I visited General Tuan, finding him calm but stubborn as usual. I asked him whether, if the students should call on him, he would go out to speak to them. "I would certainly do that," he replied; "I am in sympathy with them, but I feel that they are often misled by people whose motives are not disinterested." I told him that I believed the students would gladly follow him and make him their leader if they could be assured that he would not be controlled by counsellors who had not the true welfare of China at heart.
This movement of the Chinese people impressed me the more vividly in the light of a letter from R.F. Johnston on July 3rd which led me to hark back to the days of the old Empire. Mr. Johnston was a tutor of the young Emperor, and he inclosed a translation of a Chinese poem which the Emperor had written out for me. It bore the Imperial seals,and was dated: "Eleventh year of Hsuan Tung, sixth month, fifth day." Here is the first verse:
The red bows unbent,Were received and deposited.I have here an admirable guest,And with all my heart I bestow one on him.The bells and drums have been arranged in order,And all the morning will I feast him.
Shortly after, in a talk I had with Mr. Johnston, he told me that the little Emperor had himself conceived the idea of writing something for me. Johnston had suggested a certain poem but it did not satisfy his pupil, who finally made his own selection. He said to his tutor: "I want to imagine that the American minister is coming to the palace as my guest."
The young Emperor, Mr. Johnston said, was interested in everything that went on in the political and social life of the capital, and read the papers every day. I attributed his interest in my doings to the fact that the Emperor shared the love for America that is general in China; but, also, I think the repeated likelihood of being taken to the American Legation for refuge and shelter had impressed itself very strongly on his youthful mind, so that it seemed to him a haven of escape from all terror and danger.
Reports came at the end of July that President Wilson was defending the Shantung settlement, by stating that it conferred on Japan no political rights but only economic privileges. Had Mr. Wilson given attention to the details of the question, as reported over and over again in telegrams and dispatches from the Legation and consulates in China, he could not have harboured such a misunderstanding. In this instance the President based his action rather on vague assurances given by Japan, the actual bearing of which he did not know. The term "economic privileges" can hardlyapply to such matters as control of the port of Tsingtao and the Shantung Railway, and to a general commercial preference in Shantung Province; yet these were plainly what Japan wished to retain. Her pledge "to return Shantung Peninsula with full sovereignty" sounded satisfactory, but it was never defined to cover more than the 150 square miles of agricultural and mountain land which the Germans had held as a leasehold, exclusive of Tsingtao port. That important harbour the Japanese intended to retain, as well as the terminals, railway, and mines.
The refusal of the Chinese to sign the Paris Treaty afforded an opportunity for saving Shantung to China. But if the German rights were to be confirmed to Japan under the term of "economic privileges," we should soon find that these economic privileges meant an end of independent American enterprise in Shantung Province. Japan had used such "economic privileges" in Manchuria. We were amply warned what to expect from an extension of that policy to other parts of China.
President Wilson stated later that the League would prevent Japan from assuming full sovereignty over Shantung. Here he again misunderstood. Japan had no idea of asking for sovereignty over Shantung; she had absolutely no right to it, and did not need it for carrying out her plans, so long as she could retain the politico-economic rights awarded at Paris.
I reiterated these statements in my telegrams to Washington. I explained again that ownership by a foreign government of port facilities and of a railway leading into the interior of China, together with exclusive commercial preferences, are economic rights so fortified politically that they constitute political control—as Manchuria shows—without the name. In fact, they could be safely accompanied with most profuse protestations to respect Chinese sovereignty.
The question of political sovereignty was beside the mark.It had been broached, as I have pointed out, to make the world believe that something was being returned. "Returning Shantung Peninsula with full sovereignty" was a big phrase and it had an imposing sound. But the sovereignty of Shantung was not involved, it had never been either German or Japanese: it had always been Chinese. The 150 square miles of unimportant land outside the port of Tsingtao might be "returned with full sovereignty," but nobody cared for that. To talk of sovereignty merely obscured the issue.
Dr. Sun Yat-sen was just then busying himself with the task of drawing up projects for the further economic development of China with international participation, and I corresponded with him. In one of my letters I considered how rapid and sweeping the industrial transformation of China should be. I wrote:
I believe that we should at all times keep in mind the fact that we are not dealing with a new country, but with one in which social arrangements are exceedingly intricate and in which a long-tested system of agricultural and industrial organization exists. It is to my mind most important that the transition to new methods of industry and labour should not be sudden but that the old values should be gradually transmuted. It is highly important that artistic ability, such as exists, for instance, in silk and porcelain manufacture, should be maintained and protected, and not superseded by cheaper processes. The one factor in modern organization which the Chinese must learn to understand better is the corporation, and the fiduciary relationship which the officers of the corporation ought to occupy with respect to the stockholders. If the Chinese cannot learn to use the corporation properly, the organization of the national credit cannot be effected. Here, too, it is necessary that the principle of personal honesty which was fostered under the old system should not be lost, but transferred to the new methods of doing business. So, at every point where we are planning for a better and more efficient organization, it seems necessary to hold on to the values created in the past, and not to disturb the balance of Chinese society by too sudden changes.
I believe that we should at all times keep in mind the fact that we are not dealing with a new country, but with one in which social arrangements are exceedingly intricate and in which a long-tested system of agricultural and industrial organization exists. It is to my mind most important that the transition to new methods of industry and labour should not be sudden but that the old values should be gradually transmuted. It is highly important that artistic ability, such as exists, for instance, in silk and porcelain manufacture, should be maintained and protected, and not superseded by cheaper processes. The one factor in modern organization which the Chinese must learn to understand better is the corporation, and the fiduciary relationship which the officers of the corporation ought to occupy with respect to the stockholders. If the Chinese cannot learn to use the corporation properly, the organization of the national credit cannot be effected. Here, too, it is necessary that the principle of personal honesty which was fostered under the old system should not be lost, but transferred to the new methods of doing business. So, at every point where we are planning for a better and more efficient organization, it seems necessary to hold on to the values created in the past, and not to disturb the balance of Chinese society by too sudden changes.
Among his suggestions for constructive works, Dr. Sun Yat-sen had spoken of a northern port, somewhere on thecoast of Chihli Province, which should have water deep enough to admit large ocean-going ships. The port of Tientsin is not adequate: it is far up river, and lacks satisfactory anchorage where the river empties into the sea. Chinwangtao is a far better port, but so exposed that enormous expenditure would be needed to improve it; and its capacity, even then, would be too small. I asked Mr. Paul P. Whitham, special commissioner of the Department of Commerce, to go to the Chihli coast to see whether about half way between Tientsin and Chinwangtao a satisfactory port site might be found. He succeeded in finding a site where, with comparatively moderate expense, a deep-sea port could be built. It was easy to see the transformation in north China commerce that this would bring about. Here would be an outlet for a rich and extensive hinterland, including the Province of Chihli and all the region to the north and northwest of it, particularly inner Mongolia and western Manchuria. I talked the matter over with the civil governor and other provincial leaders of Chihli Province, also with the representatives of Governor Li Hsun of Nanking, besides certain members of the Central Government. They greatly favoured the project, and before many weeks preliminary surveys were made. It was to be known as the Great Northern Port.
I visited Sir John Jordan on August 14th telling him of my resignation, at which he expressed regret; but he admitted that he could understand why I wished to return to the United States. He, too, wished to be relieved of his duties as soon as possible. I had on that day a very full talk about Shantung with Mr. Yoshizawa, Japanese Chargé, in which we considered ways which might render the Shantung arrangement more satisfactory, especially if Tsingtao should be made into a genuine international settlement. But I emphasized the importance of the return of the railway.
The negotiations for the new Consortium had been going on for some time. The Japanese proposed that the Consortium should not apply to Manchuria and eastern Mongolia. The Japanese-controlled press had attacked the first proposal of this Consortium, as Japan purposed during the war to achieve complete leadership of foreign finance in China. If the United States would join theoldConsortium, Japan would have been pleased, for there she led. But ordinarily the financial power of Japan is of distinctly secondary importance, and the abnormal conditions of the war could not last. Now Japan approved of the new Consortium in principle, but continued to procrastinate when a decision on details was required.
My resignation was accepted in a cablegram received on the 18th of August, the President expressing formally his regret that I should find it necessary to insist upon relinquishing my post. Even now, when I knew how decidedly the President had misjudged the Chinese situation, notwithstanding my insistent and detailed warnings, I had no desire to advertise differences in policy. The Japanese press, I knew, would consider my resignation due to the defeat of my "policy" to have America maintain her honourable and trusted position in China. I did not wish to favour this sort of interpretation by a controversy with the administration.
The Chinese understood the situation quite completely. When I told the President, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Premier, and non-official Chinese friends, they seemed discouraged at the prospect of my leaving China at this juncture. I had the good fortune to make many friendships in China with men whose loyalty and truthfulness could be relied upon. Though seemingly distressed at the idea of my going, they knew I only hoped it might enable the work of developing close relations between the two countries to continue more effectively. I wished to bring about positive practical action. The spirit of the American policies anddeclarations was admirable, but not enough individual and specific American activity in China accompanied them.
Mr. Fu, Acting Minister of Education, and a number of his associates visited me on the 25th of August, to consider arrangements for exchange professorships in American and Chinese universities. I had always favoured bringing young Chinese scholars into lectureships in American universities, to make accessible to the American public the treasures of Chinese literature, philosophy, and art. President Yuan Shih-kai had supported this idea, and, but for the unfortunate monarchical movement, would have done much to promote intellectual contact between the United States and China. His successors shared his sentiments, and only the turmoil in Peking's political life prevented their working out plans in detail.
General Hsu Shu-cheng called on me from time to time and told me about his Mongolian venture. When the War Participation Bureau became plainly obsolete its name was changed to "Northwest Frontier Defence Bureau." Everybody knew against whom this Bureau was to "defend" China, though there was talk about Bolshevik activity in Mongolia, also of the designs of General Semenoff to create a Pan-Mongolian state. General Hsu unfolded in his talks with me very large schemes for developing Mongolia, including a colonial bank, the building of highways for motor transport, the digging of artesian wells, and the establishment of model farms. He would, he said, also promote the completion of the railway from Kalgan to Urga, and would even extend it to Chinese Turkestan. Report had it that the Japanese had promised General Hsu an advance of $50,000,000 for his enterprises. But he told me that he would carry them out with capital entirely subscribed in China. The President and other Peking leaders, it was said, apprehensive of the direction the overflowing energies of General Hsumight take next, bethought themselves of the undeveloped reaches of Mongolia. There would be the field ample enough for his ebullient nature. All this time the Japanese were carefully watching any factor that might become active in Mongolia, including General Semenoff, General Chang Tso-lin, the Viceroy of Manchuria, and General Hsu Shu-cheng. Whatever might happen there, they undoubtedly intended that it should fit in with their policy of imposing their influence upon that dependency.
Mrs. Reinsch and my family had sailed from Chinwangtao on the 12th of June for Honolulu, where they were to spend the summer. As my resignation had already gone forward, it was a farewell to Peking for Mrs. Reinsch, who was reluctant to leave the city which she had enjoyed so much. A series of farewell luncheons, dinners, and receptions began for me in August which, with the heavy work of winding up the business of my office, filled the remaining weeks with activity every day from sunrise until after midnight. When President Hsu Shih-chang entertained me for the last time, he said: "The Chinese look to you to be a friend and guide to them, and we hope your action and influence may continue for many decades." On the next day he invited me, through Mr. Chow Tsu-chi, to act as counsellor to the Chinese Government, with residence in America.
I left Peking on the evening of September 13th. All my colleagues with members of their staffs, the high Chinese officials, and a throng of other people, had gathered at the station to say "good-bye." Drawn up on the platform were companies of the American marines, the Indian troops of the British Legation Guard, and Chinese troops. With the Acting Premier, Mr. Kung Shin-Chan, I inspected them, accepted their salute, and made a few farewell remarks to the faithful marines. As the American band played "Auld Lang Syne," the train moved out of the station, and the thousands of faces of those who had come to see me offbecame blurred in the distance, leaving impressed on my mind a composite face, friendly, eager, urging to endeavour.
My friend, Chow Tsu-chi, accompanied me as far as Tientsin where I parted with him. It had, all in all, been a truly heart-warming leave-taking. I felt that the spontaneous expressions of deep confidence both on the part of my countrymen and of the Chinese would remain with me as the best reward for any exertions and efforts I had made.
Dr. Charles D. Tenney, American Chargé d'Affaires after my departure, wrote the following report to the Secretary of State concerning the farewell hospitalities:
I have the honour to state that the departure from Peking of the Honourable Paul S. Reinsch, American Minister to China, whose resignation has been accepted by the President, was made the occasion of gratifying manifestations of cordiality toward the United States and of the highest popular and official esteem for the retiring Minister.Mr. Reinsch was naturally the guest of honour at numerous dinners and receptions in the period just preceding his departure, at which the Chinese present expressed the deepest appreciation of his diversified activities during the six years of his tenure of office. Published references to Mr. Reinsch's career as American Minister, also, refer to his many-sided interest in and efforts to promote the joint commercial, industrial, and educational interests of China and the United States, in addition to the usual duty of fostering international unity between the two nations. It was made strikingly evident that the Government and people of this Republic have come earnestly to desire and expect a policy of vigorous advancement of these interests by the United States in China. The feeling of all was epitomized by President Hsu Shih-chang, who, at Mr. Reinsch's farewell interview, asserted his profound belief that the latter's activities as Minister had advanced and strengthened in a very real way all those economic and social relations that to-day bind the governments and peoples of China and the United States in close friendship, at the same time expressing his hope that on his return to the United States Mr. Reinsch would abate none of his efforts toward these ends, but that in his altered capacity he would continue to work in the interests of China.Mr. Reinsch left Peking on the evening of the thirteenth instant and the scene at the railway station was of an unusual and gratifying description. Although it is not customary for guards of honour to be tendered by otherlegations on the departure of ministers, on this occasion there was present a detachment from the British Legation Guard, and there were also present detachments from the American Legation Guard, the Peking police force and the Peking gendarmerie, with military music. The Acting Premier came in person to the station to bid farewell to Mr. Reinsch and there were present a thousand persons, including Chinese officials, foreign diplomats, representatives of all varieties of institutions and societies, and personal friends of all nationalities.
I have the honour to state that the departure from Peking of the Honourable Paul S. Reinsch, American Minister to China, whose resignation has been accepted by the President, was made the occasion of gratifying manifestations of cordiality toward the United States and of the highest popular and official esteem for the retiring Minister.
Mr. Reinsch was naturally the guest of honour at numerous dinners and receptions in the period just preceding his departure, at which the Chinese present expressed the deepest appreciation of his diversified activities during the six years of his tenure of office. Published references to Mr. Reinsch's career as American Minister, also, refer to his many-sided interest in and efforts to promote the joint commercial, industrial, and educational interests of China and the United States, in addition to the usual duty of fostering international unity between the two nations. It was made strikingly evident that the Government and people of this Republic have come earnestly to desire and expect a policy of vigorous advancement of these interests by the United States in China. The feeling of all was epitomized by President Hsu Shih-chang, who, at Mr. Reinsch's farewell interview, asserted his profound belief that the latter's activities as Minister had advanced and strengthened in a very real way all those economic and social relations that to-day bind the governments and peoples of China and the United States in close friendship, at the same time expressing his hope that on his return to the United States Mr. Reinsch would abate none of his efforts toward these ends, but that in his altered capacity he would continue to work in the interests of China.
Mr. Reinsch left Peking on the evening of the thirteenth instant and the scene at the railway station was of an unusual and gratifying description. Although it is not customary for guards of honour to be tendered by otherlegations on the departure of ministers, on this occasion there was present a detachment from the British Legation Guard, and there were also present detachments from the American Legation Guard, the Peking police force and the Peking gendarmerie, with military music. The Acting Premier came in person to the station to bid farewell to Mr. Reinsch and there were present a thousand persons, including Chinese officials, foreign diplomats, representatives of all varieties of institutions and societies, and personal friends of all nationalities.
I had turned over arrangements for my trip through Japan to Mr. Willing Spencer, the First Secretary, who had consulted with Mr. Tokugawa, of the Japanese Legation. Their main difficulty had been the fact that Korea was under quarantine because of the cholera. An amusing experience ensued. In order to avoid any risk of delay I agreed to be inoculated; this was done deferentially by a little physician who came from the Japanese Legation. At Shimonoseki our steamer arrived in the early morning, and was held in quarantine. The inspecting officers who boarded said I should be permitted to land almost immediately. However, they left and said a launch would be sent for me before noon. As the evening train would be the last that could make my connection with the steamer at Yokohama, I waited somewhat nervously for the launch. It was three o'clock before the officers returned, saying that my baggage could now be taken ashore; soon they disappeared with the baggage, but left me still on the boat. I wired the embassy at Tokyo, telling them of my predicament. The train was to leave at half-past seven, and no launch had appeared at six.
Suddenly out of the evening mist covering the bay a little launch emerged, and an official I had not seen before boarded and asked me to accompany him. Descending to the launch with my two servants, I was surprised to notice that it did not head toward Shimonoseki, but took the opposite direction. I remonstrated, but the officer, smiling reassuringly, said: "It will be all right." Then the two inspecting officersappeared from below; smiling and bowing they told me we were going to the Isolation Hospital!
And to the Isolation Hospital we went. There in the central reception room I was introduced to the chief, who, after a brief exchange of civilities, announced, "Now, everything is all right."
We took the launch, and arrived at Shimonoseki with still a quarter of an hour to spare before the train departed, whereon a special compartment had been reserved for me. Everything was now clear. The Japanese passengers on the steamer were as little pleased at being detained there as I was. Had a foreigner, even a foreign minister, been taken off the ship to Shimonoseki, a small riot might be looked for. So the word was passed around that I was being taken to the Isolation Hospital, where nobody had any particular wish to go. I could not but admire the resourcefulness of these little officials, and to feel thankful to them for all the trouble they took to solve this knotty problem without doing violence to any of their quarantine regulations.
I had only one day in Tokyo. A luncheon had been arranged for me at the house of Baron Okura, where I went with Ambassador Morris and met several Japanese gentlemen, among them Mr. Hanihara, just made Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Baron Shidehara, the new Ambassador to the United States. We took lunch on an open veranda, overlooking delightful gardens, and after an animated conversation I took my leave and hurried to Yokohama, with the same agreeable impression of Japanese hospitality that I had received six years before, on my first arrival in the Far East.
THE END
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