in correspondence with the Indians, and who would be influential in securing from them a decision in favor of their object.
These organizations, especially the New York Land Company, were large, and included men of wealth and prominence, both in New York and Canada. With such appliances as they were enabled to bring to bear upon the Indians, they secured, in November, 1787, alease for nine hundred and ninety- nine years, of all the lands of the Iroquois in the State of New York, except some small reservations, and the privilege of hunting and fishing, for an annual rent of two thousand dollars, and a promised gift of twenty thousand dollars.
The formidable character of these associations created a just alarm, and measures were immediately undertaken to circumvent their influence. An act was passed by the Legislature of New York, in March, 1788, authorizing the governor to disregard all contracts made with the Indians, and not sanctioned by the State; and to cause those who had entered upon Indian lands under such contracts, to be driven off, and their houses destroyed. The sheriff of the county was directed to dispossess intruders and burn their dwellings, and a military force was called out, that strictly enforced these orders.
Thus by the energetic action of Governor Clinton of New York, the designs of these organizations were overruled.
As early as 1784, the Legislature of New York had passed an act, appointing the governor, and a Board of Commissioners, the Superintendents of Indian affairs, and as there were other Indian lands within the State, not covered by the pre-emptive right of Massachusetts, these commissioners with the governor at their head, entered upon negotiations with a view of purchasing them, and securing a title to them for the State. [Footnote: The commissioners designated were: Abraham Cuyler, Peter Schuyler and Henry Glen, who associated with them Philip Schuyler, Robert Yates, Abraham Ten Broeck, A. Yates, Jr., P. W. Yates, John J. Beekman, Mathew Vischer, and Gen. Gansevoort.]
A council of the Iroquois was appointed for this purpose, at FortSchuyler, on the first of September, 1788.
The Leasees disappointed and angered by the bold and decisive measures taken against them, exerted their influence to prevent the Indians from assembling. But by measures equally energetic in its favor, a representation of the different tribes was obtained, and a treaty was concluded on the 12th, in which was conveyed to the State the land of the Onondagas; some reservations excepted, in consideration of one thousand dollars, in hand paid and an annuity of five hundred dollars forever.
Then followed negotiations with the Oneidas. Speeches were interchanged, propositions made and rejected, until finally an agreement was made, and a deed of cession executed by the chiefs, conveying all their lands, excepting certain reservations, in consideration of two thousand dollars in money, two thousand dollars in clothing and other goods, one thousand dollars in provisions, five hundred dollars for the erection of a saw and grist mill on their reservation, and an annuity of six hundred dollars forever.
The commissioners next appointed a council to be held at Albany, December 15, 1788. Great difficulty was experienced in getting the Indians together, the Leasees it is said, "kept the Indians so continually intoxicated, it was impossible to do anything with them." [Footnote: Turner's History.]
It was not until the eleventh of the February following, that a sufficient number were brought together, to proceed with the negotiations; and on the twenty-fifth, the preliminaries having been settled, the Cayugas ceded to the State all of their lands, excepting a large reservation of one hundred square miles. It was in consideration of five hundred dollars in hand, sixteen hundred and twenty-eight dollars in June following, and an annuity of five hundred dollars forever.
Mr. Turner in alluding to these negotiations very properly observes, "it was only after a hard struggle of much perplexity and embarrassment, that the object was accomplished. For the honor of our country, it could be wished that all Indian negotiations and treaties, had been attended with as little wrong, had been conducted as fairly as were those under the auspices and general direction of George Clinton. No where has the veteran warrior and statesman left a better proof of his sterling integrity and ability, than is furnished by the records of these treaties. In no case did he allow the Indians to be deceived, but stated to them from time to time, with unwearied patience, the true conditions of the bargains they were consummating."
He says further, "the treaties for lands found the Six Nations in a miserable condition. They had warred on the side of a losing party; for long years the field and the chase had been neglected; they were suffering for food and raiment. Half-famished they flocked to the treaties and were fed and clothed. One item of expense charged in the accounts of the treaty at Albany in 1789, was for horses paid for, that the Indians had killed and eaten on their way down. For several years in addition to the amount of provisions distributed to them at the treaties, boatloads of corn were distributed among them by the State."
It does not appear that Red Jacket, Cornplanter, Brant, or other of the more noted chiefs among the Iroquois, were present to take a part in these negotiations. Hence exception was taken to these proceedings. When the time drew near for paying the first annuity, the Onondagas sent an agent to Governor Clinton, saying they had received four strings of wampum from the Senecas, forbidding them to go to Fort Stanwix to receive the money, and declaring also "that the governor of Quebec wanted their lands; that Sir John wanted them; Col. Butler wants the Cayugas' lands; and the commanding officer of Fort Niagara wants the Senecas' lands."
They were assured in reply that they might "make their minds easy," the governor would protect them; that the Leasees were the cause of their trouble.
The Cayugas also sent a message to the governor, saying they were "threatened with destruction, even total extermination. The voice comes from the west;its sound is terrible, our brothers the Cayugas and Onondagas are to share the same fate."
The complaint was, they had sold their lands without consulting thewestern tribes.
The decided position of the Executive in giving them assurance of protection, was the means of dissipating their alarm.
Historical evidence renders it apparent, that at this early period, the design was entertained by those in Canada, whose control over the Indians was well nigh supreme, to gain through them possession of Western New York, and without compromising the government of Great Britain, sever it from the United States, connect it with the territory of the North-west, and hold it by Indian possession, in a sort of quasi allegiance, to the crown of England.
Their design with respect to Western New York was defeated by the energetic measures of its chief executive, but further on we will see they did not relinquish the idea of holding from the United States, the territory of the North-west.
Next in the race of competition for the broad and fertile lands of the Genesee, appear the names of Oliver Phelps and Nathaniel Gorham. They were the acknowledged representatives of a considerable body of men, who were ambitious of securing an interest in what was regarded as the most desirable region in this country.
From the advent of Gen. Sullivan's army into the Indian country in 1779, their route being through the very finest portion of Western New York, and at a season of the year when vegetation was in its highest perfection; the beauty and fertility of these lands became the theme of praise, on the part of every soldier that beheld them. Their fame was thus carried to almost every village and hamlet in Pennsylvania and New England. Hence great eagerness was manifested in regard to the title, and settlement of these lands.
The company of which Messrs. Phelps and Gorham were the leading spirits, having purchased the pre-emptive right of Massachusetts, in the spring of 1788, Mr. Phelps went on to the ground, and was successful in convening a council of the Indians for the sale of their lands, at Buffalo creek, during the month of July of the same year. [Footnote: His success in obtaining this council, and securing a sale, was owing in a large degree, to his policy in paying court to the powerful faction of the Leasees residing in Canada, and giving them an interest in the purchase.]
The Indians at this treaty strenuously resisted the sale of any of their land west of the Genesee river; yet with a view of furnishing "a piece of ground for a mill yard" at the Genesee Falls, were finally persuaded to give their assent to a boundary line, that included a tract twelve miles square, west of that river. The eastern boundary of the lands sold, was the Massachusetts pre-emptive line; the western, was a line "beginning in the northern line of Pennsylvania, due south of the corner or point of land made by the confluence of the Genesee river, and the Canaseraga creek, thence north on said meridian line to the corner or point, at the confluence aforesaid; thence northwardly along the waters of the Genesee river, to a point two miles north of Canawangus village, thence running due west 12 miles; thence running northwardly so as to be twelve miles distant from the western bounds of said river, to the shores of Lake Ontario." The lands thus ceded, are what has been called "The Phelps and Gorham Purchase." It contained by estimation two million and six hundred thousand acres, for which they agreed to pay the Indians five thousand dollars, and an annuity of five hundred dollars forever.
Robert Morris, the distinguished financier of the Revolution, afterward became owner of the greater part of this purchase, as well as of the pre- emptive right of Massachusetts to the remaining part of Western New York. Through his agent in London, Wm. Temple Franklin, grandson of Doctor Franklin, these lands were again sold to an association of gentlemen, consisting of Sir William Pultney, John Hornby, and Patrick Colquhoun, and the farther settlement of this region, auspiciously commenced under its original proprietors, was conducted principally under their administration.
An intelligent and enterprising young Scotchman, Charles Williamson, who had previously devoted his time while detained as a prisoner in this country, during the war of the Revolution, to investigations respecting its geographical resources and limits, and who from his disposition and business capacity, was well qualified for the station, was appointed their agent, and emigrating hither with his family, and two other young Scotchmen as his assistants, John Johnstone, and Charles Cameron, he became identified with the early history and progress of the extensive and important part of the Indian territory, that as we have seen, had just been opened, and was inviting a new race, to take possession of its virgin soil.
Union of the Western Indian Tribes contemplated—Hostile influence of the agents of Great Britain in Canada—Ambitious project of Thayendanegea or Brant—Council at Tioga Point—Indian Ceremonies—Visit of Cornplanter and others at the seat of government—Kindly feeling of Washington—Fresh occasion of trouble.
When Red Jacket, at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, in 1784, projected the bold idea of the union of all the Indian tribes on the continent, to resist the aggressions of the whites, he may not have thought it would soon come near having a practical fulfillment. This thought grew out of the circumstances and necessities of the times, and was the natural forecast of a great mind. His words sank deep into the hearts of his people,—they were carried beyond the bounds of that council-fire,—they went gliding along with the light canoe that plied the Lakes,—and were wafted onward by the waters of the Ohio and Mississippi. Several causes contributed to give direction and force to this movement.
Prominent among them was the fact, that the treaty of peace with Great Britain in 1783, though it put an end to the war, did not secure friendly relations between the two countries. Hostile feelings had been engendered and were still cherished, particularly by those who had taken refuge in Canada, in the early part of the Revolutionary struggle. Some of them were very active in stirring up Indian hostilities among the tribes at the west.
But prominent above all others were the exertions of Thayendanegea, or Brant, the famous war-chief, from whose leadership the inhabitants of our frontier settlements had suffered so severely, during the war of the Revolution. Very soon after the treaty at Fort Stanwix in 1784, from the dissatisfaction growing out of that treaty, and other indications among the Indians, he began to entertain the ambitious project of forming a grand Indian confederacy, of which he would be chief, embracing not only the Iroquois, but all of the Indian nations of the great North-west. He had given the entire summer of 1785, to the business of visiting these nations, and holding councils among them, with a view to the furtherance of this object. [Footnote: See Stone's Life and Times of Brant, Vol. 2, p. 248.]
He visited England at the close of this year, "ostensibly for the purpose of adjusting the claims of the loyal Mohawks upon the crown, for indemnification of their losses and sacrifices in the contest, from which they had recently emerged." [Footnote: See Stone's Life and Times of Brant, Vol. 2, p. 248.]
… "Coupled with the special business of the Indian claims, was the design ofsounding the British government, touching the degree of countenance or the amount of assistance which he might expect from that quarter, in the event of a general Indian war against the United States." [Footnote: Ibid.]
His arrival at Salisbury was thus noted in a letter from that place, dated December 12, 1785, and published in London. "Monday last, Colonel Joseph Brant, the celebrated King of the Mohawks, arrived in this city from America, and after dining with Colonel De Peister, at the head-quarters here, proceeded on his journey to London. This extraordinary personage is said to have presided at the late Grand Congress of Confederate chiefs, of the Indian nations in America, and to be by them appointed to the conduct and chief command in the war,which they now meditate against the United States of America. He took his departure for England immediately as that assembly broke up; and it is conjectured that his embassy to the British Court is of great importance." [Footnote: Life of Brant, Vol. 2, p. 249.]
No public, decisive answer, for obvious reasons, was given to this application for countenance and aid in the contemplated war, for this part of the errand of the Mohawk chief, was "unknown to the public at that day." [Footnote: Life of Brant, Vol. 2, p. 249.]
Captain Brant on his return to America in 1786, entered once more upon the work of combining the Indian forces, and assembled a grand confederate council, which was held at Huron village, near the mouth of Detroit River. [Footnote: It was attended by the Six Nations, the Hurons, Ottawas, Miamis, Shawanese, Chippewas, Cherokees, Delawares, Pottowattamies, and Wabash, confederates.]
An address to the Congress of the United States was agreed upon at this council, pacific in its tone, provided no encroachments were made upon their lands west of the Ohio river. This was their ultimatum previous to the war, in which they were afterwards united.
At the treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United States in 1783, it was stipulated that the military posts south of the great lakes should be surrendered. This surrender was refused, on the plea that the United States had not fulfilled an agreement on her part, to see the just claims, due the subjects of Great Britain, cancelled.
From certain correspondence at this time it appears that there were other reasons also, for the witholding of these forts. Their surrender was earnestly desired on the part of the United States, as it was well understood, they gave encouragement to the hostile combinations, that at this time were going on.
In a letter to Captain Brant by Sir John Johnson dated Quebec, March 22d, 1787, he says, "Do not suffer an idea to hold a place in your mind, that it will be for your interest to sit still and see the Americans attempt the posts. [Footnote: Oswegatchie, Oswego, Niagara, Detroit and Mackinaw.]It is for your sakes chiefly, if not entirely, that we hold them.If you become indifferent about them, they may perhaps be given up; what security would you then have? You would be at the mercy of a people whose blood calls aloud for revenge; whereas, by supporting them, you encourage us to hold them, and encourage new settlements, already considerable, and every day increasing by numbers coming in, who find they can't live in the States. Many thousands are preparing to come in. This increase of his Majesty's subjects will serve as a protection to you, should the subjects of the States, by endeavoring to make further encroachments on you, disturb your quiet." [Footnote: Stone's Life and Times of Brant.]
Another letter soon after, by Major Mathews seems to confirm the above statements. "His Lordship [Footnote: Lord Dorchester, Governor General of Canada, formerly Sir Guy Carlton.] wishes them (the Indians), to act as is best for their interest; he cannot begin a war with the Americans, because some of their people encroach and make depredations upon parts of the Indian country; but they must see it is his Lordship'sintention to defend the posts; and that while these are preserved, the Indians must find great security therefrom, and consequently the Americans greater difficulty in taking their lands; but should they once become masters of the posts, they will surround the Indians, and accomplish their purpose with little trouble." [Footnote: Life of Brant, Vol. 2, p. 271.]
Thus it is seen that those at the head of British affairs in Canada, while they studiously avoided coming into open collision with the United States, were viewing with satisfaction the gathering war-cloud, and were lending their influence to extend and intensify its threatening character.
The only course left for the United States was to prepare for the conflict; and while forces were being summoned to take the field, they were preceded by efforts of a pacific character.
A treaty was held with the Six Nations at Fort Harmar, on the Muskingum, in January, 1789, by Gen. St. Clair, in behalf of the United States, with a view to renew and confirm all the engagements, made at the treaty of Fort Stanwix in 1784. Goods amounting to three thousand dollars were distributed among the Indians, after the satisfactory conclusion and signing of the treaty. [Footnote: Indian treaties.]
At the same time a treaty was concluded with the Wyandot, Delaware, Ottawa, Chippewa, Pottowattamie and Sac nations, and goods distributed among them amounting to six thousand dollars, for a relinquishment of their claim to western lands.
These negotiations were doubtless attended with a beneficial influence, but they could not arrest the tide of warlike feeling that had been created. Hostilities were continued throughout the long line of our frontier settlements, and two of the Senecas having been killed by some bordermen of Pennsylvania, a great excitement was awakened among them.
Our government, anxious to remove the new occasion of disaffection, immediately disavowed the act, sought to bring the perpetrators of the crime to justice, and invited a friendly conference of the Iroquois at Tioga Point.
This council was convened on the sixteenth and remained in session until the twenty-third of November, 1790.
The chiefs in attendance at this council, and who took an active part in its deliberations, were Fish Carrier, Farmer's Brother, Hendrick, Little Billy and Red Jacket.
Colonel Pickering, as commissioner on the part of the United States, was present.
Red Jacket, their principal speaker, portrayed in a vivid and strong light, the sorrow they experienced, the injustice they had suffered, and the unpleasant feelings aroused among them. A large number of Indians were present, and were powerfully moved, and deeply affected by his speech.
Colonel Pickering, on the other hand, gave a very clear view of the facts in the case, showing conclusively the innocence of the government in the murder committed, and after a time succeeded in allaying the excitement, drying up their tears, and wiping out the blood that had been shed.
This council was enlivened by good cheer, and the observance of ceremonies common among the Indians.
Thomas Morris, who was present, was at this time adopted into one of their tribes. His father, Robert Morris of Philadelphia, having purchased of Massachusetts, in 1790, the pre-emptive right to that part of Western New York, not sold to Phelps and Gorham, sent his son, as preparatory to the negotiations he desired to make with the Indians, and for the general management of his business connected with the undertaking, to reside in Canandaigua. While here he was diligent in cultivating an acquaintance with the principal chiefs of the Iroquois confederacy, who resided in that region. In this he was successful, and soon became a general favorite among them. He was in attendance with Colonel Pickering at Tioga Point, where the Indians determined to adopt him into the Seneca nation, and Red Jacket bestowed upon him the name himself had borne, previous to his elevation to the dignity of Sachem; O-ti-ti-ani, "Always Ready." It is beautifully described by Colonel Stone, and is given in his language.
"The occasion of which they availed themselves to perform the cermony of conferring upon young Morris his new name, was a religious observance, when the whole sixteen hundred Indians present at the treaty, united in an offering to the moon, then being at her full. It was a clear night, and the moon shone with uncommon brilliancy. The host of Indians, and their neophite, were all seated upon the ground in an extended circle, on one side of which a large fire was kept burning. The aged Cayuga chieftain, Fish Carrier, who was held in exalted veneration for his wisdom, and who had been greatly distinguished for his bravery from his youth up, officiated as the high priest of the occasion;—making a long speech to the luminary, occasionally throwing tobacco into the fire, as incense. On the conclusion of the address, the whole company prostrated themselves upon the bosom of their parent earth, and a grunting sound of approbation was uttered from mouth to mouth, around the entire circle.
"At a short distance from the fire a post had been planted in the earth, intended to represent the stake of torture, to which captives are bound for execution. After the ceremonies in favor of Madam Luna had been ended, they commenced a war-dance around the post, and the spectacle must have been as picturesque as it was animating and wild. The young braves engaged in the dance were naked, excepting a breech-cloth about their loins. They were painted frightfully, their backs being chalked white, with irregular streaks of red, denoting the streaming of blood. Frequently would they cease from dancing, while one of their number ran to the fire, snatching thence a blazing stick, placed there for that purpose, which he would thrust at the post, as though inflicting torture upon a prisoner. In the course of the dance they sung their songs, and made the forests ring with their wild screams and shouts, as they boasted of their deeds of war, and told the number of scalps they had respectively taken, or which had been taken by their nation. During the dance those engaged in it, as did others also, partook freely of unmixed rum, and by consequence of the natural excitement of the occasion, and the artificial excitement of the liquor the festival had well nigh turned out a tragedy. It happened that among the dancers was an Oneida warrior, who in striking the post, boasted of the number of scalps taken by his nation during the war of the Revolution. Now the Oneidas, it will be recollected, had sustained the cause of the colonies in that contest, while the rest of the Iroquois confederacy, had espoused that of the crown. The boasting of the Oneida warrior therefore, was like striking a spark into a keg of powder. The ire of the Senecas was kindled in an instant, and they in turn boasted of the number of scalps taken from the Oneidas in that contest. They moreover taunted the Oneidas as cowards. Quick as lightning the hands of the latter were upon their weapons, and in turn the knives and tomahawks of the Senecas began to glitter in the moon-beams, as they were hastily drawn forth. For an instant it was a scene of anxious, almost breathless suspense, a death- struggle seeming inevitable, when the storm was hushed by the interposition of Old Fish Carrier, who rushed forward, and striking the post with violence, exclaimed 'You are all a parcel of boys. When you have attained my age, and performed the warlike deeds that I have performed, you may boast of what you have done; but not till then.'
"Saying which he threw down the post, put an end to the dance, and caused the assembly to retire. This scene in its reality must have been one of absorbing and peculiar interest. An assembly of nearly two thousand inhabitants of the forest, grotesquely clad in skins and strouds, with shining ornaments of silver, and their coarse raven hair falling over their shoulders, and playing wildly in the wind as it swept past, sighing mournfully among the giant branches of the trees above, such a group gathered in a broad circle of an opening in the wilderness, the starry canopy of heaven glittering above them, the moon casting her silver mantle around their dusky forms, and a large fire blazing in the midst of them, before which they were working their spells, and performing their savage rites, must have presented a spectacle of long and vivid remembrance." [Footnote: Stone's Life and Times of Sa-go-ye-wat-ha.]
This meeting conducted with evident good feeling, served much to allay the excitement and anger of the Senecas, and other tribes there represented, but the question concerning their lands, was still agitated and created dissatisfaction.
With a view to obtain some concession in their favor, Cornplanter, Half Town and Big Tree visited Philadelphia, which was at that time the seat of the general government, very soon after the council at Tioga Point. They were especially anxious to obtain the restoration of a portion of land south of Lake Erie, and bordering upon Pennsylvania, which was occupied by Half Town and his clan. They represented it as the land on which Half Town and all his people live, with other chiefs who always have been, and still are dissatisfied with the treaty at Fort Stanwix. "They grew out of this land, and their fathers grew out of it, and they cannot be persuaded to part with it.We therefore entreat you to restore to us this little piece."
This appeal, so simple and touching, was responded to by President Washington with great kindness. He reminded them that the treaty at Fort Stanwix had been fully confirmed at Fort Harmar in 1789, that it was not within his province to annul the provisions of a treaty, especially one that had been concluded before his administration commenced, yet he assured them that Half Town and his people, should not be disturbed, in the peaceful occupancy of the land in question.
From the friendly manner in which they were received and treated by the President, and the generous gifts bestowed, they returned home feeling satisfied that the ruler of the thirteen fires would do them no injustice, and they were hence better reconciled to the people he governed. Before leaving, however, they were engaged to go in company with Colonel Proctor, of the Indian Department, on an embassy of peace to the hostile tribes at the West, which was undertaken in the following spring.
On reaching their own country it was found that another outrage had been committed by a party of border-men, upon the Senecas at Beaver Creek, in the neighborhood of Pittsburg, in which three men and one woman were killed.
Cornplanter immediately sent runners with a dispatch to the government, informing them of the event, and with the earnest inquiry, "Our father, and ruler over all mankind,speak now and tell us, did you order those men to be killed?"
The secretary of war utterly disclaimed and denounced the transaction, promised them restitution, and that the offenders should be brought to justice. These times were so fruitful in difficulties, that ere one was healed another was created; yet our government by wise and prompt measures were after this successful, in securing peace with all of the Iroquois family within its borders.
Expedition under Gen. Harmar—Its failure—High hopes of the Indians—Col.Proctor's visit to the Indians at Buffalo Creek—Red Jacket's speech—Indian deputation refused—Interference of the matrons—Council at PaintedPost—Chiefs invited to Philadelphia.
The efforts of our government to secure peace with the Indians, were but partially successful. As our settlements extended westward in Pennsylvania, and along the Ohio and Kentucky borders, Indian hostilities and depredations continued to multiply. From the year 1783 when peace was concluded with Great Britain, until October, 1790, when the United States commenced offensive operations against them, the Indians killed, wounded and took prisoners on the Ohio and the frontiers, about fifteen hundred men, women and children; besides taking away two thousand horses, and a large amount of other property.
The Shawanese, Miamis and Wabash Indians were chiefly concerned in these bloody transactions; and our government finding protection for her citizens could not be secured by pacific means, resolved to proceed with vigorous offensive measures.
General Harmar, a veteran of the Revolution, with a force of fourteen hundred and fifty men, three hundred and twenty from the regular army, and the balance made up of recruits from Kentucky and Pennsylvania, advanced toward the Indian country.
The expedition left Fort Washington, the present site of Cincinnati, on the 30th of September, 1790.
The Indians, who kept watch of his movements, burned before his coming, their principal village and retired. Seizing a favorable opportunity, they fell suddenly upon a detachment of the main army commanded by Colonel Harding, consisting of two hundred and ten men, thirty of whom were regulars.
At the first onset the militia, the main part of the force, fled. The regulars stood their ground bravely for a time, but at a fearful odds; seven only escaped.
Colonel Harding, desirous of retrieving the disgrace, the next day with three hundred militia and sixty regulars, gave battle to the Indians. They fought near the junction of St. Joseph and St. Mary rivers, and the struggle, though severe and bloody, ended with the defeat of the Americans.
Success elated and emboldened the Indians, and rendered hopeless the negotiations for peace. Nevertheless the mission of Colonel Proctor, with a deputation from the Iroquois was not given up, and when spring opened he repaired to their country, to be joined by Cornplanter, Red Jacket and others, and proceed on his visit to the hostile tribes of the West.
Anticipating his arrival, a council of the Iroquois had been called at Buffalo Creek. Already messengers had been sent, earnestly soliciting them to join the warriors that were rising everywhere, from toward the setting sun. They had defeated the Americans, and nothing was wanting but the united action of all the Indian tribes, to secure the broad lands of the North-west, where they could spread their blankets in peace, and dwell securely forever. The Senecas, particularly, were urged to join in a war, that opened so many hopeful and glorious anticipations. The distinguished warrior Brant was very solicitous on this point, and being encouraged by those at the head of British affairs in Canada, was sanguine of ultimate success.
Colonel Proctor, accompanied by Cornplanter, arrived at the council fire kindled at Buffalo Creek, on the 27th of April, 1791.
Among the Indian chiefs present were Young King, Farmer's Brother and Red Jacket. The latter had now an acknowledged pre-eminence among his people, and took a leading part in the deliberations of this council. It was opened by a speech from Red Jacket, as follows:
"Brother: Listen. As is our custom we now address you, and we speak to you as to a brother that has been long absent. We all address you, and our chief warrior, Cornplanter; and we thank the Great Spirit for his and your safe arrival, coming as you do hand in hand from Honandaganius [Footnote: Name given to General Washington.] on important business.
"You have traveled long with tearful eyes, from the roughness of the way, and the inclemency of the season. Besides the difficulties between the bad Indians and our brothers the white people, everything has been conspiring to prevent your coming, thwart your business, and cause you to lose your way. The great waters might have prevented your coming; the wars might have stopped you; sickness and death might have overtaken you, for we know not what is to happen till it comes upon us. Therefore we thank the Great Spirit, who has preserved you from dangers, that would have prevented our hearing the good news you have come to bring us. And when filled with good news, how is it possible that disasters should befall you on the way?
"Wipe therefore from your eyes, the tears that have been occasioned by the dangers through which you have come. We now place you upon a seat where you can sit erect, a seat where you will be secure from the fear of your enemies, where you can look around upon all as your friends and brothers in peace.
"You have come with your heart and lips firmly closed, lest you should lose anything you had to say. With a brotherly hand we now open your hearts, and we remove the seal from your lips, that you may open them and speak freely without obstruction. Your ears too have been closed, that they might hear nothing until saluted by our voice. Open your ears to hear our counsels when we shall have had messages from you.
"We present therefore the compliments of the chiefs and head men of Buffalo Creek, to you and to our great warrior, the Cornplanter, hoping that you may each proceed safely with your business."
To this Cornplanter replied briefly, in behalf of himself and Col. Procter, reciprocating the kindness manifested, in the welcome that had been given them.
After which Col. Proctor explained fully the object of their coming, which was to obtain from them a deputation of peace, to visit with him the hostile Indian tribes at the West; and assured them of the liberal views, and friendly feelings of the chief of the thirteen fires toward them.
Several days were thereupon consumed in devising expedients and raising objections, which terminated finally in the declaration that nothing could be done without consulting theirBritish friends at Fort Niagara. They desired the colonel to go with them there. His business not being with the British, but with them, he declined going. They then insisted upon having one of the officers of the fort to sit with them in council.
This being allowed, Col. Butler afterward appeared among them, and after a little private consultation with him, they seemed to be utterly averse to sending the proposed delegation.
Captain Brant, just before starting on a visit to western tribes, had been holding a consultation with these chiefs, and had no doubt been influential in causing them to be averse to joining this embassy.
Col. Proctor, finding further negotiation hopeless, declared his purpose to return, and expressed his regret in having to carry back an unfavorable report to the government, on whose kind and pacific errand he had been sent forth.
This announcement made a deep impression on their minds, and immediately a change took place in their proceedings, which revealed a peculiar feature of Indian diplomacy.
The women, who had been carefully watching the proceedings of this council, began to express their unwillingness to send to General Washington an unfavorable reply. To them was conceded the right, in things pertaining to the safety of their homes, of reversing, if they thought proper, the decision of the men. They did so on this occasion, and employed Red Jacket to present their views on the following day.
It was decided by them, in view of the threatening aspect of affairs, that Cornplanter, their most experienced warrior, should not leave them; but that a sufficient deputation, for which they had obtained volunteers, should accompany Col. Proctor, at the same time advising him of the danger, admonishing him to proceed with caution; "to reach his neck over the land, and take in all the light he could, that would show him his danger."
The journey being regarded as too hazardous by land, and the Indians unwilling to perform it with their canoes, the case was decided by the British officers, who refused them a vessel for the undertaking.
So great was the excitement among the Indians at this time, that before the result of Col. Proctor's mission was generally known, another council of the Iroquois was invited to meet at Painted Post, and was held during the month of June following. The British officers at Niagara, and runners from the western tribes, exerted their influence to prevent the Iroquois from coming into alliances of peace with the United States. But through the exertions of Col. Proctor, assisted by Cornplanter and the elderly matrons, the minds of the leading chiefs were turned from the proposed western alliance to Colonel Pickering and the treaty ground at Painted Post.
Red Jacket, together with other leading chiefs was present, and took an active part in the deliberations of this council. It was well attended by the Indians, as also by several American gentlemen, and a number of speeches were interchanged, whose general drift was in the direction of peace.
The result of this gathering was satisfactory to all parties. It served to bind more closely the friendship of the leading chiefs to the United States, and it served also to interest the minds of the young warriors, who had else from a love of adventure followed the war path, with the tribes at the West.
At the close of this council, a large entertainment was prepared purely after the civilized style, and when it was about concluded, Colonel Pickering took occasion to place before them the blessings and advantages of a cultivated state of society; and the happy influences that would arise from the introduction among them of the arts of civilized life. He assured them of the kind interest felt by General Washington and others in their welfare, and promised to aid them in any efforts they were disposed to make, for the advancement of their people. Presents were then liberally distributed among them, and they were invited at a convenient time to visit General Washington, and confer with him more fully on the subject.
The Indians were pleased with these suggestions, and promised to accept of the proffered invitation. Thus happily closed this council, gathered amid distracting influences, the Indians returning home better satisfied with their friendly attitude toward the government, and their feelings in striking contrast with those of their brethren at the West.