Rate in the year Sambat 1868, A.D. 1810.
By the country measure.
By the Calcutta measure.
Rupees.
Anas.
Anas.
Pies.
Sali or rice
3
5
10
5½
Maruya and Mustard
2
11
8
6
Cotton and patuya or corchorus
2
4
7
0
Kitchen gardens and tobacco
5
0
15
9½
Sugar-cane
4
0
12
7½
No other crop pays any thing, and the tenantry pay no ground rent for their houses. The Calcutta Biga is one-third of an English acre, and the rupee weighs 179½ grains of silver; it is divided into 16 anas, and the ana into 12 pies.
The settlement in the year Sambat 1846, soon after the conquest, was considerably lower, but more crops were included.
The duties called Sayer include a capitation on artists, a duty on the sale of oxen and buffaloes, on marriages, on the contract with a concubine, on grain exported, on all things sold at Hats or markets, and on adulterers.
The duty on Catechu I have already explained.
The management of the mines is not entrusted to the care of the Subahs.
The whole amount which the Subah collected in the year 1809–10 is said to have been 131,425 rupees, out of which the Subah pays 80,000 rupees to government; and his share of the Rajangka, and presents to the twelve great officers of state, usually amount to 20,000 rupees more; but this is probably compensated by similar exactions that he makes from his inferiors. He, however, incurs a heavy expense in furnishing the regular troops with provisions, which he must do at a price fixed by government, and which is always far below the market price; but he squeezes a great part of this from the neighbouring tenantry. Colonel Kirkpatrick[154]estimates the nett revenue of this territory, which he calls East Turrye, at from 125,000 to 150,000 rupees, including, perhaps, Rajangka and mines.
Each village (Gang) is under a Mokuddum, who has fiveper cent. of the land free of rent; a Patwari or clerk, who has one-half ana on the rupee of rent, and two anas a-year on each house, both from the tenants, and gives one-half of this to his superiors, the Mohurers, who are registers to the Fouzdars, and to the Kanungo, who is register to the Subah. The messengers (Gorayits) from every house get about two loads of the ears of rice, which give about oneman(82 lbs. avoirdupois) of grain; so that, neither on account of the village establishment, nor on that of the Kanungoes or his clerks, (Mohurer,) is there any deduction from the above sum; but the Subah pays several heavy establishments.
At his chief office, it amounts to about 3500 rupees a-year. There are, besides the Fouzdars, Chaudhuris and armed men, at the three subordinate divisions for the land rent and sayer.
The Subah, being a merchant of Banaras, keeps the Catechu at his own disposal, and, besides the duties, has probably much profit on this article as a merchant.
The duties on timber are formed in three lots, to three Fouzdars, and the nett proceeds only have been included.
The rents on pasture are farmed on the same plan to two Fouzdars.
His whole establishment, therefore, does not probably exceed 7000 rupees a-year.
Two captains (Subahdars) have lands in the district for the maintenance of 300 men.
The Subah, as judge, receives 25per cent. on all sums recovered in his court, but the greater part of this goes to the Raja. The Subah, however, always receives presentsfrom the defendant, when the suit is given in his favour, and he has fees in the management of the police. The avowed profits, in the management of justice and police in the year 1809–10, are said, in even numbers, to have been 15,000 rupees.
The inhabitants of Vijaypur, towards the east, are chiefly Koch or Rajbangsis, who are considered as the same, live on the plain, and speak the dialect of Bengal; on the lower hills are many Mech. Both these tribes are original inhabitants of Kamrup. In the western parts, most of the cultivators are of the Gangaye cast, who speak the dialect of Mithila, and adhere to the doctrines of purity, as established in that country. On the hills, the people are mostly Khas, or a mixed breed between the mountain Hindus and natives, with some Rajputs, and some Magars, who have been lately introduced.
The northern part of the eastern division of the principality, founded by Lohangga, has been lately formed into a distinct district, and its Subah resides at Chayenpur. The hilly parts of Sikim, so far as has been subdued, and a portion of Thibet, bordering on the Arun river, have been annexed to the jurisdiction, which is bounded by the Sengkhuya Arun, and Kausiki on the west, and by the Tista on the east, extending between 80 and 90 miles in these directions, and perhaps about 60 or 70 from north to south. It consists altogether of lofty mountains, rising, in many parts, to the most tremendous Alps.
The land revenue, I am told, is very trifling, the whole almost being held by military tenure; but I did not learn the particulars. The chief revenues are the customs at Golas, mines, and capitation, (Rajangka,) but the two last are not collected by the Subah. There is no Sayer.
The forts are Chayenpur, about two or three coses from theArun, Changiya, Hedang, a large place towards the frontier of Thibet, Darjiling, and Sikim.
The Golas, or custom-houses, are Ilam, Majhuya, Bilasi, Tangting, Huchi-Mechi, Dimali, and Satang, all in the territory formerly belonging to the Sikim Raja. The Gorkhalese have no connection with Thibet in that quarter, because the route is still in possession of the Sikim Raja. Chayenpur, however, has a considerable trade with Thibet by that part of the country which is near the Arun. Hatiya on the Arun, and Alangchang on the Tambar, are at present the marts established for this commerce. Formerly it was carried on at Pokang in the middle between the two rivers. People can pass to the two former all the year; the trade at Pokang was confined to summer. The goods imported at these places from Thibet are salt carried on sheep, gold, silver, musk, and musk-deer skins, the tails called Chaungris, blankets, borax, Chinese silks, and medicinal herbs. The goods sent from Chayenpur are rice, wheat, maruya, (Cynosurus corocanus,) uya, a grain, oil, butter, iron, copper, cotton cloths, broadcloth, catechu, myrobalans, (harra bahara,) planks of the Dhupi, pepper, and spices, indigo, tobacco, hides, otters’ fur, sugar-candy, and extract of sugar-cane, occasionally some pearls.
The route from Vijaypur to Pokang is said to be as follows in days journeys:
1. To Mulghat on the Tambar river. The road hilly, but not mountainous. Much cultivation. No river of note.
2. To Dhankuta, or Dhankot. The same kind of country. Cross the Tambar.
3. To Ukhaliya. Country more hilly, and less cultivated. Several small rivers, especially the Mangmay.
4. To Jaresang, a town in a plain well cultivated country.
5. To the Leghuya river, where there is a fine valley. The road passes over low hills.
6. To Dobhang. The road hilly, but in many parts cultivated. Cross the Piluya river below Chayenpur Fort. Dobhang is situated on the Soyeya river, near where it joins the Arun.
7. To Tamlingtar, a smooth road fit for horses. It stands between the Soyeya and the Arun, which are about 1⅔ coses distant from each other. This is the largest place in the district, and is said to be about the size of Kirtipur, in the valley of Nepal, which, I suppose, may contain 6000 people; but Tamlingtar is not built with brick, as is the case with Kirtipur. The plain round it is very considerable, extending twelve coses north and south, and four coses east and west. The plain is bounded on the west by the Arun, and is not quite so cool as Kathmandu, nor is it fully cleared.
8. To Tamling, a smooth road fit for horses. Tamling is about three coses east from the Arun.
9. To Segeya, a smooth road fit for horses. The country is well cultivated. Segeya is a day’s journey east from the Arun.
10. To Lum, a good road.
11. To Jupha, a very hilly road with steep ascents and descents, but much cultivation.
12. To Jholangghat, on the Arun, where there is a bridge suspended by rattans.
13. To Hedang, the route being on low hills by the west side of the Arun. West from Hedang two days journey, is Meyangma, a snowy mountain, and at the same distance east is another named Mirgu.
14. To Komba, a village of Bhotiyas, at a distance from the Arun, and formerly at least the residence of a Lama, who was supposed to be an incarnation of God.
15. To Chamtang, another village inhabited by Bhotiyas, and at a distance from the Arun.
16. To Seksula, or Seksura, on the Arun. Some accounts place it on one side, and some on the other of the Arun. It is a village of Bhotiyas, and part may be on each side of the river, which is crossed on a bridge of rattans.
17 and 18 to Pokang. The country is not very hilly, but so high and cold, that it is frequented only in summer by shepherds and traders who attend the mart.
From Seksula, proceeding on the west side of the Arun, you have,
17. Hatiya, a Bhotiya village, where there is a mart.
18. Chipachintang, another Bhotiya village belonging to Gorkha. A little way beyond it is Manigumba, a village subject to Lasa.
The Arun here would seem to pass through the highest ridge of the snowy mountains. The Kirat, who gave me the map of the eastern parts of the principality, names the portion of these mountains towards the east Papti, and says, that between it and Mirgu, mentioned above, there is a large valley; but, except near the Arun, it has no regular inhabitants. In summer it is frequented by shepherds alone; but he would not appear to have been acquainted with its eastern parts; for, though he admits that the Tambar rises from Papti, and afterwards passes through Mirgu, he knew nothing of the Gola that is there, and is called Alangchang. South from Mirgu is another high ridge; but the snow that occasionally falls on it in winter soon melts. The Kirat calls it Ichhanglima; I have no doubt that it is the Phakphok of the map made by the slave; for the Kirat says, that the Kankayi rises from Mirgu, and passes through a gap in Ichhanglima. The slave in his map says that Phakphok is the proper source of the Kankayi, but admits,that it receives a stream from the snowy mountains. The Kirat alleged that the hollow between Mirgu and Ichhanglima is overgrown with immense forests occupied by elephants and rhinoceroses, which is scarcely reconcilable with its necessary elevation; and the compiler of the other map represents it as a well inhabited country, which is the most probable account, as the Kirat had not visited that part.
On the west side of the Arun, again, the Kirat places Syamphelang as the highest ridge of snowy mountains, and he seemed to think, that the very highest peak visible, and bearing about N. by W. from Nathpur, was part of this mountain connected with this, but leaving between them the valley watered by the Tarun, is another snowy mountain, which the Kirat calls Meyangma, but which the slave who constructed the map calls Salpa pahar.
The inhabitants of the eastern parts of Chayenpur have been already mentioned. In the western parts the most numerous tribe is Kirat, next Limbu, then Magar, lately introduced as soldiers, then Khas and Rajputs. There are also Murmis, and towards the N.W. Bhotiyas.
The middle part of the principality of Lohangga has also been divided into two districts under Subahs. The first comprehends the southern portion called Saptari, but the low land between the Rato and Kamal, named Mahatari, which formerly belonged to the western division of the principality, has lately been placed under the authority of this Subah. His jurisdiction, therefore, on the plain extends about 100 miles from east to west, and its width there is nearly the same as that of Morang; so that it possesses more level land. Very little of the hilly country belongs to it, as Khatang and Makwanpur come far down and meet at the Kamal.
The most remarkable places in this district are Naragarhi, asmall fort on the plain, where the Subah usually resides; Bhemagarhi, another similar place, where he occasionally resides; and Janakpur, a place of pilgrimage noted in Hindu fable, and already mentioned as the seat of a very ancient dynasty. I am told that there are no remains of former power or greatness.
There are ten market-places.
The Golas, or custom-houses, are placed in the map.
The land-rent is collected by two Fouzdars, one for Saptari, the other for Mahatari; but these also collect some trifling dues which have not been let with the sayer or duties on markets; for there is no regular system of finance. These dues are those on marriages, (Bihadani,) on contracts of concubinage, (Sagora,) and a fine on adulterers of rupees 2-10/16, levied by the collector, besides the fine that goes to the Raja; for the man who has farmed the duties on the markets takes a part of the fine, amounting to rupees 2-10/16. The following will show the sums collected on these heads in the year Sambat 1867, (A.D. 1809.)
zila.
saptari.
Land-rent.
Marriages.
Concubines.
Adulterers.
Pergunah
Khalisa
10,015
75½
50
25
Jagadal
2,485
25
12½
-
Pakri
13,345½
55½
25
30
Maljhumna
754½
15
5
-
Rayjhumna
941½
25
7½
10
Pakuya
855½
10
5
5
Gudagari
501½
25
7½
20
Rampurbehara
481
-
5
-
Mahishan
501½
20
5½
-
Khonjvaghni )
Totally waste
Majhoya    )
Dhanchhoyar )
Vihar      )
-------
-------
-------
-------
Total
29,881
251
123
90
zila.
mahatari.
Land-rent.
Marriages.
Concubines.
Adulterers.
Pergunah
Mahatari
9,115½
103
50
25
Korari
10,025
40½
10
16
Khesraha
11,212
50
25
-
Pihan
7,855½
80
40
65
--------
--------
--------
--------
Total Rupees
38,208
273½
125
106
The establishment is nearly similar to what is maintained in Vijaypur. A great part of the rents are farmed. The rent is paid by so much a biga for each kind of crop. The biga is of the same size as in Morang. The following is the rate:
According to Country measure.
According to Calcutta measure.
Rupees.
Anas.
Anas.
Pies.
Rice (Sali)
4
10
14
7¼
Mustard (Turi)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â )
Corocanus (Maruya)Â Â Â )
3
10
11
6¾
Cotton
3
12
11
10
Tobacco and Kitchen Gardens
5
0
15
9½
All ranks pay the same rate. Tradesmen pay a ground rent for their houses of rupees 5. 10. included in the land-rent, and a capitation tax to the Sayer of rupees 1. 10. Those who have regular shops in the market-places pay to the Sayer rupees 7. 10, and nothing for ground rent. Washer-men, barbers, tailors, and shoe-makers, pay no capitation.
The Sayer, consisting of the capitation on tradesmen, and of the duties levied on goods sold, and grain exported, is farmed to two men for Saptari, one paying 3254 rupees, and the other 3?35½; and for Mahatari, to one man paying 6595½.
The rents on the pasture of buffaloes is farmed at 1431 rupees for Saptari, and 3956â…› rupees for Mahatari.
The duty on those who make catechu is farmed in Saptari for 1015 rupees, and in Mahatari for 1212 rupees.
The duties on timber are farmed in Saptari for 2462 rupees, and in Mahatari for 2225 rupees.
The duties on boats loaded with timber are farmed in Saptari for 2441 rupees, and in Mahatari for 345.
The duty on birds for both is farmed at 698½ rupees.
The duties levied at the Golas, or custom-houses, have been farmed for three years at 100,000 rupees, or 33,333⅓ a year; but in this bargain are included the duties at Varaha kshetra and Vijaypur, for which the renter pays 1500 rupees annually to the priest of the former place, and 2000 to the Subah of Morang; so that the customs here are actually farmed at 29,833 rupees a-year. The person who has farmed these rents, Achal Thapa, resides at Bhangraruya on the Kosi, and has endeavoured to secure a monopoly; but his plans have not been very successful, and he will be a heavy sufferer by the interruptions of commerce that have ensued in consequence of the disputed frontier.
The total revenue collected by the Subah is as follows:
Rupees
Land-rent and several casualties
68,957
Pasture
5,386
Catechu
2,227
Timber cutters
4,687
Duties on boats loaded with timber
2,786
Duties on birds
698
Customs at Golas
29,833
Duties on markets or Sayer
12,985
---------
Total
127,559
Exclusive of the Rajangka or income tax, he pays to the Raja 58,000 rupees a-year.
There is very little land granted for the support of thearmy, or officers of government, and no great religious establishment.
At Jaleswar, in Mahatari, south from Janakpur, the Raja has a manufacture of saltpetre and gunpowder.
There is only one mine of iron at Sisuya, near the Kosi.
The Tharu cast, resembling, in its manners, the Gangayi of Morang, composes the greatest part of the population on the plain. Next to these, are nearly equal parts of the impure Bhawars, and of the military and agricultural tribe of Brahmans, called Aniwar, both of whom have, at different times, been sovereigns of the country. Immediately under the hills are many Batars, who speak the Hindwi language. The lower hills are occupied by Sringguyas, a branch of the Limbu tribe, and by Magars, and Rajputs or Khas. The Magars have been lately introduced.
The northern parts of this middle division of the principality of Lohangga, form the jurisdiction of the Subah of Khatang, who possesses an extensive region of mountains, bounded by the Arun on the east, and on the west by the Tamba Kosi, which separates it from the territory of Bhatgang, one of the three principalities into which Nepal Proper was divided. Towards the south it descends to the Kamal, which, in part, separates it from Makwanpur. On the north it is bounded by the snow hills, which separate it from Thibet or Lasa, and, in this part, advance far south.
The land revenue has been almost entirely granted to the different officers of the Gorkhalese government, and there is no Sayer, nor customs, so that the Raja chiefly receives the income tax, (Rajangka,) fines, and the profits of mines. The Subah pays only 12,000 rupees a-year, and about 3000 rupees as Rajangka. This district maintains two companies of 120 fusileers each.
The forts are Hedang, where the Subah resides; Chaudandi, where the Rajas formerly lived; Rawa, near the junction of the San and Dudh Kosis; Chariyagarhi, on the Kamal; and Hatuya, at the junction of the San Kosi and Arun, where a Serdar often has a military station.
At the temple of Siva in Halesi, where the Dudhkosi and Sankosi unite, is a very great fair in February.
With Thibet there are two routes of communication.
On the Dudhkosi is Lamja, to which the Bhotiyas come at all seasons. The Alps extend two day’s journey beyond it, on the banks of the Dudhkosi; afterwards there is a plain country. The road from Kalesi to Lamja Gola is as follows:
One day’s journey to Rawa, a large town with a fort. The country fully occupied.
One day to Hakula, a large village. The country here, also, is well inhabited.
One day’s journey to Jubing, a large village.
One day to Ghat, a village inhabited chiefly by Bhotiyas, the climate being too cold for the mountain Hindus.
One day’s journey from thence to Lamja, also inhabited by Bhotiyas. The imports are as usual from that country, but there are no duties.
The other route to Thibet, from this district, is towards Dudhkunda, a place in Thibet, where there is a very great annual fair. The road, commencing at Lengleng, at the junction of the Tamha and San Kosi, is as follows:
One day to Namari, a large village.
One day to Jirikampti, where the Raja of Gorkha has 10,000 or 12,000 cows on fine plain land, kept waste on purpose.
One day to Gama, a large village inhabited by Bhotiyas.
One day to Goyang, a similar village.
One day to the snowy mountain Pangmo. Dudhkunda is a little way among the Alps, but is subject to Thibet.
The commerce by the Tamba kosi goes by Phala, a Gola or custom-house in the former territory of Bhatgang.
The roads from the San Kosi to the mountains are difficult, but, for a part of the way, people can ride on horseback.
From Chatra to Nepal the road is rather better, but, in many places, the rider must dismount. After, however, passing the falls of the Kosi at Chatra, the San Kosi is navigable in canoes, to the junction of the Risu, where it turns to the north. The Arun is navigable to Hedang.
The best route, by land, from Chatra to Nepal, is as follows:
On the first day’s journey, cross the Kosi to Mayna, and then the San kosi to Lasuniya.
A day’s journey from Lasuniya to Kuta.
One day’s journey to Khatang, which may be five or six coses north from the San kosi.
From Khatang to Kamtel, one day.
To Halesi, at the junction of the Dudhkosi, one day.
To Teliya, about three coses from the San kosi, one day.
To Bangnam, on the west of the Lekho, one day.
To Chupulu, one day.
To Mantali ghat, on the Tamba kosi, one day. The village is on the west side.
To Puchi ghat, on the San kosi, one day.
To Dumja, on the Rusi, one day.
To Dapcha, on the north side of the Rusi, one day.
To Banipa, at the head of the Rusi, on the hills that bound the valley of Nepal, one day.
The mines in this district are numerous, as will appear from the map.
There are no markets, (Hats,) but some shops in all the towns.
The chief place in Khatang is Dalka, on the Tamba kosi, upon a plain extending to Puchigat, on both sides of the Tamba kosi, and about a cose in width. This valley extends down the San kosi, from one-half to one cose in width. Dalka is a town like Timmi, in the valley of Nepal, which, I suppose, may contain 4000 people, and is chiefly inhabited by Newars, and built of brick. At it there is a celebrated temple of Bhim Sen, one of the sons of Pandu. The Pujari is a Newar, and the temple is considered as the eastern boundary of Nepal Proper.
The most valuable district which the Raja of Nepal possesses, is that which formed the western division of the principality, founded by Lohangga, although the district called Mahatari has been separated, and annexed to the Subah of Saptari. The Subah of this district resides usually at Makwanpur, on the hills, but, in the cold season, he visits the plains and resides at Baragarhi, from whence he is often called the Baragarhi Subah. His jurisdiction extends from the Rato, on the east, to the Trisul Gangga, and Gandaki, on the west; and from the Company’s territory, on the south, to the San kosi, and Rusi, on the north. In some parts, towards the north, this boundary was disputed between the Rajas of Patan, in Nepal, and the Rajas of Makwanpur. One would naturally have supposed, that the boundary would have been determined by the mountain called Lama dangra, which extends from the Trisul gangga to the Arun, and which, except by the Vagmati or Vagwati, is crossed by no river, all those from its north side falling into the Trisul gangga, Vagmati, or Kosi. In fact, where I passed this mountain at Chisapani, a little above the fort, I was shown an old wall on the summit, which was said to have been the boundary; but I am told, that the copper mine on the north side of the hill belongs to Makwani, and that the boundary goes thence obliquely towardsthe north-east, so that it includes many villages between Lama Dangra, and the Rusi, and San kosi rivers.
When Colonel Kirkpatrick visited Nepal,[168a]it would appear that the Subah of Makwanpur, or Baragarhi, governed the whole country from the Kosi to the Gandaki, divided into five Zilas, which he names Subtuni, (Saptari,) Mohtuni, (Mahatari,) Rohuttut or Rohtut, Bareh, (Baragarhi,) and Persa, (Pasara.)
One-half of this territory is on the level country, called Tariyani, and is exactly on the same footing with the level of Morang, Saptari, and Mahatari.
About one-fourth of the district consists of low hills, very thinly occupied; and one-fourth consists of high mountains.
The most remarkable places of strength are the fort of Makwanpur, where the Rajas formerly dwelt; Hariharpur, commanding the Vagmati; Sinduli, (Seedly R.) and Chisapani, commanding two passages through the mountain called Lama dangra; Chayenpur, on the San kosi; and Kumbi, Gar Pasara, Kurarbas and Baragarhi, commanding the plain. Chisapani, the most important, and Gar Pasara, both of which I have seen, are altogether contemptible; and it is probable that the others are still worse. Baragarhi, (Barra Gharry,) according to Colonel Kirkpatrick,[168b]is a mean place, containing 30 or 40 huts, and its fort is not more respectable than Gar Pasara. In the whole district, there is not one considerable town.
At Hethaura, Sinduli, and Bichhakhori, customs are collected, but none of them are marts for the sale of goods. On the plain country are several markets, (Hats,) but I have not learned the names nor situations of the whole.
I did not learn the particulars of the revenue of this district, but was told at Kathmandu, in a general way, that the Subah pays annually 100,000 rupees. Colonel Kirkpatrick[169]estimates the money annually remitted by the Subah at 200,000 rupees; but then this Subah held also Saptari, which, paying now 58,000 rupees, should leave 142,000 for the present territory; but, in what Colonel Kirkpatrick states as the remittance, the Rajangka was perhaps included. There are, besides, many mines. The greater part of the hills has been granted in Jaygir to various officers. The plains alone are rented on account of the court.
On the plains, the population consists chiefly of Tharus and Aniwars. The great cast on the hills is the Murmi, and this is also the case on the north of the valley of Nepal. About the forts are some Rajputs, many of the spurious breed of Khas, and a good many Magars.
The inhabitants of this part of the Tariyani, which I had an opportunity of seeing, are quite the same in their circumstances, language, dress, persons, and customs, with the Hindus of the northern part of Behar. The peasantry are extremely nasty, and apparently indigent. Their huts are small, dirty, and very ill calculated to keep out the cold winds of the winter season, for a great many of them have no other walls but a few reeds supported by sticks in a perpendicular direction. Their clothing consists of some cotton rags, neither bleached nor dyed, and which seem never to be washed. They are a small, hard-favoured people, and by no means fairer than the inhabitants of Bengal, who are comparatively in much better circumstances.
Having finished my account of the principality, founded by Lohangga, the youngest son of Mukunda, in the eastern parts of the territory, now subject to Gorkha, I proceed to give an account of the territory adjacent to the west, which fell to the lot of the other branches of the same family.
Makunda Sen the 1st, when he provided for his sons, gave Champaranya to his brother, who left it to his son Rama Singha, descended of whom was another Makunda Sen, whose son, or grandson, is supposed to have been destroyed by the ghost of a Brahman, whom he had offended, and the country now belongs to the Raja of Betiya. This is an account given by Samar Bahadur. Others say, that Rama Sen, or Rama Singha, was a son of Makunda the 1st, who obtained Tilpur and Rajpur, both in the Company’s territory, as I intend hereafter to describe.
I have already mentioned, that Binayak, said to be the eldest son of Makunda, received the territory on the plain now called Butaul. Jasu Sen, the son of Binayak, did nothing worth remark, but left his patrimony to his son Damodar Sen, who, in the same manner, begat Balabhadra Sen, and he begat Ambar Sen, who succeeded to Palpa, the line of Manik having failed. He was succeeded by his son Gandharba Sen, who begat Udyata Sen, but survived his son, and was succeeded by Makunda Sen, his grandson, who had wars with most of his neighbours, conquered Gulmi, and recovered some of his dominions that had been seized by the Raja of Gorkha. In the course of his wars with a Muhammedan Nawab, he took some guns and flags, as trophies of victory. He had five sons. 1. Mahadatta S. who succeeded. 2. Suravir S. 3. Karuvir S. 4. Chandravir S. And, 5. Dhwajavir S. Mahadatta had three sons. 1. Prithwi Pal S. 2. Rana Bahadur S. And, 3. Samar Bahadur S. Prithwi Pal S. succeeded hisfather, and left one son named Ratna Sen, who is the present representative of the family. This is the account contained in the manuscript composed by Rana Bahadur, already mentioned. I shall now give some farther detail.
Gandharba Sen of Palpa and Binayakpur made a considerable addition to his dominions, having, with the assistance of his allies, the Rajas of Gulmi and Kachi, seized on the territories of an impure Magar chief, who resided at Balihang. This chief, of whose family there are no remains, had large possessions, both on the hills and plains, especially on the latter. These were divided among the three allies, Palpa taking the best share. There was a small territory, however, called Khidim, about the division of which the three chiefs could not agree. After much squabbling, it was determined that it should be given to a Brahman, whose descendants held it, until the country was seized by the late Raja of Gorkha and Nepal, who gave it to his father-in-law, the Raja of Gulmi.
Makunda Sen the 2d held Binayakpur Palpa and a great part of Balihang, and was at the head of an alliance of petty chiefs, composed of Gajarkot, Rising, Ghiring, Argha, Khachi, and Gulmi, which last, after a vain attempt at conquest, he was obliged to relinquish. Narabhupal, Raja of Gorkha, had married his aunt, daughter of Gandarbha, and he received kindly at his court his cousin Prithwi Narayan, the son of Narabhupal, while that chief was a young man, very slenderly provided. One of Prithwi’s most early acts was to subdue the three first mentioned allies of Makunda; but from their territories he was soon expelled, and this is what in the manuscript is called recovering part of his dominions from Gorkha. After the death of Prithwi Narayan, his son Singha Pratap showed so much favour to a Swarup Singha,whom he had raised from a low rank to the important office of Karyi, that, on account of the envy which was excited, the favourite was under the necessity of flying to the Company’s territory. There some European gentlemen took notice of him, and supported him with money. Having introduced himself to the unfortunate widow of Karna Sen, chief of the eastern branch of the family, whose only child, as I have already mentioned, had been poisoned by the intrigues of Prithwi Narayan, Swarup obtained authority from this lady to proceed to Palpa for assistance; and having gone there, Makunda gave him his youngest son Dwaja vir to be adopted by the old lady, and to assert the claims of his family. The melancholy fate of this youth has been already detailed. At the time of his murder Swarup Singha was at Calcutta, soliciting assistance. On his return he was invited to Kathmandu, and all envy, it was said, having died away, large promises were made, and the mother of the Raja’s heir gave an oath, that he should meet with no harm. Immediately, however, after his arrival he was confined, and in less than a year he was killed.
Makunda Sen procured from the Nawab Vazir a grant of the extensive estate of Tilpur, and of that part of Rajpur, which is on the west side of the Gandaki, and had once, as lately mentioned, belonged to a branch of his family; but in the latter he never acquired proper authority, owing to the intrigues of the Kanungo, or register.
This enterprising chief married the eldest daughter (Maha Kumari) of his ally the Raja of Argha, and on this occasion presented his father-in-law with an estate situated on the plain, and called Tuppah Bandar; although he continued to pay the revenue to the Nawab. This was part of the spoil taken from Balihang by his grandfather.
Mahadatta Raja of Palpa was very much in favour withAsofud Doulah, the Nawab Vazir, who confirmed to him all his hereditary or acquired lands on the plains, at an easy rate; and, going there frequently to hunt, seems to have amused himself with the Raja’s children. The youngest son Samar, a lame but shrewd man, seems in particular to have attracted his notice, and he bestowed on him the title of Nader Shah, by which he is much better known than by his proper name.
Mahadatta also entered into the strictest alliance with Bahadur Sahi, younger son of Prithwi Narayan, and regent of Gorkha during the minority of his nephew Rana Bahadur. In order to cement the friendship, Mahadatta gave his daughter in marriage to the regent, which, on account of her birth, was considered as a very honourable connexion for the chief of Gorkha. These friends soon entered into a most iniquitous combination. The Gorkha family had hitherto entirely failed in all their attempts to extend their dominions to the west, and, if Palpa had continued to assist the neighbouring Rajas, it is probable, that their resistance to Gorkha might have been continued with success; but the father and son-in-law agreed, that they should make a common cause, and divide the spoil. This scheme completely succeeded, and Damodar Pangre, a Khas by birth, but representative of one of the chief families in Gorkha, and a most gallant officer, was sent in command of the regent’s forces. After the conquest, Damodar took for his master the lion’s share, but allowed Mahadatta to retain as master Gulmi, Argha, and Kachi, three of the states that had been long in alliance with his family, and which he was bound to protect, not only by the duty of alliance, but of kindred, for the Raja of Argha was his uncle. The other three allies, who had been saved by his father, were abandoned to the power of Gorkha, and annexed to Nepal. Mahadatta was very soon forced to eat the fruit of his villany. Damodar advanced the conquests of his nationto the west, and, having subdued Kumau, all resistance to his force on the hills was in vain, and Mahadatta was soon deprived of all the hope of protection, that he might have had from the power of his son-in-law the regent, the young Raja of Gorkha having put his uncle to death. The friendship of the Nawab Vazir, however, saved Mahadatta, nor was any encroachment made on Palpa, so long as he lived.
Prithwi Pal succeeded his father, when very young, and was endowed with great personal vigour, nor was he, I believe, at all scrupulous about means; but he seems to have been rash and credulous, which rendered him totally unable to resist the wiles of the people of Gorkha, who were afraid to use open violence, on account of his connexion with the Nawab Vazir. They did not therefore molest his ancient dominions, nor any of the territory that he had acquired on the plains, all of which was tributary to the Nawab; but, immediately after his accession, Rana Bahadur, king of Gorkha and Nepal, compelled the Raja of Palpa to restore the mountains of Gulmi to Siddhi Pratap, the legal heir of that country, whose sister Rana Bahadur had married.
When Rana Bahadur of Gorkha determined to place the sovereignty in the hands of Yuddha Vikram Sahi, his illegitimate son, he invited Prithwi Pal to perform the ceremony of Tika, under pretence that he was desirous of obviating the defects of his son’s birth, by having the mark of royalty placed on his forehead by a person of Prithwi Pal’s high rank; for, among the hill chiefs he was considered as the most eminent by birth, and the Raja of Yumila had been expelled from his dominions; nor did the Gorkha family, after the acquisition of Nepal, acknowledge the superiority of its chief. The real object, however, of the invitation, was in all probability to have power over Prithwi Pal; for he remained in a kind ofconfinement until January 1803, when the noble and high-spirited lady, wife of Rana Bahadur, who then governed Nepal, had the magnanimity to allow him to return to his own territories, although his father had treacherously stript hers of his dominions, and, although there is strong reason to suspect, that Damodar Pangre, discontented with the illegitimacy of Yuddha Vikram, had entered into a conspiracy to dethrone that young prince, and to place Prithwi Pal on the throne of Nepal.
When Rana Bahadur had returned from Banaras, had assumed the management of affairs, as regent for his son, and had put to death Damodar Pangre, and the other discontented nobles of his kingdom, his first care was to secure Prithwi Pal. He accordingly sent an embassy to that chief, requesting his sister in marriage, and making the most profuse offers of increasing the territories of his future brother-in-law. The lady was sent, accompanied by her brother Rana Bahadur, for Prithwi Pal was suspicious; and, although invited, did not attend. The lady and her brother were most kindly received by Rana Bahadur of Gorkha, who said to the chief of the same name, I have been a king, and should therefore think myself degraded by worshipping you, (according to the Hindu custom,) when I received your sister from your hands; it will be therefore highly agreeable to me, if your brother, who is a prince my superior in birth, would attend to give away his sister. The Guru, or spiritual guide of the Palpa Raja, was in the suite of the princess, and was dispatched in order to persuade Prithwi Pal, in which he succeeded, by declaring, that Rana Bahadur had before him taken the most solemn oaths to do his guest no injury. Whether Rana Bahadur had actually done so, or whether the Brahman was bribed, and told a falsehood to obtain his end, I cannot take upon myself to say,either circumstance being abundantly compatible with the characters of the persons; but Prithwi Pal had no sooner reached Kathmandu, with about 400 attendants, than these were disarmed, he and his principal officers were put in close confinement, and no more mention was made of the marriage. No one can pity the fate of Prithwi Pal; as, in order to ingratiate himself with his intended brother-in-law, he took with him, and delivered to Rana Bahadur, the widow and only surviving son of his friend Damodar Pangre; who, when that gallant veteran and his elder sons had been murdered by the tyrant, had fled to Palpa for refuge. The Raja of Gorkha was, however, afraid of driving the Palpa family to extremities, and compelling it to seek refuge in the territories of the Company, which had received from the Nawab Vazir the sovereignty of the low countries belonging to Palpa, and might be disposed to give its powerful support.
When mortally wounded by his brother, the Raja of Gorkha placed the authority of the kingdom, and the protection of his son, in the hands of Bhim Sen, a very vigorous rash young man, who, owing partly to the moderation of the Company’s negotiations with Rana Bahadur, by him attributed to fear, and partly to the hope of protection from the Chinese, seems to have beheld the British government with contempt. One of his first measures, about the end of June 1804, was to put the Raja of Palpa and all his officers to death. It is said by some that, under pretence of the conspiracy to which I have alluded, he inflicted most severe tortures on the unfortunate chief; but others maintain, that his throat was cut, like that of the others, without any form of investigation or delay. Bhim Sen acted with the utmost promptitude in obtaining his object. His father, Amar Singha, was raised to the English rank of general, sent with a considerable force, and in less than amonth from his son’s elevation, took possession of Palpa without resistance; nor did he hesitate to advance into the low country, which belonged to the Raja of Palpa, as a subject of the Company. Had Bhim Sen confined himself to the hills of Palpa, it is almost certain that he would have met with no disturbance from the British government; but he still perhaps congratulates himself on having understood the British government better than Rana Bahadur; for, although he has not been allowed to keep undisturbed all the low country that was subject to Palpa, he has for some years held a considerable portion.
On the approach of General Amar Singha to Palpa, in July or August 1804, the widow of Prithwi Pal, with her son Ratna Sen, his uncle Samar Bahadur, usually called the Lal Dewan, or Nader Shah, and his grand-uncle Suravir, who held the office of Chautariya, fled to a house which the family had at Madhuvani in Tilpur. The unfortunate lady died there, and the Raja was removed to Gorakhpur, where he has ever since remained, but in such constant apprehension of assassination, that it has been judged necessary to have his house secured by a guard of regular seapoys. The Company have allowed him a pension in lieu of the profits which he would have had from his remaining estates, of which the collector has assumed the entire disposal; for owing to the encroachments made by Amar Singha, and the devastation that has followed in what remains, it is altogether impossible for him to fulfil the engagements into which his father’s agents entered with Mr Rutlege, the gentleman who had the management of the country ceded by the Nawab vazir to the Company. This pension was altogether inadequate to support the number of persons by whom he was followed; and even his venerable grand-uncle Suravir, son of Makunda Sen, suffered such mortifications,that he had determined to perish on the place where his son had suffered death, for this youth had accompanied his cousin Prithwi Pal. The old man, after taking an affectionate leave of some of the family adherents in Tilpur, and weeping with them a whole day, went to Palpa and presented himself to Amar Singha, who was moved with compassion, and said, though we have killed your son, and overthrown your family, we will do you no injury, but will provide for you in a manner very different from your friends the English. There has accordingly been settled on him an income sufficient to supply his wants. I am not sure that this has proceeded from generosity; but it has produced some effect on the minds of the populace. If it was intended to lull the fears of the family into a fatal security, it has hitherto completely failed.
The extent and boundaries of Palpa will be better seen from the maps than explained by description. The country, independent of Butaul, is in general lower and warmer than the valley of Nepal Proper. The greatest crop is transplanted rice, next to that broadcast rice, then maize, then the pulse called urid, almost equal in quantity to the maize, then the Lathyrus sativus, called dubi kerao, then the Eleusine corocanus, or maruya, then the Ervum lens, or masuri, then four kinds of sesamum, and the cruciform oil seeds, like mustard and rape, then three kinds of the pulse called kurthi, and then a little of the grains called sama and kodo. Much ginger is reared. The sugar-cane grows very large and juicy, but is eaten without preparation.
When the colony from Chitaur first took possession of Palpa, it belonged to a Magar chief, and the people were of that tribe. Brahmans, but mostly of the spurious breed called Jausi, are now the most numerous class; next to these are the Khas; and the Magars only occupy the third place.
Since the Raja of Gorkha and Nepal has seized on this country, the seat of government has been removed to Tansen, a town at some distance west from Palpa, with a tolerable road between them. This is now the residence of the General Amar Singha, formerly called Thapa, and the Subahs, or civil officers, governing the petty principalities to a considerable distance, are under his authority. He has with him a large force of regulars, (fourteen or fifteen companies,) which he has for some time been assiduously increasing, and to enable him to put this measure into execution, a great part of the free land has been resumed. The plan adopted on this occasion was to say to the Brahmans who held the land, “you are impure fellows, who have degraded yourselves by doing many things totally inconsistent with the character of the sacred order. It is impossible, therefore, that you should, as such, be permitted to hold lands; and if you presume to act in the character from which you have degraded yourself, you shall be scourged. For a subsistence, therefore, betake yourself to cultivation; or other drudgeries for which alone you are now fit, and do not bring a disgrace on the character of the sacred order.â€Â In these degenerate days perhaps there is not one Brahman out of fifty who either does not do what he ought to shun, or who does not omit to do what he ought to perform; and all will admit that degraded Brahmans are unworthy of holding such possessions. If the Brahmans, however, were to be the judges of the quantum of such transgressions necessary to occasion the forfeiture of free lands, such an event would seldom indeed happen. But the lay rulers of Nepal judged more strictly; and as they knew that whatever proofs they might bring would produce no conviction, they probably deemed it quite unnecessary to put the parties to any trouble, or to go through the farce of a trial, where the measure to be adopted waspredetermined; nor are the chiefs of Nepal men against whom any complaints of injustice are made by those under their authority.
There are many routes from the plain into the hills of Palpa; but, except by a few smugglers, most of these have been deserted since the conquest, for which there seem to be two reasons. The Nepalese are desirous of having only a few open routes, by which an army from the low country might penetrate into the hills, and they think that in a few years the neglected routes will be either altogether forgotten, or be so overgrown with woods as to prevent access. The few remaining roads will then be easily guarded by a small force. But besides the military point of view, they are desirous of having few passages as a point of economy in collecting the customs. Accordingly, so far as they can, they have stopt every pass, except that by Butaul, which, of course, has become a considerable mart, although most inconveniently situated. It stands on the plain, but in a recess of the mountains, and is so dreadfully unhealthy, that no one resides there in the rainy season. The Rajas had a house called Nayakot on a hill overhanging the town, or assemblage of huts; but I am told, that this castle is not sufficiently elevated to be exempt from the effects of the insalubrious air.
The Palpa Rajas possessed also a very important mart in the hills. It is called Rerighat, and is situated on the bank of the Narayani. The best, or rather the only tolerable roads passing through the country either from the east and west, or from the north and south, pass this route; and it seems to be of equal importance either in a military or commercial view. During the cold season there is at Rerighat a fair (Mela) which lasts for three or four months, and is frequented by a great number of traders from all parts of the mountains. The road fromButaul to Rerighat by Morihang, Mosihang, and Tansen, was said to be far from difficult; but what idea a mountaineer annexed to a difficult road is not easy to determine. Some of them say, that loaded oxen could pass; others say that they could not. It is generally admitted, that the easiest route from Rerighat to the plains would be east through Tansen, Rampur, Nayakot, and Dewghat, but this road is at present stopt.
Loaded canoes, I am assured, can pass up the Gandaki, or Narayani, all the way to Rerighat, except at a narrow rapid between two rocks at a place called Gongkur, a little above Dewghat. There they must be unloaded and dragged up empty. Timber in floating down this passage is apt to fall across the channel, and to stick between the rocks; but this may be obviated by tying a rope to one end of the logs so as to allow them to float end on. Canoes can ascend to Dewghat with little difficulty. There are, indeed, three rapids; one above Bhelaunji to which large boats can go with ease; a second at the junction of the Arhung; and a third at Khairiyani, near Dewghat; but in the dry season canoes or small boats may be dragged up loaded. In floods the navigation is altogether unadvisable, the river being then of tremendous rapidity.
Near Tansen, the present capital, there was formerly a mine of iron, but, since the conquest, copper has been discovered in the same place, and now, it is said, the mine produces that metal to the value of 50,000 rupees a-year. In the small territory of Khidim lately, as I have said, annexed to Palpa, is a mine of lead.
I received very little information concerning the Tanahung branch of this family. It is said to be descended of Bihangga, or Bhringga, son of Makunda Sen, who lived ten or eleven generations ago. After some generations the then chief ofTanahung, it is said, gave Rising as an appanage to a younger brother, although, as I shall afterwards state, there may be some doubt entertained on this point. Afterwards, on the failure of the Champaranya, or Rajpur branch of this colony from Chitaur, the then Raja of Tanahung secured a part called Ramnagar, which is situated in the district of Saran, under the protection of the Company, and is now all that belongs to the family. No chief resisted with such gallantry and effect the rising power of Prithwi Narayan of Gorkha as the Raja of Tanahung, by whom the forces of that perfidious prince were defeated in a most decisive battle; nor was any attempt afterwards made to extend the dominions of Gorkha to the west until the Raja of Palpa was gained, as I have already mentioned. How the overthrow of Tanahung took place I have not learned; but the Raja made his escape to Ramnagar, and retains only what he held of the Company. His country, that was formerly independent, consists of two portions; one on the hills that surround Gorkha on the west and south, and one in the valley of the Raputi, which is adjacent to the southern portion of what is on the hills. This valley is inhabited by the ordinary Hindus of Mithila. It contains three Pergunahs or baronies, Chitan, Belan, and Sengjhayat, of which the two former contain a good deal of cultivation. The road through them along the Raputi to Hethaura is tolerably level, and might be easily made good; while I understand that from Ramnagar by Bakraghat there is a pretty good road to Chitan over the low hills, by which the valley is bounded on the south. The direct road from the plain to Hethaura by Bichhakhori is, I know, very difficult; but some allege, that there is along the banks of the torrent, in which the road now goes, a very good route, which has been shut up by the present government of Nepal. Colonel Kirkpatrick describesanother route through these hills; but, from all accounts, it is more difficult than any of the others.
The mountains of Tanahung were inhabited by the same races as Palpa, and nearly in the same proportions. Its southern division contained three towns, Yogimara, Upadrang, and Kavilas; the first of which is said to be large, and a military station of some importance, although I did not learn the title of the officer commanding, nor the extent of his force. The circumstance of the military station, however, strongly confirms the statement of Samar Bahadur, who alleges, that by these three towns is one of the easiest routes to Nepal, of which the following is a detail given by Sadhu Ram.
From Sivapur Ghat on the Gandaki, in the Company’s territory, to Bhelongji in Nepal, the distance is 2½ coses, very bad road, but large boats can go up the river. From Bhelongji to Benmohar the distance is 3 coses, the river having some rapids. Near Benmohar the Raputi joins the Gandaki or Narayani; and there is a road through a level country, partly cultivated, to Hethaura. From Benmohar to the Arung Dumohan the distance is 3 coses. At this place also are some rapids. From Arun Dumohan to Leraghat is a distance of 3½ coses without rapids. From Leraghat to Dewghat are two days’ journey, having the cultivated lands of Chitan to the right, and Nawalpur, the residence of a Subah, to the left. From Dewghat to Kavilas is one day’s journey east through a hilly country, in some parts cultivated. Kavilas is a village near the Trisul Gangga, which is larger than the Narayani above Dewghat. From Kavilas to Upadrang is a day’s journey through a hilly country. Upadrang is a town and military station, with the Trisulgangga one-quarter cose to the north. It must be observed, that Kanak Nidhi reverses the situation of the two last places; but Sadhu Ram’s position is supportedby Colonel Kirkpatrick. From Upadrang to Yogimara, or Yogimaya, is a day’s journey east. Yogimara is a large village on a hill one-quarter cose south from the Trisulgangga. From Yogimara to Chitlang, in the lesser valley of Nepal, is two days’ journey; and the road seems to pass through the valley, which Colonel Kirkpatrick calls Doona Baisi, and fully describes.[184]From his account it would appear, that, from this valley, besides the route leading to Chitlong, there is another leading to Thankot in the greater valley of Nepal, and avoiding the difficult passage of Chandangiri, which lies between Chitlong and Kathmandu. Samar Bahadur says, that on the whole route there is no great ascent; but the Brahman Prati Nidhi alleges, that the route is both circuitous and steep. At any rate, it has been stopt by the present government of Nepal.
In the western wing of Tanahung were the capital and Bandi, two places of some consequence. The two maps differ a good deal in the details of this principality; nor do I know to which the preference should be given.
The mountains of Tanahung contained mines of iron, but no others.
It was said, by Samar Bahadur, that Rising, Ghiring, and Gajarkot, formerly belonged to Tanahung, and were given as an appanage to a younger brother, among whose descendants they were afterwards subdivided, and the three chiefs, to whom they belonged, are universally looked upon to be of the same family; but here a great difficulty occurs. The Tanahung family, as well as the Palpa branch, is very generally admitted to be descended of the Chitaur family, and to beof the highest and purest tribe on the hills, east of the river Kali; but these three petty chiefs wallow in all the ancient abominations of the mountaineers. That Samar Bahadur was mistaken, I see no reason to suppose; especially as these three chiefs were in league with his family, and as Rising seems to have belonged to his ancestor Makunda the 1st, who founded at the Dewghat, in that territory, a celebrated temple, where he died. I shall not take upon myself, however, to say, whether we are, from the circumstance, to infer, that the whole members of this family have no just claim to be descended from the Chitaur colony, but were impure mountaineers, who had this pedigree invented to flatter them, when they turned from their impure ways, and were induced to follow the Brahmans. It is possible, that the first chief of the Rising family, who obtained that country as an appanage, may have been of illegitimate birth, and that, his mother being impure, he may have been brought up in a hankering after the flesh-pots, from which it has been impossible to wean his descendants.
Rising, as I have said, was given by a Raja of Tanahung to a younger son. The territory was always petty, and, according to Prati Nidhi, Dewghat seems to have been resumed by Tanahung; but Sadhu Ram alleges, that so long as the principality of Rising continued independent, Dewghat was its port, and enjoyed some trade, which has been stopt by its present rulers. The image of Siva, contained in the temple, is called Makundeswar, from the founder. There is a great assembly of votaries on the Sivaratri, and another on the Khichri. Some of this family are said to remain, but where, I have not heard. The country and its inhabitants do not differ materially from Palpa, but it contains no mines.
Ghiring and Gajarkot, which belonged to two collateralbranches of Rising, were still more petty than that state, but did not differ in any other considerable respect.
Name.—History previous to the Conquest by the Gorkhalis.—Extent and Topography.—Population.—Buildings.—Revenue.—Trade.—Coins.—Weights.—Measures.—Agriculture.—Tenures.—Crown Lands.—Lands held for Service.—Charity Lands.—Tenants.—Implements.—Crops.—Manufactures.—Price of Labour.—Slaves.—Diet.
I must next proceed to describe Nepal Proper, which is bounded on the east, south, and south-west, by the territory above mentioned. I have to regret, that various restraints, by which my inquiries were checked, while at Kathmandu, prevented me from obtaining much information that I was anxious to procure. In particular, I obtained little or no information concerning the history of the princes who governed Nepal at the time of the conquest; except that the Newars had been long subject to a family of their own nation, all the members of which assumed the name of Mal, and, for some time previous to the conquest, had separated into three lordships, Kathmandu or Kathmaro, Lalita Patan, and Bhatgang, which circumstance greatly facilitated the enterprise of the chief of Gorkha.
Nepal is a country celebrated in Hindu fable, and is said to be written thus in the Purans, attributed to Vyas; but in the country itself, it is commonly said, that its proper name is Niyampal, derived from a certain Niyam, a Muni, or very holy person, the Nymuni of Colonel Kirkpatrick.[187a]This, however, is probably some modern conceit, as the Brahmans of both south and north agree in writing the name Nepala, or Nepal, and as the fables on which this etymology is built, as Colonel Kirkpatrick justly observes,[187b]merit no attention.
As I myself procured little or no historical account of Nepal Proper, previous to its conquest by the Raja of Gorkha, I might altogether refer on the subject to Colonel Kirkpatrick’s account, contained in his eighth chapter; but for the sake of connection, and in order to communicate my opinions on the subject, I shall here give an abstract of Colonel Kirkpatrick’s account, referring to his own work for particulars.
Colonel Kirkpatrick[187c]quotes books, which he calls Hurrumunt Khund and Ooter Khund, probably portions of the Sri Bhagwat, for copious details concerning Nepal, during the time that it continued one of the favourite haunts of the Hindu deities, that is, during the Satya Yug, or Golden age; nor have we any reason to regret, that, instead of detailing such idle fables, he has contented himself with a mere reference to this work. Afterwards he goes on to give a series of princes, who are said to have governed Nepal in subsequent ages, commencing with Niyam Muni, or as he writes Nymuni. In this part of his work Colonel Kirkpatrick quotes no authority; but, as he brings the lists down to the termination of the Newar dynasty in 1767, his authorities are probably quite modern,and, as he supports the doctrine of the Newars having come from Gar Samaran, which they deny, his authorities must be founded on the legends of the Brahmans, much of which probably may be inventions perfectly recent, but some foundation may have been taken from ancient works, mangled to suit them for modern systems of Hindu chronology.
However this may be, Niyam Muni and his eight descendants are said[188a]to have governed during the Treta and Dwapar Yugs, or the Silver and Brazen Ages, which, according to the present system, lasted for many hundred thousand years. The eight successors of Niyam Muni governed[188b]four hundred and ninety-one one-third years, which requires rather an unwarrantable stretch of faith to believe; but, even admitting this, what remains to Niyam Muni is altogether beyond measure. This, perhaps, is owing to the works originally consulted having been composed before the present system of chronology was invented. It is more to the purpose to observe, that these princes have Sangskrita names, and therefore probably came from the plains; and that, except Niyam and his immediate successor, all of them are called Gupt; which shows that they were of the cow-herd tribe.
This dynasty was deprived of power by Bhul Singh of the Rajput tribe, and descended of Mehip Gopal, who came from Semrounghur (Gar Samaran) and Jamnukpou, (Janakipur.) He and his two descendants both having Sangskrita names, governed a hundred and eleven seven-twelfth years. Gar Samaran, it must be observed, was not built for many ages after the time of this dynasty; but Bhul Singh may have come from Janakipur, which was in the vicinity of the place where GarSamaran was afterwards built. Whatever title these princes may have assumed, there is no reason to suppose that they were of the ancient Kshatriyas, descended of the sun, who resided at Janakipur, and governed Mithila, as no such name as Mehip Gopal appears in any list of the princes of Mithila that I have seen. Indeed, the title Gopal rather implies, that, like the former dynasty, the descendants of Mehip belonged to the low tribe of cow-herds.
This dynasty, whatever may have been its origin, was expelled by the Kerrats, (Kiratas,) of whom 27 princes governed 1630 years. The names of these princes, as might be expected, from what I have said of the tribe Kirata, are entirely barbarous.