Councils were held daily at the President's residence from May 1st on. Informally, the ministers of the Entente Powersadvised the Chinese not to attempt armed resistance to Japan; I believe the Government never seriously contemplated this, although some military leaders talked about it. Indeed, violent scenes took place in the Council; it was urged that submission would mean national disintegration. It would rob the Government of all authority and public support, while resistance would rally the nation. The advance of Japan might be obstructed until the end of the Great War; then European help would come. They pressed the President with arguments that Japan might, indeed, occupy larger parts of China; but this would not create rights, it would expose Japan to universal condemnation. However, in the existing circumstances of World War, the Government feared that to defy Japan would mean dismemberment for China.
Then President Yuan Shih-kai and the Foreign Office made their mistake. They were panic-stricken at thought of an ultimatum. They were ready to throw tactical advantage to the winds. Losing sight of the advantage held by China in opposing the demands of Group V, they offered concessions on points contained therein, particularly in connection with the employment of advisers.
But when the Foreign Office emissary came to the Japanese Legation with these additional proposals and the Japanese minister saw how far the Chinese could be driven, he stated calmly that the last instructions of his government left no alternative; the ultimatum would have to be presented. This was done on May 7th at three o'clock in the afternoon.
The Chinese might have foreseen that the demands of Group V would not be included in the ultimatum. Nevertheless, they were astonished at their omission, and annoyed at unnecessarily committing themselves the day before. At first sight, the terms of the ultimatum seemed to dispose of these ominous demands. In the first sense of their relief from a long strain, the Chinese understood the stipulation of the ultimatum that "the demands of Group V will be detached from the present negotiations, and discussed separately in the future," as an adroit way of abandoning these troublesome questions. They were soon to learn that their hopes were not in accord with the ideas of the Japanese.
Why, when the Chinese were virtually ready to agree to all the demands actually included in the ultimatum, should the Japanese not have accepted the concessions, even if they fell slightly short of what was asked? Thus they would avoid the odium of having threatened a friendly government with force; a matter which, furthermore, would in its nature tend to weaken the legal and equitable force of the rights to be acquired. The Japanese made two fundamental mistakes. The first was in their disingenuous denials and misrepresentation of the true character of the demands; the second, in the actual use of an ultimatum threatening force. That these mistakes were serious is now quite generally recognized in Japan. Why they were made in the first place is more difficult to explain.
Possibly, in the light of subsequent events, when Yuan Shih-kai realized that he must unavoidably make extensive concessions, he may have sought a certainquid pro quoin the form of Japanese support for his personal ambitions. This would accord with the hint dropped by the Japanese minister at the beginning of the negotiations. If this explanation be correct, one might possibly understand that Yuan himself in his inmost thought preferred that he should be forced to accept these demands through an ultimatum. The possibility of such motives may have to be considered, yet from my knowledge of the negotiations from beginning to end, I must consider utterly fanciful the charge made by Yuan's enemies that it was he who originally conceived the idea of the twenty-one demands, in order that he mightsecure Japanese support for his subsequent policies and ambitions.
A reason for the harsh measure of the Japanese Government is admissible. The Japanese may have feared that public opinion throughout the world, which was disapproving the character and scope of these negotiations, would encourage the Chinese to hold out in matters of detail and gradually to raise new difficulties. Moreover, the men who wielded the power of Japan were believers in military prestige and may have expected good results from basing their new rights in China directly on military power.
The ultimatum gave the Chinese Government a little over forty-eight hours, that is, until 6P.M.on May 9th, for an answer. On May 8th, the cabinet and Council of State met in a session which lasted nearly all day, finally deciding that the ultimatum must be accepted in view of the military threats of Japan.
In their reply to the ultimatum a serious tactical mistake was made. I had been informed that it would be accepted in simple and brief language; that the Chinese Government would say it had made certain grants to the Japanese, which would be enumerated, making no mention of Group V. Toward evening of the 9th a member of the Foreign Office came to me, quite agitated, saying that the Japanese Legation insisted that the demands of Group V be specifically reserved for future discussion. "What form," I asked, "has the Chinese answer taken?" "This," he replied: "'The Chinese Government, etc., hereby accepts, with the exception of the five articles of Group V, all the articles of Group I, etc.' But," he added, "when the draft was submitted to the Japanese Legation, they insisted that after the words 'Group V' there be added the clause 'which are postponed for later negotiation.'" It had been thought necessary, my visitor explained, to state in the reply that something had been refused, in order to save the faceof the Government. But it is perfectly plain that if Group V had not been mentioned at all, the Japanese would have found it hard to insist upon its being kept open; for it could not be avowed before other nations as part of the matter covered by the ultimatum. As it was, the demands in Group V were given the character of unfinished business, to be taken up at a future date. Thus portentously, they continued to hang over the heads of the Chinese.
Partly in an exchange of notes, partly in a convention, the concessions exacted through the ultimatum were granted. None of these was ever ratified by the parliamentary body, as the Constitution requires. Because of their origin and of this lack of proper ratification, the Chinese people have looked upon the agreements of 1915 as invalid.
The State Department had cabled on May 6th counselling patience and mutual forbearance to both governments. The advice was needed by Japan, but the instructions came too late; the ultimatum had been presented. I should have found that its delivery would have seemed like whispering a gentle admonition through the keyhole after the door had been slammed to.
The Department cabled on May 11th an identical note to both governments, which I delivered to the Minister for Foreign Affairs on the 13th. It was published in the Peking papers on the 24th, together with a telegram from Tokyo asserting "on the highest authority" that the report of the existence of such a note was only another instance of machinations designed to cause political friction.
When he received the note Minister Lu said that he had tried throughout to safeguard the treaty rights of other nations, with which China's own rights were bound up. To a question from him I replied that the American Government was not now protesting against any special proposal, but insisted that the rights referred to in the note be given complete protection in the definitive provisions of the Treaty.The newly acquired privileges of the Japanese in Manchuria were touched on in the conversation; I pointed out that any rights of residence granted to the Japanese, by operation of the most-favoured-nation clause, would accrue in like terms to all other nations having treaties with China; they ought to be informed, therefore, of all the terms of the agreement affecting such rights. On May 15th the Department confirmed this view by cabled instructions, which I followed with a formal note to the Minister for Foreign Affairs.
It appeared that the Chinese Government was comforted by an expression in which the United States in clear terms reasserted its adhesion to the fundamental principles of American policy in the Far East.
So ended the famous negotiations of the Twenty-one Demands. Japan had gained from the unrepresentative authorities at Peking certain far-reaching concessions. But in China the people, as an anciently organized society, are vastly more important than any political government. The people of China had not consented.
FOOTNOTES:[2]For instance, Putnam Weale wrote: "Though Englishmen believe that the gallant Japanese are entitled to a recompense just as much now as they were in 1905 for what they have done, Englishmen do not and cannot subscribe to the doctrine that Japan is to dominate China by extorting a whole ring-fence of industrial concessions and administrative privileges which will ultimately shut out even allies from obtaining equal opportunities.... In China, though they are willing to be reduced to second place and even driven out by fair competition, they will fight in a way your correspondents do not yet dream of to secure that no diplomacy of the jiujitsu order injures them or their Chinese friends."
[2]For instance, Putnam Weale wrote: "Though Englishmen believe that the gallant Japanese are entitled to a recompense just as much now as they were in 1905 for what they have done, Englishmen do not and cannot subscribe to the doctrine that Japan is to dominate China by extorting a whole ring-fence of industrial concessions and administrative privileges which will ultimately shut out even allies from obtaining equal opportunities.... In China, though they are willing to be reduced to second place and even driven out by fair competition, they will fight in a way your correspondents do not yet dream of to secure that no diplomacy of the jiujitsu order injures them or their Chinese friends."
[2]For instance, Putnam Weale wrote: "Though Englishmen believe that the gallant Japanese are entitled to a recompense just as much now as they were in 1905 for what they have done, Englishmen do not and cannot subscribe to the doctrine that Japan is to dominate China by extorting a whole ring-fence of industrial concessions and administrative privileges which will ultimately shut out even allies from obtaining equal opportunities.... In China, though they are willing to be reduced to second place and even driven out by fair competition, they will fight in a way your correspondents do not yet dream of to secure that no diplomacy of the jiujitsu order injures them or their Chinese friends."
CHAPTER XIII
GETTING TOGETHER
There arrived in Peking in the fall of 1915 the members of a commission sent by the Rockefeller Foundation, to formulate definite plans for a great scientific and educational enterprise in China. They were Dr. Simon Flexner, of the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research, of New York; Dr. George A. Welch, of Johns Hopkins University; and Doctor Buttrick, the secretary of the Foundation. By early September, 1919, the cornerstone of the Rockefeller Hospital and Medical School in Peking had been laid.
The China Medical Board had acquired the palace of a Manchu prince. When their plans were first being formulated, the owner had just died, and this magnificent property could have been bought for $75,000 Mex. I cabled to New York at the time, advising quick action, but the organization had not been sufficiently completed to make the purchase. When, four months later, they were ready to buy, the price had risen to $250,000. The fact that a rich institution desired to acquire the property had undoubtedly helped to enhance the price; but real property was then so rapidly rising in value all over Peking, especially in central locations, that the price asked, as a matter of fact, was not excessive, and a similar site could not have been secured for less. A still further increase of values throughout the central portion of the city was soon recorded; in fact, in many localities of China land values have risen after the manner of an American boom town.
The stately halls of the palace had been dismantled and torn down because they did not suit the uses of the hospital.The materials recovered, however, were in themselves of great value. The Board had decided, in consonance with the judgment of the architects, that the Chinese style of architecture should be used, modified only sufficiently to answer the modern purpose of the buildings.
We gathered on a sunny day of early September, when the air of Peking has the fresh balminess of spring, to dedicate the cornerstone of the first building to be erected. Admiral Knight, who was visiting us at the time, accompanied me. Mr. Alston, the British chargé; Dr. Frank Billings, who had just returned from Russia where he had been chairman of the American Red Cross; and other representatives of the American and British community were present, together with many Chinese. Mr. Fan Yuen-lin, Minister of Education, represented the Chinese Government, and Bishop Norris, of the Anglican Church, offered prayer. I made a brief address in which I paid tribute to the achievements of American and British medical missionaries, and expressed my high idea of the value and significance, for science and human welfare, of the great institution here to be established.
Incidentally, it had seemed to me—and I so expressed to Doctors Welch and Flexner during their visit—that much of value might be found in the Chinesemateria medica. In my own experience there had been so many instances where relief had been afforded in apparently hopeless cases that I thought it worthy of special study. For example, a new chauffeur whom I had engaged accompanied my old chauffeur in the machine one day; as he jumped out, his arm was caught between the door and a telegraph pole and crushed. We immediately had him taken to the hospital, where the doctors decided that only an immediate operation afforded any prospect of saving his arm, and that even a successful operation was doubtful. I was told that evening that his mother had taken the young man away, notwithstanding the entreaties of our Chinese legationpersonnel. We gave him up for lost. But within six weeks he reported for his position, only admitting: "My arm is still a little weak." A Chinese doctor had cured him with poultices.
Similar cases often came to my attention. Mr. Chow Tzu-chi had frequently suffered severely from rheumatism. He had tried every scientific remedy without avail. One day I was glad to find him chipper and in fine spirits. He said, "I am cured"; and he told me that a Chinese doctor had fixed golden needles in different parts of his body. Within a day his pains had disappeared. The empirical knowledge accumulated by Chinese doctors through thousands of years may be worth something.
In their hours of leisure from the scientific tasks of their mission, the members of the Rockefeller board saw much of Chinese life on the lighter as well as its more serious side. One evening we went together to a Chinese restaurant where we met some native friends and had an excellent dinner, of the best that Peking cooking affords. The American guests were delighted with the turmoil in the courts of a Peking restaurant. We were entertained after dinner by a well-known prestidigitator. This man often performs in Peking, where he is known among foreigners by the name of Ega Lang Tang. These words mean nothing, being only an arbitrary formula which he uses in his incantations. His tricks, many and astounding, culminate when, after turning a somersault, he suddenly produces out of nothing a glass bowl as large as a washtub two feet in diameter filled with water in which shoals of fish are gaily swimming about.
In another way American initiative of an educational nature was welcomed in Peking. Among officials and literary men were many who were interested in the scientific study of economic and political subjects. With them and with American and European friends I had often discussed the desirability of establishing an association devoted tosuch work. The old literary learning which had up to a very recent time organized and given cohesion to Chinese intellectual life had largely lost its power to satisfy men, whereas the scientific learning of the West had not yet become sufficiently strong to act as the chief bond of intellectual fellowship.
As all political and social action, and all systematic effort in industry and commerce, depend on intellectual forces, it is evident that disorganization and confusion would soon threaten Chinese life unless centres were formed in which the old could be brought into harmonious and organic relationship with the new, so as to focus intellectual effort. Such centres would wield great influence.
With the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Lu Tsen-tsiang, and a number of other friends who were equally impressed with the need for such a centre of thought and discussion, we decided in November, 1917, to take steps toward forming a Chinese Social and Political Science Association.
The first meeting was held at the residence of the Minister for Foreign Affairs on December 5, 1915, when plans were discussed. In an address which I made on this occasion I expressed my idea of the significance of the society as follows:
"The founding of the Society is an indication of the entry of China into full coöperation in modern scientific work. This initial step foreshadows a continuous effort through which the experience and knowledge of China will be made scientifically available to the world at large. The voice of China will be heard, her experience considered, and her institutions understood by the world at large; she will be represented in the scientific councils. At home the work of such an association, if successful, should result in a clearer conception of national character and destiny. The knowledge gained by its work would be of great valuein constructive administrative reform. But its greatest service would lie in the manner in which it would contribute to a more deep and more definite national self-consciousness...."
Virtually all the Chinese officials, of modern education, as well as many teachers and publicists, interested themselves in the new society. The idea was supported by men of all nations; alongside of Americans like Doctor Goodnow, Doctors W.W. and W.F. Willoughby, and Dr. Henry C. Adams, were the British, Dr. George Morrison, Sir Robert Bredon, Professor Bevan, and Mr. B. Lenox Simpson; the French, M. Mazot and M. Padoux; the Russians, M. Konovalov and Baron Staël-Holstein; and the Japanese, Professor Ariga. The society thereafter held regular meetings, at which valuable addresses and discussions were given; it published a quarterly review, and it established the first library in Peking for the use of officials, students, and the public in general.
Through the assistance of the Prime Minister, Mr. Hsu Hsi-chang, a portion of the Imperial City was set aside for use by the library—a centrally situated enclosure, called the Court of the Guardian Gods. This had been used as a depository for all the paraphernalia of Imperial ceremonies, such as lanterns, banners, emblems, state carriages, and catafalques. When I first visited it, large stores of these objects still remained. They were not of a substantial kind, but such as are constructed or made over specially for each occasion; and, while they were quite interesting, they had no intrinsic value. That the officials and the Imperial Family should combine to set aside so valuable an area for a modern scientific purpose was an indication that China is moving.
Attached to the French Legation was the brilliant sinologist Paul Pelliot, whose explorations in Turkestan had secured such great treasures for the French museums and theBibliothèque Nationale. Though he acted officially as military attaché, M. Pelliot really had a far broader function, being liaison officer between French and Chinese culture.
Before the war the Germans had an educational attaché. On account of the close relationship between Chinese and American education through the thousands of American returned students, I strongly urged the appointment of an attaché who could give his attention to educational affairs. I was so pressed with other business that hundreds of invitations to address educational bodies throughout China had to go unaccepted. If there had been an assistant who could have met the Chinese on these occasions, he could have been exceedingly helpful to them. But I was told from Washington that there was no provision for an attaché with such functions.
The intimate feeling of coöperation between the British and American communities expressed itself in many meetings, in some of which the Chinese, too, participated. Thus, on December 8, 1917, there was held a reception of the English-speaking returned students. The Minister for Foreign Affairs; a number of his counsellors; the British minister, Sir John Jordan, and his staff; the American Legation; the missionaries; all who had received their education in the United States or Great Britain, were here present. It was a large company that gathered in the hall of the Y.M.C.A., including a great many Chinese women.
The hum of the preliminary conversation was suddenly interrupted by a loud voice issuing from a young man who had hoisted himself on a chair in the centre of the room. He proceeded to give directions for the systematic promotion of sociability and conversation. The Chinese guests were to join hands and form a circle around the room, facing inward; within that circle the British and American guests were to join hands, forming a circle facing outward. At the given word the outer circle was to revolve to the right, the innercircle to the left. At the word "halt," everyone was to engage his or her vis-à-vis in conversation. To eliminate every risk of stalemate, the topics for conversation were given out, one for each stop of the revolving line, the last being: "My Greatest Secret."
The young man who proposed this thoroughly American system of breaking the ice had just come out from Wisconsin, and it was his business to secure the proper mixing in miscellaneous gatherings. The British seemed at first somewhat aghast at the prospect of this rotary and perambulatory conversation; yet they quite readily fell in with the idea, and when the first word of halt was given, I noticed Sir John duly making conversation with a simpering little Chinese girl opposite him.
A little later, in December, there was formed an Anglo-American Club, which celebrated its début with a dinner at the Hotel of Four Nations. This was the beginning of the closest relationship that has ever existed between the Americans and British in the Far East. In my brief speech I expressed my genuine feeling of satisfaction that this coöperation should have come about.
My relations with educational authorities and activities in Peking were most pleasant. When Commencement was celebrated at Peking University I had the distinction of an honorary LL.D. conferred upon me. This courtesy was performed in a very graceful manner by Doctor Lowry, my wise and experienced friend, under whose presidency this institution had been built up from small beginnings. I was so interested in the promise of this American university in the capital of China that I consented to act as a member of the Board, and I had interested myself in its development as far as my official duties would permit. To my great satisfaction, the university had at this time become interdenominational, representing four of the Christian mission societies active in China. A liberal spirit pervaded the university,inspiring its members with a desire to serve China by spreading the light of learning, without narrow denominational limitations, relying on Christian spirit and character to exert its influence without undue insistence on dogma. By a pleasant coincidence, I on that very date received a cablegram telling me that my alma mater, the University of Wisconsin, had also given me the honorary LL.D.
An opportunity for general meetings of Americans and British, including, also, other residents of Peking, interested in things of the mind, was afforded by a lecture course arranged by the Peking Language School. I opened the course with an address on the conservation of the artistic past of China, which was given at the residence of the British minister. Sir John Jordan in his introductory remarks said that the time was at hand when foreigners residing in China would take a far deeper and more intimate interest in Chinese civilization than they had done before. I spoke of the danger of losing the expertness and the creative impulse of Chinese art and of the readiness it had always shown in the past to develop new forms, methods, and beauties. Subsequent lectures were given alternately at my residence and at the theatre of the British Legation, and the entire course emphasized our common interest in Chinese civilization.
During the height of the student movement in 1919 the Peking police closed the offices of theYi Shih Pao(Social Welfare), a liberal paper in Peking. The paper had made itself disliked by publishing news of the Japanese negotiations and criticizing the militarist faction. A number of Americans had previously interested themselves in the paper, because of its liberal tendencies and because of its devotion to social welfare work; they proposed to take it over, but the transfer had not yet been carried out. The Chinese editor of the paper appealed to me to assist him in the liberation of an associate who had been imprisoned. As no legal American interest at the time existed in the paper, however, it wasnot possible to use my good offices in its behalf, although I had at all times made the Chinese officials know that the suppression of free speech in the press was a very undesirable procedure. The suppression of theYi Shih Paowas a result of the desire of the reactionary faction in Peking to choke every expression favourable to the national movement; they had been encouraged to imitate the stringent press regulations of Japan.
Later on the Americans completed their purchase of theYi Shih Pao. The question as to how far American protection should be extended over newspapers printed in Chinese, but owned by Americans, then came up for decision. As Americans had become interested in thebona fideenterprise of publishing newspapers in Chinese, it was not apparent how such protection as is given to others for their legitimate interests could be refused in this case. I therefore recommended to the Department of State that no distinction be made against such enterprises, and several vernacular papers were subsequently registered in American consulates.
When I told the Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs that American registry had been given theYi Shih Pao, I informed him of the character of the American press laws, under which newspapers are in normal times entirely free from censorship, but are responsible in law for any misstatements of fact injurious to individuals. Many of the reactionary officials had persistently opposed the idea of having American-registered vernacular papers in China. But, manifestly, they could not make any valid protest against such an arrangement. In fact, we never had any expression of official displeasure; on the contrary, nothing could have been more welcome to the people of China and to the great majority of officials than to know that vernacular papers were to be published in China by Americans.
The publication in Peking of news from abroad was muchfacilitated by wireless. Early in 1919 I entertained at lunch several American newspapermen, with whom I had a conference on the press and news situation in the Far East. They were Mr. Fleisher, of theJapan Advertiser; Mr. McClatchey, of theSacramento Bee; Mr. Sharkey, of the Associated Press; and Mr. Carl Crow, representative of the American Committee on Public Information. Mr. Walter Rogers, an expert in this matter, had been in Peking shortly before.
The great difficulty with which we were confronted in any attempt to develop the news service between China and the United States was the expense of telegraphing by cable, which made it impossible to transmit an adequate news service. We were therefore all agreed that it was essential to use the wireless and that every effort should be made for arrangements whereby the wireless system of the American Government would carry news messages at a reasonable rate.
The importance of a direct news service was demonstrated during the war, when under an arrangement by the Committee on Public Information a budget of news was sent by wireless daily to the Far East. For the first time in history had there been anything approaching a fairly complete statement of what was going on in the United States. The service of news of the Peace Conference was also particularly appreciated by everybody in China. China had never been so close to Europe before.
The only agency supplying news in China is Reuter's. Its news budget is made up in London. It proceeds to Spain, Morocco, and down the west coast of Africa to the Cape; thence up the east coast of Egypt, Persia, India, and Ceylon. At each of the main stations on the way items of only local interest there are withdrawn. What is left at Ceylon as of interest to the Far East is sent on to Singapore and Hong-Kong, as well as by another route to Australia. It is quitenatural that with such a source and such a routing, this service should carry next to nothing about America. I once had it observed for a whole month in June, 1916, when the only American item carried was that Mr. Bryan had shed tears at the National Democratic Convention!
CHAPTER XIV
WAR DAYS IN PEKING
During my first absence in America Mr. Peck had been appointed consul at Tsingtau, and Dr. Charles D. Tenney had been sent as his successor. My predecessor, Mr. W.J. Calhoun, in a letter concerning Doctor Tenney, bore witness to his unusual acquaintanceship with the Chinese and knowledge of Chinese affairs. Speaking of Doctor Tenney's joy in returning to China, Mr. Calhoun remarked: "There is a strange thing about foreigners who have lived very long in China: they never seem to be contented anywhere else. They are apparently bitten by some kind of bug which infuses a virus into their blood, and makes life in that country the only thing endurable."
Existence of a state of war deeply affected social life in Peking. The mutual enemies could, of course, not see each other. Their social movements, therefore, were considerably restricted. The neutrals, however, having relations with both sides, were if anything more busy socially than at other times. Dinners had to be given in sets, one for the Entente Allies, the other for the Central Powers. The Austrian minister decided that as his country was at war and his people were suffering, he would not accept any dinner invitations at all, except for small partiesen famille. The other representatives of belligerent powers kept up their social life on a reduced scale. Dancing was gradually restricted, and finally passed out almost entirely.
Mr. Rockhill had died at Honolulu in December, 1914. He had been retained by President Yuan as his personal adviser, and was returning to China from a brief visit to theUnited States. I felt the loss of a man of such unusual ability and experience, to whom China had been the most interesting country in the world. In all the difficulties which followed, his advice would have been of great value to the Chinese President and Government.
The report of the Engineers' Commission which investigated the Hwai River Conservancy project made that enterprise look even more attractive than I had anticipated. The value of the redeemed land alone would be more than enough to pay the cost of the improvements. I felt that the work would give great credit to the American name. Not only would it assure the livelihood of multitudes through the redemption of millions of the most fertile acres in China, but it would give to the Chinese a living example of how, by scientific methods, the very foundations of their life could be improved. During the winter of 1914-15 a terrible famine was again devastating that region, threatening hundreds of thousands of peasants with extinction. Never had the sum of twenty millions of dollars produced such benefits as would be assured here. But after urgent appeals to the Department in Washington, the National Red Cross, and the Rockefeller Foundation, it was found impossible to secure the necessary capital during the year of the option. The best I could do was to ask for an extension, which was granted, although the Chinese themselves were impatient to see the work begun.
We received reports during the first winter of the war about the suffering endured by German and Austrian prisoners in Siberia. They had been captured during the summer and early autumn, and transported to Siberia in their summer uniforms. Subjected to the intense cold of a Siberian winter, they were herded in barracks unprovided with ordinary necessities; these were sealed to exclude the cold and all kinds of disease were soon rampant. The Legation at Peking, being nearest to Siberia, superintended the relief work there of theAmerican Red Cross; there was also a German relief organization (calledHilfsaktion), of which a capable and enterprising woman of Austrian descent, Madame Von Hanneken, was the moving spirit. The Legation's work increased; innumerable appeals came to it directly, and in lending its good offices to the German association care had to be taken that no use of it be made that could be properly objected to. Madame Von Hanneken was on friendly terms with the Russian Legation, which gave her society needed facilities. Its direct representatives were European neutrals, chiefly Danes and Swedes. The work of the American Red Cross among the war prisoners in Siberia, as well as the efforts of the Y.M.C.A. to introduce among them industrial and artistic activities to alleviate their lot, make a story of unselfish effort.
I tried to encourage the Chinese to build good roads. The Imperial roads around Peking were surfaced with huge flagstones which, through rain and climate, had lost alignment; they tilted and sloped at angles like the logs of a corduroy road. Vehicles might not pass them, while the Chinese carts picked their way as best they could over low-lying dirt tracks by the side of these magnificent causeways. The Chinese proverbial description of them is: "Ten years of heaven and a thousand years of hell." The country thoroughfares have worn deep; it is a Chinese paradox that the rivers usually flow above and the highways lie below the surface of the land. In theloessregions the roads are often cut thirty or forty feet deep into the soil.
I first suggested the building of a road from Tientsin to Peking, but the railways did not encourage this enterprise, and it was delayed several years. Mr. E.W. Frazar, an American merchant from Japan who accompanied me to Tokyo in 1915, had successfully established motor-car services in Japan. He had come to north China to establish a branch of his firm there; he was willing to get American capital for road building and to make a contract thereforwith the Chinese Government. This particular contract was not concluded, but an impetus had been given to the idea among the Chinese, and the building of roads was gradually taken up, beginning with highways around Peking. The leading men became interested when they began to realize its effect on real estate values.
Governor-General Harrison of the Philippine Islands spent a week in Peking, sightseeing, making many purchases of antiques and Peking products. He was much taken with the Chinese rugs and ordered a number of huge carpets to be made for the Malacañan Palace. We both strongly felt that something should be done to prevent the total disappearance of the American flag from the Pacific, and this we knew would occur if the existing companies carried out their threats of retrenchment and withdrawal. Had one been able to foresee the enormous demand for shipping which was soon to arise, he might have outdistanced the richest of existing millionaires. The Chinese Government did give to an American a contract to establish a Chino-American steamship line, with a government guarantee of $3,000,000; unfortunately, it shared the all-too-common fate of American undertakings in China and was not carried out.
The lunar New Year of the Chinese Calendar was changed to the Republican (Min Kuo) New Year. On January 1st Peking was given a festal aspect. The Central Park, a part of the old Imperial City, had been opened to the public, and under innumerable flags crowds streamed along the pathways, stopping at booths to buy souvenirs and toys, or entering the always popular eating places where both foreign and Chinese music is played by bands large and small. On various public places fairs were held; extensive settlements of booths built of bamboo poles and matting sprang up overnight. There, curios, pictures, brass utensils, wood carvings, gold fishes, ming eggs, birdcages, and other objects useful andornamental were on sale. Wandering troops of actors and acrobats performed in enclosures to which the public was admitted for a small fee. Before one of these stockades I saw a large sign reading: "Chow and Chang—champion magicians educatedfromAmerica." So, even here, American education was valued. The art collection in the Imperial City was open at half the usual admission fee; the grounds of the Temple of Agriculture and of the Temple of Heaven were crowded with holiday visitors, and at all theatres were special performances. For three or four days the city wore a holiday aspect.
But the old New Year was not abandoned. On the days before the lunar year ended the streets became alive with shoppers preparing for the grand annual feasting. Quantities of fattened ducks, pigs, chickens, and fishes, loads of baked things and sweets were transported in carts, rickshaws, and all sorts of vehicles or by hand, everyone chattering and smiling in happy anticipation. The Chinese New Year is the traditional time for settling all outstanding accounts. Slates are wiped clean, partnerships are wound up, and all balances settled. When New Year's eve comes, having strained themselves to meet their obligations, all cast dull care aside. Families and clans gather for a gargantuan feasting, the abundance and duration of which outdistances anything seen in the West.
The official celebration of the Republican New Year at the President's Palace had to be modified. Because of the war the diplomatic corps could not be received as a unit. It was therefore arranged that the President receive the foreign representatives in three groups: the Allies, the Neutrals, and the Central Powers. High Chinese officials and picturesque Mongolian dignitaries were received on the first day, the diplomatic representatives on the second. As the President chatted informally with each minister, Madam Yuan received in an adjoining apartment, talking quite naturallywith the ladies of the party about such feminine matters as the size of families and the choice of dress materials.
A short time ago a young American teacher, Hicks, was murdered and his two companions seriously wounded while they were ascending the Yangtse River in a boat. The attack was at the dead of night; the survivors recalled only flaring torches and swarthy faces, although they believed that their assailants wore some sort of uniform. The Chinese Government disavowed responsibility, considering it an ordinary robbery, and asserting that if the assailants wore uniforms they must have been insurgents, as no regular troops were near that place. The crime was revolting, destructive of the sense of security of foreign travellers, and I insisted absolutely on payment of an indemnity. Money payment is by no means satisfactory; it does give the injured parties redress and testifies to the desire of the Central Government to protect foreigners, but does not bring the consequences of the crime home to the really guilty parties. I therefore always tried to have the personal responsibility in such matters followed up and specifically determined; in this case it was impossible. The Chinese Government finally agreed to the very handsome indemnity of $25,000 for the death of young Hicks, the largest pecuniary award for loss of life ever made in China. It was an ironical circumstance that just after this had been settled, an American driving his automobile at excessive speed in the Peking streets struck and killed an old Chinese woman. When I stated to the Minister for Foreign Affairs that I would ask this man to pay $300 to the relatives, he replied with a twinkle: "How much was it we paid you for the last American who was killed?"
However, he did not really intend to dispute the reasonableness of even so enormous a difference. Foreigners in China, on account of their employment as managers or head teachers, necessarily have to be considered, from a purely pecuniary point of view, to have a value far above the average. Moreover, should large indemnities be paid for the death of poor people among the Chinese, they would be constantly tempted to let themselves be injured or even killed, in order to provide for their families.
Among the Chinese who visited me during the first year of the war were the military and civil governors of Chekiang Province. Contrary to tradition, both were natives of the province they governed, and good governors, too. The civil governor, Mr. Chu Ying-kuang, who was under forty, was a man of great public spirit and wisdom, eager to discuss constructive ideas and effective methods in government and industry. Governor Chu wrote me a letter of thanks, which may be considered an example of Chinese epistolary style. It ran:
During my short stay in the Capital I hurriedly visited your Excellency and was so fortunate as to draw upon the stores of your magnificence and gain the advantage of your instruction. My appreciation cannot be expressed in words. You also treated me with extraordinary kindness in preparing for me an elaborate banquet. Your kindness and courtesy were heaped high and your treasures were lavishly displayed. My gratitude is graven on my heart and my hope and prayer is that the splendour of your merit may daily grow brighter and that your prosperity may mount as high as the clouds.I, your younger brother, left Peking on the 29th of last month for the South, and on February 2nd arrived at Hangchou. The whole journey was peaceful so that your embroidered thoughts need not be exercised. I reflect fondly on your refined conversation and cannot forget it for an instant. I respectfully offer this inch-long casket to express my sincere gratitude and hope that you will favour it with a glance.Respectfully wishing you daily blessings,Your younger brother.
During my short stay in the Capital I hurriedly visited your Excellency and was so fortunate as to draw upon the stores of your magnificence and gain the advantage of your instruction. My appreciation cannot be expressed in words. You also treated me with extraordinary kindness in preparing for me an elaborate banquet. Your kindness and courtesy were heaped high and your treasures were lavishly displayed. My gratitude is graven on my heart and my hope and prayer is that the splendour of your merit may daily grow brighter and that your prosperity may mount as high as the clouds.
I, your younger brother, left Peking on the 29th of last month for the South, and on February 2nd arrived at Hangchou. The whole journey was peaceful so that your embroidered thoughts need not be exercised. I reflect fondly on your refined conversation and cannot forget it for an instant. I respectfully offer this inch-long casket to express my sincere gratitude and hope that you will favour it with a glance.
Respectfully wishing you daily blessings,
Your younger brother.
The new German minister, Admiral von Hintze, arrived shortly after the New Year. I saw him frequently after his first visit, as he had few colleagues with whom, under the conditions of war, he could meet. In order to avoid capture as an enemy, Admiral von Hintze had come from the UnitedStates incognito, as a supercargo on a Norwegian vessel. He had been minister in Mexico, and before that the Emperor's representative at the court of the Czar, and was a man of wide knowledge of European affairs and of diplomatic intrigue. For a man of his intelligence, he was inclined to give undue weight to rumours. Peking was amused shortly after his arrival when he sent orders to the Germans resident in all parts of the capital to hold themselves ready to come into the Legation Quarter immediately upon notice being given. He had read books on the troubles of 1900 and on the assassination of his predecessor, Baron Kettler; he therefore saw dire menaces where everything seemed quite normal to older residents. Especially, he imagined himself surrounded by emissaries and retainers of the enemy. Several times he would say to me: "My first 'boy' is excellent. He could not be better. The Japanese pay him well, so he has to do his best to hold his job."
Being himself a clever man and familiar with opinion outside of Germany, Admiral Hintze thoroughly disapproved of the acts of unnecessary violence by which the Germans had forfeited the good opinion of the world, especially the sinking of theLusitaniaand the execution of Edith Cavell. "What a mistake," he exclaimed, "for the sake of one woman! Why not hold her in a prison somewhere in Germany until the war is over?" The stupidity of such acts deeply offended him. Had he become Minister for Foreign Affairs at an earlier date, some bad mistakes might have been avoided. When the first reports of the resumption of exacerbated submarine warfare were received, he remarked to me: "Do not believe these reports that Germany will resume unlimited submarine warfare. I can assure you that they will not be foolish enough to do such a thing."
I noticed soon after Admiral Hintze's arrival that his relations with his Austrian colleague were not the most cordial; these two seemed to coöperate with difficulty. They weremen entirely different in temperament. The German was a man of the world, inspired with the ideal of German military power and looking on international politics as a keen and clever intellectual game. Concerning Hindenburg, he said to me: "There is a man who makes no excuses for his existence." The Austrian minister was a man of scholarly impulse, with a broad sympathy for humankind, deploring the shallow game of politics, and hoping for a more humane and reasonable system of government than that of the political state.
Mr. Sun Pao-chi, Minister for Foreign Affairs, resigned on January 28th to head the Audit Board, and was succeeded by Mr. Lu Tseng-tsiang. Mr. Lu had enjoyed an extensive experience in Europe. He had acquired a thorough mastery of French and married a Belgian lady, to whom he was deeply devoted. Like his predecessor, he abstained from internal politics. He was called to office when the exceedingly difficult negotiations with Japan concerning the twenty-one demands were begun, and it became his duty to carry through a very painful and ungrateful task. Mr. Lu was interested in general political affairs in their broader aspects, and gave special attention to international law.
I was frequently a guest at the house of Mr. Liang Tun-yen, the Minister of Communications. He was easy-going, prepared to talk business there rather than at the Ministry, where I would see him frequently also, about the Hukuang railways. The engineer of the British section was steadfastly trying to secure standards of British engineering and manufacture, to which it would be difficult for American manufacturers to conform. The Legation was beset with protests concerning orders for materials which Americans did not like, since they embodied the special practice of one partner to the contract. Thus matters of a technical nature had to be argued between the Legation and the Ministry of Communications. Mr. Liang himself was not a railway expert.For example, he once spoke enthusiastically about clearing up the Grand Canal, exclaiming: "then you could go from Peking to Shanghai in a houseboat." We often fell back on the more general features of the political situation in China, concerning which Mr. Liang displayed a gentle skepticism for all proposed reforms. With respect to railroad concessions, he was hostile to the idea of percentage construction contracts, believing it dangerous to measure the returns of an engineering firm by the sum expended on the works. I argued that since the professional standing of such a firm was involved it could not afford to run up the cost of the works merely to increase its own commission. But I did not overcome his skepticism.
CHAPTER XV
EMPEROR YUAN SHIH-KAI
"Yuan Shih-kai is trying to make himself emperor, we hear from Peking," Mr. E.T. Williams remarked to me at the Department of State when I saw him there in July, 1915. The report said that an imperialist movement in behalf of Yuan Shih-kai had been launched in Peking. As there had been frequent reports during the year of such attempts to set up an empire, I was not at first inclined to give much credence to the rumours.
Upon my return to San Francisco in September, this time to take steamer for China, I met Dr. Wellington Koo, who had just come on a special mission. I had been confidentially informed that he would probably be designated as minister to the United States, to take the place of Mr. Shah. The Department of State had directed me to delay my departure in order to confer with Doctor Koo upon recent developments in China. On the day we spent together we went over all that had happened since my absence. The reports which had already been received that a movement had been started to make Yuan Shih-kai emperor I then considered improbable, in view of all the difficulties which the enterprise must encounter, both internationally and from the Chinese opposition. Doctor Koo confirmed this feeling and said that Yuan Shih-kai himself was very doubtful. He mentioned the Goodnow memorandum, however, as a possible factor. I was considerably surprised later to discover that the main object of Doctor Koo's mission was to sound public opinion in America and Europe concerning the assumption of the imperial dignity by Yuan Shih-kai, and to prepare the ground for it.During my return voyage to China the matter quickly came to a head, so that when I arrived in Peking on October 1st I was confronted with an entirely new situation.
To understand the movement it is necessary to review briefly the significant facts of Peking politics during the summer of 1915. A concerted effort had been made to combat the Liang Shih-yi faction. The opposition centred in the so-called Anhui Party, which was largely militaristic, but in which civilian leaders like the Premier, Hsu Shih-chang, the Chief Secretary of the cabinet, Yang Shih-chi, the Minister of Finance, as well as the Minister of Communications, were prominent.
Charges of corruption were lodged against Chang Hu, Vice-Minister of Finance; Yeh Kung-cho, Vice-Minister of Communications; and the Director of the Tientsin-Pukow Railway. Including these, twenty-two high officials were impeached during July, besides several provincial governors. The Anhui Party was trying to eliminate radically the influence of the so-called Communications Party, which had tried to maintain itself through the vice-ministers and counsellors of several important ministries, the chiefs of which were Anhui men.
It appears that several Anhui leaders were involved in a movement to establish a monarchy, with Yuan Shih-kai as emperor. Care was exercised in picking the Committee of Ten to make a preliminary draft of the Permanent Constitution; it was believed by many that influences were at work for putting into that instrument provisions for reëstablishing the monarchy. Report had it that on July 7th General Feng Kuo-chang, military governor at Nanking, had urged that the President assume the throne, for which he was rebuked by Yuan in severe terms. Dr. Frank J. Goodnow, the American constitutional adviser, returned to Peking in mid-July for a short stay; he was asked on behalf of the President to prepare a memorandum on the comparativeadaptability of the republican and monarchical forms of government to Chinese conditions. Doctor Goodnow complied. As a matter of general theory, he took the view that the monarchical form might be considered better suited to the traditions and the actual political development of the Chinese. He saw special merit in the fact that under the monarchical system, the succession to power would be regulated so that it could not be made an ever-recurring object of contention. On the expediency of an actual return at the time from the republic to the monarchy Doctor Goodnow expressly refrained from pronouncing a judgment. The memorandum was prepared simply for the personal information of the President. Advisers had been so generally treated as academic ornaments that Doctor Goodnow did not suspect that in this case his memorandum would be made the starting point and basis of positive action.
Meanwhile, Mr. Liang Shih-yi and his group, seeing their power threatened, decided to do something extreme to recover the lead. They concluded that the monarchical movement was inevitable; thereupon they seem to have persuaded Yuan Shih-kai that the movement could be properly handled and brought to early and successful issue only through their superior experience and knowledge. It was they who arranged for the memorandum of Doctor Goodnow. They had remained in the background until the middle of August, when an open monarchical propaganda began, based avowedly on the opinions expressed by the American adviser and thus given a very respectable and impartial appearance.
They formed the Peace Planning Society (Chou An Hui). Its aim was to investigate the advantages and disadvantages accruing from the republican form of government. Doctor Goodnow's views were widely heralded as categorically giving preference to monarchy for China, notwithstanding disclaimers which he now issued. The fact that an American expert should pronounce this judgment was cited as especially strong evidence in favour of the monarchical form, since it came from a citizen of the foremost republic in the world.
It became known in early September that the movement was in the hands of capable organizers. Notwithstanding Yuan Shih-kai's repeated disclaimers, he failed to take positive action to suppress the agitation; he was therefore believed to be at least in a receptive mood. The high officials in Peking with few exceptions had become favourable to the movement. The Vice-President, General Li Tuan-hung, was at first opposed, but even he appeared to be reconciled at last, being not entirely a free agent. The members of the Anhui faction, now that the lead had been taken out of their hands, were less enthusiastic for the change. Several political leaders began to withdraw from affairs. General Tuan Chi-jui, the Minister of War, and Mr. Liang Chi-chao, the Minister of Education, resigned, undoubtedly because of their tacit disapproval of the movement, although other reasons were alleged.[3]The Premier and Mr. Liang Tung-yen, the Minister of Communications, though not on principle opposed, considered that on account of his previous allegiance to the Imperial Family, Yuan Shih-kai could not with propriety assume the Imperial office. Within the inner circles of the movement there was no question of the desire of the President to have it put through. For a time, early inSeptember, he was even thinking of forcing the matter, but began to be apprehensive regarding the action of certain foreign powers who might attach difficult conditions to their recognition of the new régime.
It was suggested that the Legislative Council might simply confer the title of emperor on the President, and the constitution might then be amended to make the presidency hereditary. Thus, it was naïvely believed, legal continuity could be preserved sufficiently to obviate the necessity of seeking a new recognition. A republic with a hereditary president seemed to some politicians the key to the difficulty. This proposal served to direct the minds of those who were managing the movement to the importance of letting a representative body participate in it, and of not carrying it through by acoup d'état.
On my return to China Mr. Chow Tsu-chi and other leaders waited on me, saying that present uncertainties involved such drawbacks to peace and prosperity that from all the provinces the strongest appeals were coming, to prevail upon Yuan to sanction the movement. Mr. Chow went so far as to say: "There is such a strong demand for this step that we shall have great trouble if it is not taken. There will be military uprisings." When I looked incredulous, Mr. Chow proceeded: "Yes, indeed, the people can only understand a personal headship, and they want it, so that the country may be settled." Though I took this all with a grain of salt, I was surprised at the apparent unanimity with which the inevitableness of the change seemed to be accepted. When I asked how the President would reconcile such a step with the oath he had taken to support a republican government, I was told that this was, indeed, the great obstacle; that probably it could not be overcome unless the whole nation insisted and made it a point of duty that Yuan Shih-kai continue to govern the state under the new form.
The attempt to reëstablish the monarchy seemed to me astep backward. I had always felt that, whereas the Chinese had no experience with elective representative institutions, nevertheless they were locally so largely self-governed that they were fitted by experience and tradition to evolve some form of provincial and national representation. Yet I was strongly convinced that it is under any circumstances injudicious for one nation or the officials of one nation to assume that they can determine what is the best form of government for another nation. The fundamental principle of self-government is that every people shall work out that problem for itself, usually through many troubles and with many relapses to less perfect methods.
The Legation had during my absence asked for instructions about a possible eventual decision to recognize the new form of government. It had suggested that acceptability to the people, and, consequently, ability to preserve order, should be among the factors determining our attitude. This position had been approved by the State Department. In the many conversations I had with the President and members of the cabinet, I confined myself to expressing the opinion that the Government would strengthen itself and gain respect at home and abroad in such measure as it made real use of representative institutions and encouraged local self-government.
The Council of State on 6th October passed a law instituting a national referendum on the question. Each district was to elect one representative. The delegates from each province were to meet at the respective provincial capitals and to ballot upon the question. The election was fixed for the 5th of November, the date for balloting on the principal issue on November 15th. Those desiring constructive and progressive action had allied themselves with the monarchical movement. They hoped to strengthen constitutional practice and administrative efficiency after the personal ambitions of Yuan Shih-kai had been realized. With Yuan in the exalted position of Emperor, Mr. Chow Tsu-chi explainedto me, the government itself would be in the hands of the prime minister and cabinet; they would carry it on constitutionally and in harmony with the legislative branch. As Mr. Chow put it: "We shall make Yuan the Buddha in the temple."
The original promoters of the movement were not wholly pleased with the efforts to engraft on it principles of constitutional practice and popular consent. As certain military leaders might resort to acoup d'étaton October 10th, the anniversary of the outbreak of the revolution in 1911, the review of troops set for that date was countermanded.
Mr. Liang Shih-yi and Mr. Chow Tsu-chi afterward explained to me their preference for the monarchical form. Mr. Liang said: "Chinese traditions and customs, official and commercial, emphasize personal relationships. Abstract forms of thinking, in terms of institutions and general legal principles, are not understood by our people. Under an emperor, authority would sit more securely, so that it would be possible to carry through a fundamental financial reform such as that of the land tax. The element of personal loyalty and responsibility is necessary to counteract the growth of corruption among officials. The Chinese cannot conceive of personal duties toward a pure abstraction."
With President Yuan Shih-kai I had a long interview on October 4th. He assumed complete indifference as to the popular vote soon to be taken. "If the vote is favourable to the existing system," he said, "matters will simply remain as they are; a vote for the monarchy would, on the contrary, bring up many questions of organization. I favour a representative parliament, with full liberty of discussion but with limited powers over finance." Education and expert guidance in the work of the Government were other things about which he was planning. "There is a general lack of useful employment," he added with some hilarity, "on the part of the numerous advisers who hover around the departments.With an administrative reorganization all this will be changed. These experts will be put to work in helping to develop administrative activities." And he reverted to his favourite simile of the infant: "Even if we feel that all their medicine may not be good for the child, yet we shall let them take it by the hand to help it to walk."
It was plain that Yuan Shih-kai, while seeming very detached, was trying to justify the proposed change on the ground of making the Government more efficient and giving it also a representative character.
Doubtless Yuan Shih-kai had thought originally that the Japanese would not obstruct the movement, though ever since the time of his service in Korea he had not been favourably regarded by them. His supporters, indeed, claimed that the assurances first given to Yuan by the Japanese were strong enough to warrant him in expecting their support throughout. By the end of October, however, the Japanese Government came to the conclusion that the project to put Yuan Shih-kai on the throne should, if possible, be stopped.
A communication came from Japan to the United States, Great Britain, France, and Russia, which expressed concern because the monarchical movement in China was likely to create disturbances and endanger foreign interests. Japan invited the other powers to join in advising the Chinese President against continuing this policy. The American Government declined this invitation, because it did not desire to interfere in the internal affairs of another country. The other powers, however, fell in with the Japanese suggestion, and on October 29th the Japanese Chargé, and the British, French, and Russian ministers, called at the Foreign Office and individually gave "friendly counsel" to the effect that it would be desirable to stop the monarchical movement.
The British minister asked whether the Minister for Foreign Affairs thought disturbances could surely be prevented; whereat the Chinese rejoiced, believing it a friendlyhint that everything would be well, provided no disturbances should take place. As the machinery for holding the elections had been set in motion, the Chinese leaders believed that any action to stop them would bring discredit and loss of prestige.
The final voting in the convention of district delegates at Peking, on December 9th, registered a unanimous desire from the elections of November 5th to have Yuan Shih-kai assume the imperial dignity. Mr. Chow Tsu-chi remarked to me: "We tried to get some people to vote in the negative just for appearance's sake, but they would not do it." Prince Pu-Lun made the speech nominating Yuan as emperor, which earned him the resentment of the Manchus. On the basis of these elections, the acting Parliament passed a resolution bestowing on Yuan Shih-kai the imperial title, and calling upon him to take up the duties therewith connected. He twice rejected the proposal, but when it was sent to him the third time he submitted, having exhausted the traditional forms of polite refusal.
When Yuan was actually elected Emperor, the Entente Powers were puzzled. They announced that they would await developments. The Chinese Minister for Foreign Affairs informed them that there would be some delay, as many preparations were still required before the promulgation of the empire could be made. But it was generally believed that the movement had reached fruition. The Russian and French ministers had already expressed themselves privately as favourable to recognition. The German and Austrian ministers hastened to offer Yuan their felicitations, which embarrassed the Chinese not a little. The majority of foreign representatives at Peking were favourable to recognizing the new order on January 1st, when the promulgation was to be made. Messages of devotion and sometimes of fulsome praise came to the Emperor-elect (already called Ta Huang Ti) from foreigners. Foreign advisers, includingthe Japanese but not the Americans, set forth their devotion in glowing phrases. Doctor Ariga, the Japanese adviser, expressed his feelings in the traditional language of imperial ceremony. It was even announced that the new emperor had been prayed for in foreign Christian churches. I could not, however, verify any such case.
Suddenly, on Christmas Day, came the report that an opposition movement had been started in Yunnan Province.
A young general, Tsai Ao, who had for a time lived in Peking where he held an administrative post, had left the capital during the summer and had coöperated with Liang Chi-chao, after the latter resigned his position as Minister of Education. Liang Chi-chao attacked the monarchical movement in the press, writing from the foreign concession at Tientsin. General Tsai Ao returned to his native Yunnan, and from that mountain fastness launched a military expedition which was opposed to the Emperor-elect.
So the dead unanimity was suddenly disrupted. Now voices of opposition came from all sides. The Chinese are fatalists. The movement to carry Yuan into imperial power had seemed to them irresistible; many had therefore suppressed their doubts and fears. But when an open opposition was started they flocked to the new standard and everywhere there appeared dissenters.
A small mutiny took place in Shantung early in December. In the Japanese papers it was called "premature."
A night attack was executed near Shanghai on the settlement boundary, which was participated in by several Japanese. Being easily suppressed, it was not thought important.
Yuan Shih-kai had long been in training for the emperorship, he loved to use the methods of thought and expression of legendary monarchs. Keeping close to national traditions in the days of his power he always took care to use words indicative of self-deprecation and consideration for his subordinates. The members of the cabinet repaired on December 13th to the President's house to offer their congratulations. Replying, the Emperor-elect said: "I should rather be condoled with than congratulated; for I am giving up my personal freedom and that of my descendants for the public service. I would find far greater satisfaction in leisurely farming and fishing on my Honan estate than in this constant tussling with problems of state."
When one of the ministers suggested that there should be a great celebration of the new departure, Yuan Shih-kai replied: "It would be better not to think of celebrating and of glory at the present time, but only of work, and work, and work. My government should be improved and soundly established. In that case, glory will ultimately come, but otherwise, if artificially enacted, it is bound to be shortlived."
These sayings were reported by his faithful ministers as being quite in keeping with the character of a self-sacrificing, benevolent monarch.
The empire to be established was to be quitecomme il faut; it was to have a complete ornamentation of newly made nobility. The Vice-President was to have the title of prince, and there were to be innumerable marquises, counts, and barons. The military governors and members of cabinet were to become dukes and marquises, while the barons would be as many as the sands of the sea. The attitude of Vice-President Li Yuan-hung was not quite plain. Aside from the princedom he was also offered the marriage of one of his sons to one of Yuan's daughters. One of his wives seemed especially fascinated by these glittering honours; she was said to have virtually prevailed upon General Li to resign himself to the situation. The President was very kind to him and had supplied him with a bodyguard which watched his every movement—for Yuan Shih-kai's information.
New styles of robes for the Emperor and for his high officials and attendants were designed under direction of Mr.Chu Chi-chien. They were fashioned after the ceremonial robes of the Japanese Imperial House. The great coronation halls in the Imperial City were thoroughly cleansed and repainted. New carpets were ordered; the making of a nicely upholstered throne was entrusted to Talati's, a general merchandise house in Peking, which fact greatly amused Countess Ahlefeldt.
Meanwhile, with foresight and astuteness, General Tsai Ao and Liang Chi-chao were planning their movement against Yuan. By establishing the first independent government in the remote province of Yunnan they made sure that Yuan Shih-kai would be unable to vindicate his authority over all China at an early time. With Yunnan as starting point, it was hoped that the provinces of Kweichow, Kuangsi, and Szechuan could be induced to associate themselves with the anti-monarchist movement. Though Canton had a large garrison of Yuan's troops, it was hoped that inroads would be made even there.