The Home Department’sSecretaire,His orders they would make you stare;An hour a day allowed to walk,But mind you neither wink nor talk!For these are gifts of human reason,And you are adepts in high treason:No bigger rogues on earth there be on,For so says Edwards theespione!Let them eat and drink and sleep,But knives and forks pray from them keep,As they’ll commit assassination—The rogues would overturn the nation!
The Home Department’sSecretaire,His orders they would make you stare;An hour a day allowed to walk,But mind you neither wink nor talk!For these are gifts of human reason,And you are adepts in high treason:No bigger rogues on earth there be on,For so says Edwards theespione!Let them eat and drink and sleep,But knives and forks pray from them keep,As they’ll commit assassination—The rogues would overturn the nation!
The Home Department’sSecretaire,His orders they would make you stare;An hour a day allowed to walk,But mind you neither wink nor talk!For these are gifts of human reason,And you are adepts in high treason:No bigger rogues on earth there be on,For so says Edwards theespione!Let them eat and drink and sleep,But knives and forks pray from them keep,As they’ll commit assassination—The rogues would overturn the nation!
The Home Department’sSecretaire,
His orders they would make you stare;
An hour a day allowed to walk,
But mind you neither wink nor talk!
For these are gifts of human reason,
And you are adepts in high treason:
No bigger rogues on earth there be on,
For so says Edwards theespione!
Let them eat and drink and sleep,
But knives and forks pray from them keep,
As they’ll commit assassination—
The rogues would overturn the nation!
At the bottom of the above lines were written the following couplets:
In modes of faith let graceless zealots fight,He can’t be wrong whose life is in the right.Life’s but a jest, and all things show it,I thought so once, but now I know it!J. T. Brunt,Tower of London.
In modes of faith let graceless zealots fight,He can’t be wrong whose life is in the right.Life’s but a jest, and all things show it,I thought so once, but now I know it!J. T. Brunt,Tower of London.
In modes of faith let graceless zealots fight,He can’t be wrong whose life is in the right.Life’s but a jest, and all things show it,I thought so once, but now I know it!J. T. Brunt,Tower of London.
In modes of faith let graceless zealots fight,
He can’t be wrong whose life is in the right.
Life’s but a jest, and all things show it,
I thought so once, but now I know it!
J. T. Brunt,Tower of London.
The following verses were written by Brunt, in Newgate, on the Sunday evening, after taking leave of his wife; they were inclosed in an envelope, which was addressed to his wife; it contained also a shilling, the last money he possessed, and he requested his wife to keep the shilling for his sake as long as she lived:
Tho’ in a cell I’m close confin’d,No fears alarm the noble mind;Tho’ death itself appears in view,Daunts not the soul sincerely true!Let Sidmouth and his base colleaguesCajole and plot their dark intrigues;Still each Briton’s last words shall be,Oh! give me death or liberty!J. T. Brunt,Newgate, April 30, 1820.
Tho’ in a cell I’m close confin’d,No fears alarm the noble mind;Tho’ death itself appears in view,Daunts not the soul sincerely true!Let Sidmouth and his base colleaguesCajole and plot their dark intrigues;Still each Briton’s last words shall be,Oh! give me death or liberty!J. T. Brunt,Newgate, April 30, 1820.
Tho’ in a cell I’m close confin’d,No fears alarm the noble mind;Tho’ death itself appears in view,Daunts not the soul sincerely true!Let Sidmouth and his base colleaguesCajole and plot their dark intrigues;Still each Briton’s last words shall be,Oh! give me death or liberty!J. T. Brunt,Newgate, April 30, 1820.
Tho’ in a cell I’m close confin’d,
No fears alarm the noble mind;
Tho’ death itself appears in view,
Daunts not the soul sincerely true!
Let Sidmouth and his base colleagues
Cajole and plot their dark intrigues;
Still each Briton’s last words shall be,
Oh! give me death or liberty!
J. T. Brunt,Newgate, April 30, 1820.
Proceedings relative toGeorge Edwards,the Spy.
On Tuesday, the 2d May, Mr. Alderman Wood rose in his place in the House of Commons, and said, that “he had a question to bring under the consideration of the house, which he considered as one of the greatest importance, and particularly to the house itself. He might be wrong in the course which he had proposed to himself to pursue; but, if he were, the Speaker would, no doubt, instruct him what was the proper mode of bringing the matter forward. He had come to the determination of treating it as a breach of privilege; and would here very briefly state what were the facts.
“Seven persons had applied to him, in his official capacity of magistrate, for a warrant to take up a man, stated to be then resident in Fleet-street, whose name was said to be George Edwards. He immediately went into a private examination of those individuals, with the assistance of Sir W. Domville. Four of the parties deposed to some very material facts, some of which, affecting the safety of that house, he should now mention; but others, which were detailed at great length, were of too horrible a description for him to repeat.
“They involved a plot, not merely to effect the destruction of that house, and the honourable members within it, but of one of the highest personages in this kingdom, and of his majesty’s ministers also. He would, however, confine himself to the facts of the case as they regarded that house. He would read the words of the deposition.
“Some time in that year deponent saw a man, of the name of Edwards, going from one public-house to another, inviting persons to unite with him in the execution of the plots against the government, which he intended to bring forward. It then went on to state, that one of his great plots was this:—He said, ‘that he could bring into the House of Commons six or eight men very readily, and that it was not necessary that they should come inclean.’ By that expression he meant, that they might easily enter the House with something under their arms; for they could so come into the lobby and other parts of the House with books; no objection would be offered to their passing in with books under their arms.
“These books were to have been filled with gun-barrels, cut down to the length of four inches only, which were to be filled with gunpowder, and plugged up at both ends; and these implements being thrown down in the middle of the House, upon some occasion of a full attendance, when it would be in a very crowded state, would explode with great violence, and cause much destruction. The deposition went on to shew, that Edwards on one occasion said, ‘Thistlewood is the boy for us; he’s the one to do our work: he will very soon be out of Horsham-gaol.’ Now the evidence next showed, that, two days after, Thistlewood did come out of Horsham-gaol, and he was introduced to this Edwards at the house of Preston, the cobbler; and that which was the strongest confirmation of the whole statement, and proved it beyond all doubt, was, that Edwards did get those very books made for the purpose; and that he procured the gun-barrels, and had them cut up.
“At that time, too, he had not money enough to buy a pot of beer. All at once, however, he got supplied with cash, and was enabled topurchase several other weapons of defence, and arms, which the deponents spoke of.
“Now, this was the general substance of the depositions as they regarded that house; as to the other parts, which related to the intended taking off of certain individuals, he had hardly satisfied himself what might be the best mode of proceeding; or whether, from the nature of the case, he might be justified in asking the House to indulge him with a committee of secrecy, in which case it would not be necessary for him to proceed with his present observations. The other details, however, which he did not at present feel it his duty to bring before the House, were of a most terrible description, and unfolded plots of the most dreadful character.
“The persons who had made the depositions were respectable persons, and not at all implicated in the late legal proceedings, as having been evidence for the crown or for the prisoners. He had had several other persons with him that same morning, who were all ready to swear that they knew Edwards to have been engaged in these plots from time to time. He had been asked by several individuals, how he intended to proceed in this case; and he could now declare, that his mind was made up to call that person (Edwards) before the bar of the house. Whether, however, he should ask for a committee of secrecy, or proceed in any other way, he was ready to bring this important business before them, and he thought that he discharged his duty in so doing. He had not thought it proper to swear those deponents to the truth of their allegations, because all the acts charged against Edwards were stated to have occurred either in the county of Middlesex or the city of Westminster. As he never interfered in such a case, he told the parties that they must go before a magistrate, eitherof Westminster or of the county; or else that they must apply for a warrant to Lord Sidmouth. He directed them to go to his Lordship; and promised that, upon procuring the warrant, he would get it immediately backed, so as to make it operative within the city of London.
“He thought the thing a matter of such importance that he took the depositions in charge himself; and ordered the witnesses to attend him at Lord Sidmouth’s immediately; but it so happened that his Lordship had left the place a few minutes before his arrival. He left the depositions with a person whom he had now in his eye, and had received an answer; but he did not think proper now to give it.
“The existence of such a man as this Edwards it was almost impossible to conceive. It was difficult to imagine a man, going about with all this boldness from public-house to public-house—nay, even from one private house to another, framing and discoursing of all these plots. For his own part, however, when he looked at all the facts, he thought it clear that Edwards had become connected with the conspirators at a very early period; and he pledged himself, that, if the house should adopt any question upon the subject, he would bring forward such evidence as must convict the man. It was only to be apprehended that he was not, perhaps, in the country, which he might have quitted by this time; otherwise, no doubt, there were honourable gentlemen who were in possession of him, so that he might be produced. He, therefore, felt it his duty, under all the circumstances, before he sat down, to move, ‘That George Edwards be immediately brought to the bar of this house.’”
Mr.Bathurstobjected to the motion, on the ground that an individual charged with such high crimes as those imputed to Edwards, was an improper person to be brought to the barof the House of Commons, on the charge of a breach of privilege; but stated that there was no doubt, if the question was brought before the House in a proper shape it would be entertained.
Mr. AldermanWoodin reply said, “that he certainly set out with intimating that he saw great difficulties in this question, but was, indeed, quite happy to hear it observed, that if the business were brought before the House properly, the House would properly entertain it. He thought it right to state, that he had applied to another quarter, to get the individual in question prosecuted, but in that application he had been disappointed.
“When he first read over the depositions, which were of a nature, he was sure, to make every man shudder with horror, he thought that not a moment was to be lost in taking Edwards up, if he could be found; and, he took it for granted that he could be found; for he was known to have been in the possession of certain persons for a long time. His plots were truly diabolical; and from the evidence it could be proved, beyond contradiction or dispute, ‘that Edwards was the sole plotter and founder of the whole Cato-street plot.’ At present knowing of no other way than the motion he had suggested by which the man might be brought to justice, he should leave the matter in the hands of the House.”
A short debate on the question then ensued, but it appearing that the charge could not regularly be entertained by the House as a breach of privilege, Mr. Alderman Wood was induced to withdraw the motion for the present.
On the 9th of May the worthy Alderman, having newly-modelled his motion, so as to move for a committee of secrecy to examine the depositions in his possession, again called the attention of the House to the subject. He commenced by stating that “in bringing forward the motion, he had no object in view but the furtherance of justice, noend to attain but the elucidation of certain extraordinary facts. He had not willingly embarked in this business, which he wished to have been taken up by his Majesty’s ministers. He had done all he could to induce the Secretary of State for the Home Department[4]to bring to trial andto punishment the individual whose name was so intimately connected with the late conspiracy. He had done so as a magistrate.
“In consequence of information which he had received, he deemed it necessary to lay before the Secretary of State all the documents he could collect on the subject of Edward’s proceedings; and he produced a number of persons who were ready to swear to the matters contained in their depositions. He farther added, in his correspondence with the Secretary of State, that he was then enabled to bring forward a considerable body of evidence in support of what had previously been alleged. He had attentively looked over a vast number of depositions, which appeared to him to be of great importance. He had brought down about thirty of them; and he craved the indulgence of the house while he read over thewhole of this evidence, preparatory to his moving for a secret committee. His only wish was that a secret committee should be appointed; and if the House at once agreed to it, he should be quite contented with that result.
“If he could show that Edwards was the person who directed that plot—if he could show that he was going about for two years endeavouring to effect it—if he could prove that it was Edwards who purchased the swords and the arms of all kinds—if he could prove, by good evidence, that it was he who made the instruments of destruction which were produced on the trial, and others which might now be produced—he thought it would be quite impossible for the House to refuse his motion. He could substantiate all this by evidence—by the evidence of persons whose characters could not be impeached. He could bring forward witnesses, who had lived four, five, and six years with their employers, from whom they had received the best of characters. They stated, that Edwards had called on them at different times, and had endeavoured to seduce them: that he had drawn them into public-houses—that he had made purchases of arms—and that he had sent arms to their houses, they not knowing from whom those arms came, until subsequent evidence made them acquainted with the fact.
“He had traced this man during a period of five years, although his motion was confined to two. Some years ago he was living at Windsor, and some favour was shown to him by persons about the Castle. He was employed as a modeller in plaster-of-Paris[5]. Sometimes he was in deepadversity, at other times his circumstances were better. At one period he was walking aboutthe streets selling his busts, without shoes or stockings; and all at once he became comparatively rich. To account for this, he stated that he was the relation of a German count, from whom he had received some money; in obtaining which, he said, he was assisted by Lord Castlereagh. This circumstance was sufficient to excite suspicion in any rational mind.
“He would also prove that Edwards had been long connected with the police-officers. This was a point which certainly must be considered as very important. He pledged himself to show that Edwards was in connexion with a police-officer who was the intimate friend of Castles, and by whom Castles was employed to entice individuals to assist in the liberation of French officers, those individuals being immediately afterwards seized, for the purpose of procuring the reward. If he traced deeds of this description to Edwards, he contended that the committee ought to be granted. All this, doubtless, would be denied; but he was prepared to prove it, and was determined to do his duty. He had sought out the history of this man, as, on a former occasion, he investigated and exposed the conduct of three individuals who stood in a similar situation, and who, for the purpose of receiving the reward, were inciting men to the commission of crimes.
“When, at last, he brought the villany of this atrocious traitor (he could not denominate him a man) before the House—when he traced him, forming his plots—meeting individuals at anappointed place, for the purpose of carrying his schemes into execution—telling them, if they were surprised, to proceed to Lord Harrowby’s—employing himself in making those arms which were produced on the trial—and, above all, when he proved that Edwards had brought Thistlewood to the lodging at Davis’s house—that he had hired that lodging for him—that he did not cause his apprehension the night of the discovery, but that he caused his arrest the next morning, having waited until theGazette, offering a reward of 1,000l., was published;—when he proved all this, could they refuse a full and fair enquiry? He could incontestibly show, that Edwards told the persons engaged in the conspiracy, in case they were disturbed, to follow him to Grosvenor-square; that he accompanied a part of them on their way towards Cato-street to Holborn; that he quarrelled with one of the persons who declined going further; that when the discovery was made, he informed Mrs. Thistlewood where her husband was; that he went the next morning to Harris’s, and desired him to keep Thistlewood all day, and that he would be removed at night; and finally, that he brought the officers to seize him.
“He could further show that Edwards had taken lodgings, under the assumed name of Walls, in Pimlico. He referred the owner of the house to a porter, at Buckingham-gate, for his character, who told him, ‘This is Mr. Walls, of Windsor.’ He remained at these lodgings for a considerable time with a police-officer.
“He would now proceed to the depositions:
“A person named Pickard[6], a weaver,working for his father, deposed that he had casually met with Edwards at a public-house. Edwards called him by name, though he did not recollect having seen him before. Edwards told him “It was time the b—y thieveswasdestroyed. A number of persons, say six (he continued), might get admission into the gallery of the House of Commons, provided with tin cases, painted to represent books, and filled withpistol-barrels. One of these, provided with hemp, as a fuse, might be thrown into the House, when the members were engaged in debate.” Deponent farther said, that Edwards gave him a small steel instrument, to fix to a walking-stick. He also stated that Edwards was constantly going after him.
“Another individual, William Coudry, stated, that he attended several meetings when Edwards was present, and was informed by him, on one occasion, that a cabinet dinner was to be given at Lord Westmoreland’s, at which Lord Castlereagh would be present. Edwards said, ‘the b——y Irish butcher must be made away with.’ Coudry stated also that he had often seen Edwards afterwards preparing destructive instruments.
“A person named Seymour stated, that he knew Edwards four or five years, having met him some time ago, and he proposed that deponentshould go to a meeting in Smithfield. He replied to Edwards, that he would not go, for that he was not inclined to join in those bad pranks. Edwards afterwards told this man that the meeting had not turned out to their expectation. This was a man of considerable respectability. Another man had seen Edwards at a coffee-house, in June, and was told by him that the only means was, to destroy his majesty’s ministers, by throwing hand-grenades into their carriages. Another individual was called on by Edwards on the 19th of August, three days after the dispersion of the meeting. Edwards stated to him, that Manchester was on fire, that the New Bailey was taken, and that Hunt was killed, and added, ‘Come out immediately, all are ready; we have nothing to do but rallying our forces.’ Edwards came again at eight in the evening, and said something so wicked, that the man would have nothing more to do with him.
“Edwards called on another man at his mechanical business, and asked if the men were all reformers. After coming several times he saw a sword hung up in the place, and said he would be very much obliged to him for it. The individual gave it. Edwards said, ‘you have more?’ He replied that he had not. Edwards said such swords were very cheap, and they could get them as cheap as the government. The man gave him no more, but soon afterwards a bundle was brought to him containing twenty-four swords and some pikes, and Edwards carried away a number of them under his coat, and sent for others. He said to this individual, ‘Pray come and see what we are about.’ He went, and saw Edwards in a flannel jacket, surrounded with combustibles; he saw him making cartridges and hand-grenades, and arranging all the implements of destruction. The man, who had formerly been at sea, would stay no longer.
“A man of the name of Chambers[7]was visited by Edwards, and was desired to permit him toleave there some arms. Edwards said that all was ready. He offered money to two Irishmen who came in, and brought them to a public-house, where he treated them with some drink. Mary Barker, daughter of one of the unfortunate men, stated that the hand-grenades and other things found in her father’s (Tidd’s) house, were entirely brought in the night before by Edwards.[8]
“Another individual—he was not desired by any of those persons to conceal their names, and if any member wished for the names he was ready to give them,—the individual to whom he alluded knew Edwards; he had known William Edwards, brother of this Edwards, connected with the police, and had worked with him at the palace at Windsor. This man was conducted by Edwards to Cato-street, but when he saw the preparations there, he immediately ran away. Edwards presented his sword to prevent another from going away from Cato-street. To another person Edwards said, ‘Now is the time to destroy his majesty’s ministers, if the country is not to be ruined.’ The man replied, ‘Such a thing might do very well for a foreigner; it would not do for an Englishman.’ Edwards then got Thistlewood to come along with him to this man. Thistlewood had sold an estate to a friend of the man’s, andwas therefore known to him. But the man said to them, ‘I’ll hear no more of that.’
“Another man was applied to by Edwards, on the 19th of January, and was told by him that the destruction of ministers, either in their carriages or at cabinet dinners, was determined on. He would not weary the house by detailing all the practices of this infernal person. One very long and very interesting paper in this matter, which explained the whole from beginning to end, was written by one of the unfortunate individuals who had been seduced—it might therefore be said that it was deserving of little credit. Another person stated Edwards to have been patronized at Windsor, and that he knew him to be a spy. Another person, who had been on the waggon at the Smithfield meeting, stated, that Edwards gave a hint to a person who was about to speak of what he should say—gave him a pint of beer—told him to speak out, and among other things suggested, that they were ready with fire-balls. It was a very extraordinary disclosure, and never had there been a thing devised so well. In the whole proceedings not one instance was found of one person seduced, seducing another. A was not found to have seduced B; but in all cases Edwards was the seducer.
“Of some of the papers he was not prepared to give any account, as they had come into his hands only since he came into the house; but he had stated the facts brought forward by such persons as were sufficient to convict Edwards. He should hear, perhaps, that those persons were themselves guilty of misprision of treason; he was prepared to hear that, and to say something in reply. But that did not at all lessen the guilt of the individual who was seducing others to acts of treason. Edwards had gone on with these practices, and supplied others with money. He could prove money to have passed from Edwardsto many of the deluded persons. It was remarkable that Edwards was near the spot when Thistlewood was taken in Harris’s house. Whether he had received the 1,000l.or not, he did not know. If he had, he could now live without labour, at least without such labour as he might otherwise be dependent on.
“This was established by the testimony of a very respectable man, who kept a school in St. George’s, Hanover-square, with respect to whose conduct in this business the trustees had held a meeting, and found nothing to blame. This gentleman (Mr. Fowler) was applied to by Edwards under the name of Wards, for lodgings, and Mr. Wake, who kept Buckingham-gate, said to Mr. Fowler that he was a respectable person. After he had been six weeks there, he said to Mr. Fowler, if Mr. Sheriff Parkins or Mr. Sheriff Rothwell should call for him, his name was Edwards. Mr. Fowler exclaimed, ‘Good God! have I got a spy in my house all this time?’ There had been no subscription to provide any money, except indeed a trifle for one of the persons implicated, who had been in the debtors’ prison, but it was very small. There had been, therefore no money provided among them that could account for Edwards’ mode of living and acting.” The worthy alderman concluded by moving, ‘That a secret committee be appointed to examine evidence touching the criminal conduct of George Edwards for the last two years, and particularly touching his connexion with the conspiracy detected in Cato-street.’
The motion was seconded by Sir Robert Wilson, and a warm and animated debate, between most of the leading members of the house ensued, in which the principle of employing spies was strongly censured and condemned by some members, and approved of and supported by others, as a justifiable measure of state policy. The question was, however, ultimately negatived.
The exertions of Mr. Alderman Wood in the House of Commons having been rendered nugatory by the rejection of this motion, recourse was had to the ordinary means of justice, and on Monday the 22d of May, the Grand Jury for the County of Middlesex found a true bill againstGeorge Edwards, for High Treason, and among the witnesses examined by the Grand Jury in support of the charge were, Mrs. Thistlewood, Mrs. Brunt, and Julian Thistlewood, (the son). Mr. Harmer was authorized to offer a reward for the apprehension of Edwards, and the following advertisement immediately appeared in the newspapers:
High Treason.—One Hundred Guineas Reward.
A True Bill of indictment having been found by the Middlesex Grand Jury against GEORGE EDWARDS for HIGH TREASON, whoever will apprehend and lodge the said George Edwards in any of his Majesty’s Gaols, shall, on application to Mr. James Harmer, of Hatton-garden, London, receive the above reward.The said George Edwards is by trade a modeller; he is about 5 feet 3 inches high, thin and pale faced, with an aquiline nose, grey eyes, and light brown hair; he has lately gone by the name of Wards, and is supposed to be about to leave this country for New Brunswick under that assumed name.
A True Bill of indictment having been found by the Middlesex Grand Jury against GEORGE EDWARDS for HIGH TREASON, whoever will apprehend and lodge the said George Edwards in any of his Majesty’s Gaols, shall, on application to Mr. James Harmer, of Hatton-garden, London, receive the above reward.
The said George Edwards is by trade a modeller; he is about 5 feet 3 inches high, thin and pale faced, with an aquiline nose, grey eyes, and light brown hair; he has lately gone by the name of Wards, and is supposed to be about to leave this country for New Brunswick under that assumed name.
The retreat of Edwards, however, has never been discovered, and the general expectation is that a free pardon will be granted to him for all acts of treason committed previous to a certain time, by which he will be secured against the consequences of the bill found against him.
The witness Hiden, and the accomplices Monument and Adams, who became evidence for the crown, are also detained in confinement, but will probably be hereafter released by a general pardon.
FINIS.
London:- Printed byW. Clowes, Northumberland-court.
[4]The following are copies of letters which passed between Lord Sidmouth and Mr. Alderman Wood, on the subject:
From Lord Sidmouth to Mr. Alderman Wood.
Whitehall, April 26, 1820.
Sir,—I have to thank you for the statements of Mary Barker, Thomas Chambers, William Tunbridge, and George Pickard, which you left, in my absence, in the hands of Mr. Clive.
You are probably aware, from the list of witnesses which has been delivered to the prisoners now on their trial, that George Edwards, who is alluded to in those statements, is named in that list, and is liable to be called as a witness for the Crown; and there does not appear to me any sufficient ground for instituting any proceedings against him.
I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
Mr. Alderman Wood,&c. &c.
Sidmouth.
To the Right Honourable Viscount Sidmouth.
My Lord,—Having brought a question respecting George Edwards before the House last evening, it is my intention to renew that question in a different form. I have received considerable information, besides those documents I left at your Lordship’s office, confirming the infamous conduct of Edwards. I have, therefore, to request your Lordship will prevent Edwards from leaving the country, as I have been this day informed he is preparing to leave England for America.
I have the honour to be, my Lord, your most obedient servant,
May 3, 1820.
M. Wood.
From Lord Sidmouth to Mr. Alderman Wood.
Whitehall, May 3, 1820.
Sir,—I have received your letter of this date, in which you request me to prevent George Edwards from leaving this country; and, in reply, I have to acquaint you, that I know of no ground which could justify me in issuing a warrant against Edwards, that being the only mode by which I could comply with your request.
I have the honour to be, Sir,Your most obedient humble servant,
Mr. Alderman Wood.
Sidmouth.
To the Right Honourable Viscount Sidmouth.
My Lord,—I am honoured with your Lordship’s answer to my letter of yesterday, respecting George Edwards, wherein you state, that “you know of no ground which could justify you in issuing a warrant against him.” I consider that those depositions which I left at your Lordship’s office, contain such charges as would fully justify your Lordship in apprehending George Edwards. Perhaps your Lordship’s objections are, that they are not sworn; if so, I beg to inform you that the parties were in attendance at your Lordship’s office, to give evidence, and were ready to be sworn to their statements, and are now ready, at an hour’s notice, to attend your Lordship. I have also other evidence to produce.
I remain, your Lordship’s most obedient humble servant,
7, South Audley-street, May 4, 1820.
M. Wood.
From Lord Sidmouth to Mr. Alderman Wood.
Whitehall, May 4, 1820.
Sir,—I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of this day’s date, in which I see no ground for altering the opinion communicated to you in my former letters.
I have the honour to be, Sir,Your most obedient humble servant,Sidmouth.
[5]The following account of a professional intercourse with Edwards, who strove hard to convert it into a political connection, has been published by Mr. Carlile.
“On my entering the house at 55, Fleet-street, I became the neighbour of Edwards, who previously held the little shop which bears the No. 55½ as being part of 56. Edwards was no sooner aware that I had taken 55, than he strenuously applied himself to become a tenant or lodger of mine, before I had the least idea of letting any part of the house. I had a strong dislike to his appearance, and particularly the party whom he stated himself to be connected with, which were the Spenceans, and consequently gave him no hopes that I should receive him as lodger.
* * * * * * * * * *
He was in the habit of coming into the shop to purchase my pamphlets, and I soon conceived the notion of having a figure of Paine modelled; he expressed himself quite anxious for the job, and observed, that from his admiration of the principles of Paine, he would be satisfied with a small price for it. On my wishing to fix him to a price, he proposed five pounds, which would just cover the expense he should be at, without including his time or abilities: this was agreed on immediately, and he was to proceed forthwith: this happened in the latter part of February, or beginning of March.
“A few days after Mr. Edwards expressed a wish to have the money before hand, and observed, that it was usual with modellers. I hesitated, refused, and offered him one pound, which he accepted. A head, or bust, was soon ready, and I gave him three guineas further, for the copyright of it, but I could get him no further with the figure, (although I had gone to the expense of the pedestal and other requisites for it,) until the fall of the year, the whole of which time he appeared to be in a state of abject poverty,—was obliged to give up his shop, and was never to be found at home. I urged him, by continual messages, to proceed with the figure, and, in the month of September, I got him to finish it.”
* * * * * * * * * *
Edwards was paid for his figure before it was finished and set up, and altogether considerably in addition to the first agreement.
“From this time he stuck very close to me, on one pretence and the other; followed me twice to Blackheath, for the purpose of modelling my likeness on his own account, which he completed in the King’s Bench Prison, without any apparent object of making any thing of it. He pleaded great poverty, and twice solicited the loan of money from me, after the figure of Paine was finished and paid for; I as often refused him, because his whole conduct had convinced me that he was both dishonest and ill-disposed. I had never the smallest idea that he was a spy, and as I know him to be in the habit of running after Thistlewood and his party, I often asked him what project they had in view, as a matter of joke.
“It was Edwards who informed me that the person who visited me in the King’s Bench Prison, in company with Davidson, was a spy, and that it was he who conveyed all the information to Lord Sidmouth and the Lord Mayor. Edwards was the fourth person who entered the room while they were there, and it struck me forcibly that there was a strange coolness and distance between the three who had frequently met together before. I had never for a moment suspected Edwards to be any thing further than an idle, dissolute character.”
[6]Our limits will not admit the insertion of all the depositions read by the worthy Alderman in support of his motion; we, however, present our readers with copies of two of them, to shew the course pursued by the infamous Edwards in entrapping his destined victims, which was nearly the same in all cases.—The following is Pickard’s deposition:
“George Pickard, 15, Hare-Street, Bethnal Green, says, I know Edwards. I first saw him before the first Smithfield Meeting. I never much associated with him, I considered him so much of a blackguard. I knew his brother also, who was secretary to the Spencean Society. I met him some time about July, at the White Lyon in Wych Street; there were two or three others there. He knew me, better than I did him. He asked me how I did, and said, ‘What a pity it is, Pickard, that we can’t destroy these b—— vermin.’ A trifling conversation took place; at last, ‘I’ll tell you what it is,’ said he, ‘any body can get into the House of Commons with an order, nor does it require that they should go clean. Suppose we have an iron case made in the shape of a book (for any person is allowed to carry in a book,) and have some old gun or pistol barrels, which may be got cheap, cut into pieces about three or four inches long: let them be plugged up at each end with lead, and the centre filled with powder, and a touch-hole made; half a dozen of cases may be made full of them, for a similar number of men to take into the House. One man might have a bottle of phosphorous, and a lighted match might be taken with a piece of a rope, without giving any alarm to the persons present, and applied to the fuse, which would communicate with the contents of the cases—they should be thrown when the House was full, from the gallery. The opportunity should be taken when some important business was going forward. ‘What b——y destruction it would make,’ said he, seemingly quite pleased, and laughing at the idea. He next said, that Thistlewood would soon be out, and he was the boy for doing business. When he comes, we will set all things to rights. After some further talk, he drew out a grenade, saying, ‘What do you think of this?’ ‘What do you call it?’ said I; ‘Oh, you are a d——d fool, you know nothing;’ and then he told me it was a hand-grenade. He asked me if I would make one of thirty or forty men for some desperate purpose, which he did not explain; but such things he added, should not be entered into without having a guard against the b——y police. Upon which he drew forth a curious instrument from his waistcoat pocket, and said, it might be put into a common walking cane by having a hole bored in the bottom, and be instantly fit for use. I told him I must know him better before I would have any thing to do with him. He replied, that Thistlewood knew him well, and that that would be a sufficient recommendation. I met Edwards and Thistlewood previous to the Cato-Street business, on the Saturday. Thistlewood asked me various questions respecting business, and after shaking hands he bid me good day. Then Edwards turned quite round, and after looking for some minutes, held his hand out to shake hands. I do not recollect the first few sentences that passed, but on parting he said, ‘You b—— Pickard, you must fight before long.’ On the following Monday two persons called at my lodgings, when I was absent, and inquired for me. One of them answered the description of Edwards. They left no message, but called again on Tuesday, but I was away; I never heard of him since then. Previous to the last time of my seeing Edwards I went to the Scotch Arms, in Round-Court, Strand, and saw Adams and Edwards there. They both talked about destroying the Ministers, and invited me to go to a meeting, and Adams gave me a grenade, and Edwards gave me a small pike. I told Whadman of the circumstance; he advised me to have nothing to do with the business. Adams and Edwards called at my lodgings the day before the Cato-street business, but I had left.”
[7]Chamber’s deposition, is as follows:—
“I, Thomas Chambers, say, that I am a bootmaker, residing at 3, Heathcock Court, Strand, and have been in the employment of Mr. ——, shoemaker, Tavistock-street, for seven years, and still continue to work for him; that about five months ago I became acquainted with George Edwards, by meeting him by accident at the White Lion, Wych-street; that some time after he called upon me, at which I was much surprised, not knowing much of him; he at the same time talked about politics in a strange violent manner; he came to me again soon after, and held the same sort of language, saying, ‘It was nonsense talking, people must arm themselves.’ On Christmas Eve he again called on me, with several persons, among whom were two Irishmen, who were drunk, and whom I had never seen before. Edwards at this time had with him an old cavalry sword which he kept under his coat, and also a sword stick in his hand. He said to the Irishmen, ‘would not you wish to have Castlereagh’s head to carry about on a pole, for the good he has done your country.’ One of the Irishmen said, ‘He,’ meaning Lord Castlereagh, ‘is a big rogue;’ on which Edwards said, ‘Here is what will cut off his b—y head.’ One of the Irishmen said he would not enter into any thing until he was sworn. Edwards then asked me for a Bible to swear the man: I said, I will have no swearing here, and being at work, and not liking their language and noise, I bid them to leave my house, and they went away. Edwards called on me again about a week after, much against my wish, and held forth, in violent language about the government, and said, ‘that after the tyrants (meaning ministers) were cut off, Hunt and Cobbett must go to pot.’ Finding I did not like their language, he went away. About a fortnight before the Cato-street business, Edwards called on me, and said to me, ‘the tyrants must fall,’ and added, ‘all must come together armed, and you must come with your sword and pistol, as I suppose you have got them.’ I told him I had nothing of the kind: he then said that I should not want for them. Some short time after this he came to my lodgings quite down in spirits, and said he could not find any one to have courage to join, and he had a great mind to cut his throat. A short time after this Edwards came again with two men, and in good spirits, and said, ‘I suppose you will go with us, you know what I mean;’ I answered, I do not; he said, ‘you are not such a fool, as not to know there is something on foot, we mean to destroy ministers.’ I answered, that I would not be in such a Despard’s business. He then clapped his hand on the wall of the house, and said, ‘this is all lath and plaster, and you shan’t be safe, we’ll blow you out of your bed.’ I did not see Edwards after this till Monday, the 21st of February, when he came, in company with a very tall man, who had a cast in his eye, and Edwards had a large bag with him, which he requested me to allow him to leave in my room. I asked him what it contained, he replied, ‘Oh! only a few pistols, and such like.’ I instantly bid him take them away, that I would have nothing to do with such things in my place. He urged me very much to permit the bag to remain, but I would not. I again told him I would on no account have any thing to do with such things, and immediately made him take the bag away, assisted by the persons who came with him. Since then I have seen nothing of Edwards.”
[8]See Mary Barker’s evidence on the Trials, pages 191, 277,315.