"This County has, for a series of years, been ruled by one family, the different branches of which are still strenuous in dissuading people from coming into Congressional measures, and even have, last week, at a numerous meeting of the Mohawk District, appeared with all their dependants armed to oppose the people considering of their grievances; their number being so large, and the people unarmed, struck terror into most of them, and they dispersed. We are informed that Johnson-Hall is fortifying by placing a parcel of swivel-guns round the same, and that Colonel Johnson has had parts of his regiment of Militia under arms yesterday, no doubt with a design to prevent the friends of liberty from publishing their attachment to the cause to the world. Besides which we are told that about one hundred and fifty Highlanders, (Roman Catholicks) in and about Johnstown, are armed and ready to march upon the like occasion."[103]
"This County has, for a series of years, been ruled by one family, the different branches of which are still strenuous in dissuading people from coming into Congressional measures, and even have, last week, at a numerous meeting of the Mohawk District, appeared with all their dependants armed to oppose the people considering of their grievances; their number being so large, and the people unarmed, struck terror into most of them, and they dispersed. We are informed that Johnson-Hall is fortifying by placing a parcel of swivel-guns round the same, and that Colonel Johnson has had parts of his regiment of Militia under arms yesterday, no doubt with a design to prevent the friends of liberty from publishing their attachment to the cause to the world. Besides which we are told that about one hundred and fifty Highlanders, (Roman Catholicks) in and about Johnstown, are armed and ready to march upon the like occasion."[103]
In order to allay the feelings engendered against them Guy Johnson, on May 18th, wrote to the Committee of Schenectady declaring "my duty is to promote peace,"[104]and on the 20th to the Magistrates of Palatine, making the covert threat "that if the Indians find their council fire disturbed, and their superintendent insulted, they will take a dreadful revenge."[105]The last letter thoroughly aroused the Committee of Tryon county, and on the 21st stated, among other things:
"That Colonel Johnson's conduct in raising fortifications round his house, keeping a number of Indians and armed men constantly about him, and stopping and searching travellers upon the King's highway, and stopping our communication with Albany, is very alarming to this County, and is highly arbitrary, illegal, oppressive, and unwarrantable; and confirms us in our fears, that his design is to keep us in awe, and oblige us to submit to a state of Slavery."[106]
"That Colonel Johnson's conduct in raising fortifications round his house, keeping a number of Indians and armed men constantly about him, and stopping and searching travellers upon the King's highway, and stopping our communication with Albany, is very alarming to this County, and is highly arbitrary, illegal, oppressive, and unwarrantable; and confirms us in our fears, that his design is to keep us in awe, and oblige us to submit to a state of Slavery."[106]
On the 23rd the Albany Committee warned Guy Johnson that his interference with the rights of travellers would no longer be tolerated.[107]So flagrant had been the conduct of the Johnsons that a sub-committee of the city and county of Albany addressed a communication on the subject to the Provincial Congress of New York.[108]On June 2nd the Tryon County Committee addressed Guy Johnson, in which they affirm "it is no more our duty than inclination to protect you in the discharge of your province," but will not "pass over in silence the interruption which the people of the Mohawk District met in their meeting," "and the inhuman treatment of a man whose only crime was being faithful to his employers."[109]The tension became still more strained between the Johnsons and patriots during the summer.
The Dutch and German population was chiefly in sympathy with the cause of America, as were the people generally, in that region, who did not come under the direct influence of the Johnsons. The inhabitants deposed Alexander White, the Sheriff of Tryon county, who had, from the first, made himself obnoxious. The first shot, in the war west of the Hudson, was fired by Alexander White. On some trifling pretext he arrested a patriot by the name of John Fonda, and committed him to prison. His friends, to the number of fifty, went to the jail and released him; and from the prison they proceeded to the sheriff's lodgings and demanded his surrender. He discharged a pistol at the leader, but without effect. Immediately some forty muskets were discharged at the sheriff, with the effect only to cause a slight wound in the breast. The doors of the house were broken open, and just then Sir John Johnson fired a gun at the hall, which was the signal for his retainers and Highland partisans to rally in arms. As they could muster a force of five hundred men in a short time, the party deemed it prudent to disperse.[110]
The royalists became more open and bolder in their course, throwing every impediment in the way of the Safety Committee of Tryon county, and causing embarrassments in every way their ingenuity could devise. They called public meetings themselves, as well as to interfere with those of their neighbors; all of which caused mutual exasperation, and the engendering of hostile feelings between friends, who now ranged themselves with the opposing parties.
On October 26th the Tryon County Committee submitted a series of questions for Sir John Johnson to answer.[111]These questions, with Sir John's answers, were embodied by the Committee in a letter to the Provincial Congress of New York, under date of October 28th, as follows:
"As we found our duty and particular reasons to inquire or rather desire Sir John Johnson's absolute opinion and intention of the three following articles, viz:1. Whether he would allow that his tenants may form themselves into Companies, according to the regulations of our Continental Congress, to the defence of our Country's cause;2. Whether he would be willing himself also to assist personally in the same purpose;3. Whether he pretendeth a prerogative to our County Court-House and Jail, and would hinder or interrupt the Committee of our County to make use of the said publick houses for our want and service in our common cause;We have, therefore, from our meeting held yesterday, sent three members of our Committee with the aforementioned questions contained in a letter to him directed, and received of Sir John, thereupon, the following answer:1. That he thinks our requests very unreasonable, as he never had denied the use of either Court-House or Jail to anybody, nor would yet deny it for the use which these houses have been built for; but he looks upon the Court-House and Jail at Johnstown to be his property till he is paid seven hundred Pounds—which being out of his pocket for the building of the same.2. In regard of embodying his tenants into Companies, he never did forbid them, neither should do it, as they may use their pleasure; but we might save ourselves that trouble, he being sure they would not.3. Concerning himself he declared, that before he would sign any association, or would lift his hand up against his King, he would rather suffer that his head shall be cut off. Further, he replied, that if we would make any unlawful use of the Jail, he would oppose it; and also mentions that there have many unfair means been used for signing the Association, and uniting the people; for he was informed by credible gentlemen in New-York, that they were obliged to unite, otherwise they could not live there. And that he was also informed, by good authority, that likewise two-thirds of the Canajoharie and German Flatts people have been forced to sign; and, by his opinion, the Boston people are open rebels, and the other Colonies have joined them.Our Deputies replied to his expressions of forcing the people to sign in our County; that his authority spared the truth, and it appears by itself rediculous that one-third should have forced two-thirds to sign. On the contrary, they would prove that it was offered to any one, after signing, that the regretters could any time have their names crossed, upon their requests.We thought proper to refer these particular inimical declarations to your House, and would be very glad to get your opinion and advice, for our further directions. Please, also, to remember what we mentioned to you in our former letters, of the inimical and provoking behaviour of the tenants of said Sir John, which they still continue, under the authority of said Sir John."[112]
"As we found our duty and particular reasons to inquire or rather desire Sir John Johnson's absolute opinion and intention of the three following articles, viz:
1. Whether he would allow that his tenants may form themselves into Companies, according to the regulations of our Continental Congress, to the defence of our Country's cause;
2. Whether he would be willing himself also to assist personally in the same purpose;
3. Whether he pretendeth a prerogative to our County Court-House and Jail, and would hinder or interrupt the Committee of our County to make use of the said publick houses for our want and service in our common cause;
We have, therefore, from our meeting held yesterday, sent three members of our Committee with the aforementioned questions contained in a letter to him directed, and received of Sir John, thereupon, the following answer:
1. That he thinks our requests very unreasonable, as he never had denied the use of either Court-House or Jail to anybody, nor would yet deny it for the use which these houses have been built for; but he looks upon the Court-House and Jail at Johnstown to be his property till he is paid seven hundred Pounds—which being out of his pocket for the building of the same.
2. In regard of embodying his tenants into Companies, he never did forbid them, neither should do it, as they may use their pleasure; but we might save ourselves that trouble, he being sure they would not.
3. Concerning himself he declared, that before he would sign any association, or would lift his hand up against his King, he would rather suffer that his head shall be cut off. Further, he replied, that if we would make any unlawful use of the Jail, he would oppose it; and also mentions that there have many unfair means been used for signing the Association, and uniting the people; for he was informed by credible gentlemen in New-York, that they were obliged to unite, otherwise they could not live there. And that he was also informed, by good authority, that likewise two-thirds of the Canajoharie and German Flatts people have been forced to sign; and, by his opinion, the Boston people are open rebels, and the other Colonies have joined them.
Our Deputies replied to his expressions of forcing the people to sign in our County; that his authority spared the truth, and it appears by itself rediculous that one-third should have forced two-thirds to sign. On the contrary, they would prove that it was offered to any one, after signing, that the regretters could any time have their names crossed, upon their requests.
We thought proper to refer these particular inimical declarations to your House, and would be very glad to get your opinion and advice, for our further directions. Please, also, to remember what we mentioned to you in our former letters, of the inimical and provoking behaviour of the tenants of said Sir John, which they still continue, under the authority of said Sir John."[112]
The attitude of Sir John had become such that the Continental Congress deemed it best, on December 30th to order General Schuyler "to take the most speedy and effective measures for securing the said Arms and Military Stores, and for disarming the said Tories, and apprehending their chiefs."[113]The action of Congress was none too hasty; for in a letter from Governor William Tryon of New York to the earl of Dartmouth, under date of January 5, 1776, he encloses the following addressed to himself:
"Sir: I hope the occasion and intention of this letter will plead my excuse for the liberty I take in introducing to your Excellency the bearer hereof Captain Allen McDonell who will inform you of many particulars that cannot at this time with safety be committed to writing. The distracted & convulsed State this unhappy country is now worked up to, and the situation that I am in here, together with the many Obligations our family owe to the best of Sovereigns induces me to fall upon a plan that may I hope be of service to my country, the propriety of which I entirely submit to Your Excellency's better judgment, depending on that friendship which you have been pleased to honour me with for your advice on and Representation to his Majesty of what we propose. Having consulted with all my friends in this quarter, among whom are many old and good Officers, most of whom have a good deal of interests in their respective neighborhoods, and have now a great number of men ready to compleat the plan—We must however not think of stirring till we have a support, & supply of money, necessaries to enable us to carry our design into execution, all of which Mr. McDonell who will inform you of everything that has been done in Canada that has come to our knowledge. As I find by the papers you are soon to sail for England I despair of having the pleasure to pay my respect to you but most sincerely wish you an Agreeable Voyage and a happy sight of Your family & friends. I am.Your Excellency's most obedienthumble Servant,John Johnson."[114]
"Sir: I hope the occasion and intention of this letter will plead my excuse for the liberty I take in introducing to your Excellency the bearer hereof Captain Allen McDonell who will inform you of many particulars that cannot at this time with safety be committed to writing. The distracted & convulsed State this unhappy country is now worked up to, and the situation that I am in here, together with the many Obligations our family owe to the best of Sovereigns induces me to fall upon a plan that may I hope be of service to my country, the propriety of which I entirely submit to Your Excellency's better judgment, depending on that friendship which you have been pleased to honour me with for your advice on and Representation to his Majesty of what we propose. Having consulted with all my friends in this quarter, among whom are many old and good Officers, most of whom have a good deal of interests in their respective neighborhoods, and have now a great number of men ready to compleat the plan—We must however not think of stirring till we have a support, & supply of money, necessaries to enable us to carry our design into execution, all of which Mr. McDonell who will inform you of everything that has been done in Canada that has come to our knowledge. As I find by the papers you are soon to sail for England I despair of having the pleasure to pay my respect to you but most sincerely wish you an Agreeable Voyage and a happy sight of Your family & friends. I am.
Your Excellency's most obedienthumble Servant,John Johnson."[114]
General Schuyler immediately took active steps to carry out the orders of Congress, and on January 23, 1776, made a very lengthy and detailed report to that body.[115]Although he had no troops to carry into execution the orders of Congress, he asked for seven hundred militia, yet by the time he reached Caughnawaga, there were nearly three thousand men, including the Tryon county militia. Arriving at Schenectady, he addressed, on January 16th, a letter to Sir John Johnson, requesting him to meet him on the next day, promising safe conduct for him and such person as might attend him. They met at the time appointed sixteen miles beyond Schenectady, Sir John being accompanied by some of the leading Highlanders and two or three others, to whom General Schuyler delivered his terms. After some difficulty, in which the Mohawk Indians figured as peacemakers, Sir John Johnson and Allan McDonell (Collachie) signed a paper agreeing "upon his word and honor immediately deliver up all cannon, arms, and other military stores, of what kind soever, which may be in his own possession," or that he may have delivered to others, or that he knows to be concealed; that "having given his parole of honour not to take up arms against America," "he consents not to go to the westward of the German-Flats and Kingsland (Highlanders') District," but to every other part to the southward he expects the privilege of going; agreed that the Highlanders shall, "without any kind of exception, immediately deliver up all arms in their possession, of what kind soever," and from among them any six prisoners may be taken, but the same must be maintained agreeable to their respective rank.
hall
Johnson Hall.
On Friday the 19th General Schulyer marched to Johnstown, and in the afternoon the arms and military stores in Sir John's possession were delivered up. On the next day, at noon, General Schuyler drew his men up in the street, "and the Highlanders, between two and three hundred, marched to the front, where they grounded their arms;" when they were dismissed "with an exhortation, pointing out the only conduct which could insure them protection." On the 21st, at Cagnuage, General Schuyler wrote to Sir John as follows:
"Although it is a well known fact that all the Scotch (Highlanders) people that yesterday surrendered arms, had not broadswords when they came to the country, yet many of them had, and most of them were possessed of dirks; and as none have been given up of either, I will charitably believe that it was rather inattention than a wilful omission. Whether it was the former or the latter must be ascertained by their immediate compliance with that part of the treaty which requires that all arms, of what kind soever, shall be delivered up.After having been informed by you, at our first interview, that the Scotch people meant to defend themselves, I was not a little surprised that no ammunition was delivered up, and that you had none to furnish them with. These observations were immediately made by others as well as me. I was too apprehensive of the consequences which might have been fatal to those people, to take notice of it on the spot. I shall, however, expect an eclaircissement on this subject, and beg that you and Mr. McDonell will give it me as soon as may be."
"Although it is a well known fact that all the Scotch (Highlanders) people that yesterday surrendered arms, had not broadswords when they came to the country, yet many of them had, and most of them were possessed of dirks; and as none have been given up of either, I will charitably believe that it was rather inattention than a wilful omission. Whether it was the former or the latter must be ascertained by their immediate compliance with that part of the treaty which requires that all arms, of what kind soever, shall be delivered up.
After having been informed by you, at our first interview, that the Scotch people meant to defend themselves, I was not a little surprised that no ammunition was delivered up, and that you had none to furnish them with. These observations were immediately made by others as well as me. I was too apprehensive of the consequences which might have been fatal to those people, to take notice of it on the spot. I shall, however, expect an eclaircissement on this subject, and beg that you and Mr. McDonell will give it me as soon as may be."
Governor Tryon reported to the earl of Dartmouth, February 7th, that General Schuyler "marched to Johnson Hall the 24th of last month, where Sr John had mustered near Six hundred men, from his Tenants and neighbours, the majority highlanders, after disarming them and taking four pieces of artillery, ammunition and many Prisoners, with 360 Guineas from Sr John's Desk, they compelled him to enter into a Bond in 1600 pound Sterling not to aid the King's Service, or to remove within a limited district from his house."[116]
The six of the chiefs of the Highland clan of the McDonells made prisoners were, Allan McDonell, sen. (Collachie), Allan McDonell, Jur., Alexander McDonell, Ronald McDonell, Archibald McDonell, and John McDonell, all of whom were sent to Reading, Pennsylvania, with their three servants, and later to Lancaster.[117]
Had Sir John obeyed his parole, it would have saved him his vast estates, the Highlanders their homes, the effusion of blood, and the savage cruelty which his leadership engendered. Being incapable of forecasting the future, he broke his parole of honor, plunged headlong into the conflict, and dragged his followers into the horrors of war. General Schuyler wrote him, March 12, 1776, stating that the evidence had been placed in his hands that he had been exciting the Indians to hostility, and promising to defer taking steps until a more minute inquiry could be made he begged Sir John "to be present when it was made," which would be on the following Monday.
Sir John's actions were such that it became necessary to use stringent measures. General Schuyler, on May 14th, issued his instructions to Colonel Elias Dayton, who was to proceed to Johnstown, "and give notice to the Highlanders, who live in the vicinity of the town, to repair to it; and when any number are collected there, you will send off their baggage, infirm women and children, in wagons." Sir John was to be taken prisoner, carefully guarded and brought to Albany, but "he is by no means to experience the least ill-treatment in his own person, or those of his family."[118]General Schuyler had previously written (May 10th) to Sir John intimating that he had "acted contrary to the sacred engagements you lay under to me, and through me to the publick," and have "ordered you a close prisoner, and sent down to Albany."[119]The reason assigned for the removal of the Highlanders as stated by General Schuyler to Sir John was that "the elder Mr. McDonald (Allan of Collachie), a chief of that part of the clan of his name now in Tryon County, has applied to Congress that those people with their families may be moved from thence and subsisted."[120]To this Sir John replied as follows:
"Johnson Hall, May 18, 1776.Sir: On my return from Fort Hunter yesterday, I received your letter by express acquainting me that the elder Mr. McDonald had desired to have all the clan of his name in the County of Tryon, removed and subsisted. I know none of that clan but such as are my tenants, and have been, for near two years supported by me with every necessary, by which means they have contracted a debt of near two thousand pounds, which they are in a likely way to discharge, if left in peace. As they are under no obligations to Mr. McDonald, they refuse to comply with his extraordinary request; therefore beg there may be no troops sent to conduct them to Albany, otherwise they will look upon it as a total breach of the treaty agreed to at Johnstown. Mrs. McDonald showed me a letter from her husband, written since he applied to the Congress for leave to return to their families, in which he mentions that he was told by the Congress that it depended entirely upon you; he then desired that their families might be brought down to them, but never mentioned anything with regard to moving my tenants from hence, as matters he had no right to treat of. Mrs. McDonald requested that I would inform you that neither herself nor any of the other families would choose to go down.I am, sir, your very humble servant,John Johnson."[121]
"Johnson Hall, May 18, 1776.
Sir: On my return from Fort Hunter yesterday, I received your letter by express acquainting me that the elder Mr. McDonald had desired to have all the clan of his name in the County of Tryon, removed and subsisted. I know none of that clan but such as are my tenants, and have been, for near two years supported by me with every necessary, by which means they have contracted a debt of near two thousand pounds, which they are in a likely way to discharge, if left in peace. As they are under no obligations to Mr. McDonald, they refuse to comply with his extraordinary request; therefore beg there may be no troops sent to conduct them to Albany, otherwise they will look upon it as a total breach of the treaty agreed to at Johnstown. Mrs. McDonald showed me a letter from her husband, written since he applied to the Congress for leave to return to their families, in which he mentions that he was told by the Congress that it depended entirely upon you; he then desired that their families might be brought down to them, but never mentioned anything with regard to moving my tenants from hence, as matters he had no right to treat of. Mrs. McDonald requested that I would inform you that neither herself nor any of the other families would choose to go down.
I am, sir, your very humble servant,John Johnson."[121]
Colonel Dayton arrived at Johnstown May 19th, and as he says, in his report to General John Sullivan, he immediately sent "a letter to Sir John Johnson, informing him that I had arrived with a body of troops to guard the Highlanders to Albany, and desired that he would fix a time for their assembling. When these gentlemen came to Johnson Hall they were informed by Lady Johnson that Sir John Johnson had received General Schuyler's letter by the express; that he had consulted the Highlanders upon the contents, and that they had unanimously resolved not to deliver themselves as prisoners, but to go another way, and that Sir John Johnson had determined to go with them. She added that, that if they were pursued they were determined to make an opposition, and had it in their power, in some measure."[122]
The approach of Colonel Dayton's command caused great commotion among the inhabitants of Johnstown and vicinity. Sir John determined to decamp, take with him as many followers as possible, and travel through the woods to Canada. Lieutenant James Gray, of the 42nd Highlanders, helped to raise the faithful bodyguard, and all having assembled at the house of Allen McDonell of Collachie started through the woods. The party consisted of three Indians from an adjacent village to serve as guides, one hundred and thirty Highlanders, and one hundred and twenty others.[123]The appearance of Colonel Dayton was more sudden than Sir John anticipated. Having but a brief period for their preparation, the party was but illy prepared for their flight. He did not know whether or not the royalists were in possession of Lake Champlain, therefore the fugitives did not dare to venture on that route to Montreal; so they were obliged to strike deeper into the forests between the headwaters of the Hudson and the St. Lawrence. Their provisions soon were exhausted; their feet soon became sore from the rough travelling; and several were left in the wilderness to be picked up and brought in by the Indians who were afterwards sent out for that purpose. After nineteen days of great hardships the party arrived in Montreal in a pitiable condition, having endured as much suffering as seemed possible for human nature to undergo.
Sir John Johnson and his Highlanders, unwittingly, paid the Highest possible compliment to the kindness and good intentions of the patriots, when they deserted their families and left them to face the foe. When the flight was brought to the attention of General Schuyler, he wrote to Colonel Dayton, May 27, in which he says:
"I am favored with a letter from Mr. Caldwell, in which he suggests the propriety of suffering such Highlanders to remain at their habitations as have not fled. I enter fully into his idea; but prudence dictates that this should be done under certain restrictions. These people have been taught to consider us in politicks in the same light that Papists consider Protestants in a religious relation, viz: that no faith is to be kept with either. I do not, therefore, think it prudent to suffer any of the men to remain, unless a competent number of hostages are given, at least five out of a hundred, on condition of being put to death if those that remain should take up arms, or in any wise assist the enemies of our country. A small body of troops * * may keep them in awe; but if an equal body of the enemy should appear, the balance as to numbers, by the junction of those left, would be against us. I am, however, so well aware of the absurdity of judging with precision in these matters at the distance we are from one another, that prudence obliges me to leave these matters to your judgment, to act as circumstances may occur."[124]
"I am favored with a letter from Mr. Caldwell, in which he suggests the propriety of suffering such Highlanders to remain at their habitations as have not fled. I enter fully into his idea; but prudence dictates that this should be done under certain restrictions. These people have been taught to consider us in politicks in the same light that Papists consider Protestants in a religious relation, viz: that no faith is to be kept with either. I do not, therefore, think it prudent to suffer any of the men to remain, unless a competent number of hostages are given, at least five out of a hundred, on condition of being put to death if those that remain should take up arms, or in any wise assist the enemies of our country. A small body of troops * * may keep them in awe; but if an equal body of the enemy should appear, the balance as to numbers, by the junction of those left, would be against us. I am, however, so well aware of the absurdity of judging with precision in these matters at the distance we are from one another, that prudence obliges me to leave these matters to your judgment, to act as circumstances may occur."[124]
Lady Johnson, wife of Sir John, was taken to Albany and there held as a hostage until the following December when she was permitted to go to New York, then in the hands of the British. Nothing is related of any of the Highlanders being taken at that time to Albany, but appear to have been left in peaceable possession of their lands.
As might have been, and perhaps was, anticipated, the Highland settlement became the source of information and the base of supplies for the enemy. Spies and messengers came and went, finding there a welcome reception. The trail leading from there and along the Sacandaga and through the Adirondack woods, soon became a beaten path from its constant use. The Highland women gave unstintingly of their supplies, and opened their houses as places of retreat. Here were planned the swift attacks upon the unwary settlers farther to the south and west. Agents of the king were active everywhere, and the Highland homes became one of the resting places for refugees on their way to Canada. This state of affairs could not be concealed from the Americans, who, none too soon, came to view the whole neighborhood as a nest of treason. Military force could not be employed against women and children (for from time to time nearly all the men had left), but they could be removed where they would do but little harm. General Schuyler discussed the matter with General Herkimer and the Tryon County Committee, when it was decided to remove of those who remained "to the number of four hundred." A movement of this description could not be kept a secret, especially when the troops were put in motion. In March, 1777, General Schuyler had permitted both Alexander and John MacDonald to visit their families. Taking the alarm, on the approach of the troops, in May, they ran off to Canada, taking with them the residue of the Highlanders, together with a few of the German neighbors. The journey was a very long and tedious one, and very painful for the aged, the women, and the children. They were used to hardships and bore their sufferings without complaint. It was an exodus of a people, whose very existence was almost forgotten, and on the very lands they cleared and cultivated there is not a single tradition concerning them.
From papers still in existence, preserved in Series B, Vol. 158, p. 351, of the Haldeman Papers, it would appear that some of the families, previous to the exodus, had been secured, as noted in the two following petitions, both written in either 1779 or 1780, date not given although first is simply dated "27th July," and second endorsed "27th July":
"To His Excellency General Haldimand, General and Commander in Chief of all His Majesty's Forces in Canada and the Frontiers thereof,The memorial of John and Alexander Macdonell, Captains in the King's Royal Regiment of New York, humbly sheweth,That your Memorialist, John Macdonell's, family are at present detained by the rebels in the County of Tryon, within the Province of New York, destitute of every support but such as they may receive from the few friends to Government in said quarters, in which situation they have been since 1777.And your Memorialist, Alexander Macdonell, on behalf of his brother, Captain Allan Macdonell, of the Eighty-Fourth Regiment: that the family of his said brother have been detained by the Rebels in and about Albany since the year 1775, and that unless it was for the assistance they have met with from Mr. James Ellice, of Schenectady, merchant, they must have perished.Your Memorialists therefore humbly pray Your Excellency will be graciously pleased to take the distressed situation of said families into consideration, and to grant that a flag be sent to demand them in exchange, or otherwise direct towards obtaining their releasement, as Your Excellency in your wisdom shall see fit, and your Memorialists will ever pray as in duty bound.John Macdonell,Alexander Macdonell."
"To His Excellency General Haldimand, General and Commander in Chief of all His Majesty's Forces in Canada and the Frontiers thereof,
The memorial of John and Alexander Macdonell, Captains in the King's Royal Regiment of New York, humbly sheweth,
That your Memorialist, John Macdonell's, family are at present detained by the rebels in the County of Tryon, within the Province of New York, destitute of every support but such as they may receive from the few friends to Government in said quarters, in which situation they have been since 1777.
And your Memorialist, Alexander Macdonell, on behalf of his brother, Captain Allan Macdonell, of the Eighty-Fourth Regiment: that the family of his said brother have been detained by the Rebels in and about Albany since the year 1775, and that unless it was for the assistance they have met with from Mr. James Ellice, of Schenectady, merchant, they must have perished.
Your Memorialists therefore humbly pray Your Excellency will be graciously pleased to take the distressed situation of said families into consideration, and to grant that a flag be sent to demand them in exchange, or otherwise direct towards obtaining their releasement, as Your Excellency in your wisdom shall see fit, and your Memorialists will ever pray as in duty bound.
John Macdonell,Alexander Macdonell."
"To the Honourable Sir John Johnson, Lieutenant-Colonel Commander of the King's Royal Regiment of New York.The humbel petition of sundry soldiers of said Regiment sheweth,—That your humble petitioners, whose names are hereunto subscribed, have families in different places of the Counties of Albany and Tryon, who have been and are daily ill-treated by the enemies of Government.Therefore we do humbly pray that Your Honour would be pleased to procure permission for them to come to Canada,And your petitioners will ever pray.John McGlenny, Thomas Ross. Alexander Cameron, Frederick Goose, Wm. Urchad (Urquhart?), Duncan McIntire, Andrew Mileross, Donald McCarter, Allen Grant, Hugh Chisholm, Angus Grant, John McDonald, Alex. Ferguson, Thomas Taylor, William Cameron, George Murdoff, William Chession (Chisholm), John Christy, Daniel Campbell, Donald Ross, Donald Chissem, Roderick McDonald, Alexander Grant."The names and number of each family intended in the written petition:—
"To the Honourable Sir John Johnson, Lieutenant-Colonel Commander of the King's Royal Regiment of New York.
The humbel petition of sundry soldiers of said Regiment sheweth,—
That your humble petitioners, whose names are hereunto subscribed, have families in different places of the Counties of Albany and Tryon, who have been and are daily ill-treated by the enemies of Government.
Therefore we do humbly pray that Your Honour would be pleased to procure permission for them to come to Canada,
And your petitioners will ever pray.
John McGlenny, Thomas Ross. Alexander Cameron, Frederick Goose, Wm. Urchad (Urquhart?), Duncan McIntire, Andrew Mileross, Donald McCarter, Allen Grant, Hugh Chisholm, Angus Grant, John McDonald, Alex. Ferguson, Thomas Taylor, William Cameron, George Murdoff, William Chession (Chisholm), John Christy, Daniel Campbell, Donald Ross, Donald Chissem, Roderick McDonald, Alexander Grant."
The names and number of each family intended in the written petition:—
Mrs. Helen MacDonell, wife of Allan, the chief, was apprehended and sent to Schenectady, and in 1780 managed to escape, and made her way to New York. Before she was taken, and while her husband was still a prisoner of war, she appears to have been the chief person who had charge of the settlement, after the men had fled with Sir John Johnson. A letter of hers has been preserved, which is not only interesting, but throws some light on the action of the Highlanders. It is addressed to Major Jellis Fonda, at Caughnawaga.
"Sir: Some time ago I wrote you a letter, much to this purpose, concerning the Inhabitants of this Bush being made prisoners. There was no such thing then in agitation as you was pleased to observe in your letter to me this morning. Mr. Billie Laird came amongst the people to give them warning to go in to sign, and swear. To this they will never consent, being already prisoners of General Schuyler. His Excellency was pleased by your proclamation, directing every one of them to return to their farms, and that they should be no more troubled nor molested during the war. To this they agreed, and have not done anything against the country, nor intend to, if let alone. If not, they will lose their lives before being taken prisoners again. They begged the favour of me to write to Major Fonda and the gentlemen of the committee to this purpose. They blame neither the one nor the other of you gentlemen, but those ill-natured fellows amongst them that get up an excitement about nothing, in order to ingratiate themselves in your favour. They were of very great hurt to your cause since May last, through violence and ignorance. I do not know what the consequences would have been to them long ago, if not prevented. Only think what daily provocation does.Jenny joins me in compliments to Mrs. Fonda.I am, Sir,Your humble servant,Callachie, 15th March, 1777.Helen McDonell."[125]
"Sir: Some time ago I wrote you a letter, much to this purpose, concerning the Inhabitants of this Bush being made prisoners. There was no such thing then in agitation as you was pleased to observe in your letter to me this morning. Mr. Billie Laird came amongst the people to give them warning to go in to sign, and swear. To this they will never consent, being already prisoners of General Schuyler. His Excellency was pleased by your proclamation, directing every one of them to return to their farms, and that they should be no more troubled nor molested during the war. To this they agreed, and have not done anything against the country, nor intend to, if let alone. If not, they will lose their lives before being taken prisoners again. They begged the favour of me to write to Major Fonda and the gentlemen of the committee to this purpose. They blame neither the one nor the other of you gentlemen, but those ill-natured fellows amongst them that get up an excitement about nothing, in order to ingratiate themselves in your favour. They were of very great hurt to your cause since May last, through violence and ignorance. I do not know what the consequences would have been to them long ago, if not prevented. Only think what daily provocation does.
Jenny joins me in compliments to Mrs. Fonda.
I am, Sir,Your humble servant,Callachie, 15th March, 1777.Helen McDonell."[125]
Immediately on the arrival of Sir John Johnson in Montreal, with his party who fled from Johnstown, he was commissioned a Colonel in the British service. At once he set about to organize a regiment composed of those who had accompanied him, and other refugees who had followed their example. This regiment was called the "King's Royal Regiment of New York," but by Americans was known as "The Royal Greens," probably because the facings of their uniforms were of that color. In the formation of the regiment he was instructed that the officers of the corps were to be divided in such a manner as to assist those who were distressed by the war; but there were to be no pluralities of officers,—a practice then common in the British army.
In this regiment, Butler's Rangers, and the Eighty-Fourth, or Royal Highland Emigrant Regiment also then raised, the Highland gentlemen who had, in 1773, emigrated to Tryon county, received commissions, as well as those who had previously had joined the ranks. After the war proper returns of the officers were made, and from these the following tables have been extracted. The number of private soldiers of the same name are in proportion.
"First Battalion King's Royal Regiment of New York.
Second Battalion King's Royal Regiment of New York
Corps of Butler's Rangers, Commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel John Butler
Eighty-Fourth or Royal Highland Emigrant Regiment
Seventy-First Regiment
In the month of January, following his flight into Canada, Sir John Johnson found his way into the city of New York. From that time he became one of the most bitter and virulent foes of his countrymen engaged in the contest, and repeatedly became the scourge of his former neighbors—in all of which his Highland retainers bore a prominent part. In savage cruelty, together with Butler's Rangers, they outrivalled their Indian allies. The aged, the infirm, helpless women, and the innocent babe in the cradle, alike perished before them. In all this the MacDonells were among the foremost. Such warfare met the approval of the British Cabinet, and officers felt no compunction in relating their achievements. Colonel Guy Johnson writing to lord George Germain, November 11, 1779, not only speaks of the result of his conference with Sir John Johnson, but further remarks that "there appeared little prospect of effecting anything beyond harrassing the frontiers with detached partys."[127]In all probability none of the official reports related the atrocities perpetrated under the direction of the minor officers.
Although "The Royal Greens" were largely composed of the Mohawk Highlanders, and especially all who decamped from Johnstown with Sir John Johnson, and Butler's Rangers had a fair percentage of the same, it is not necessary to enter into a detailed account of their achievements, because neither was essentially Highlanders. Their movements were not always in a body, and the essential share borne by the Highlanders have not been recorded in the papers that have been preserved. Individual deeds have been narrated, some of which are here given.
The Royal Greens and Butler's Rangers formed a part of the expedition under Colonel Barry St. Leger that was sent against Fort Schuyler in order to create a diversion in favor of General Burgoyne's army then on its march towards Albany. In order to relieve Fort Schuyler (Stanwix) General Herkimer with a force of eight hundred was dispatched and, on the way, met the army of St. Leger near Oriskany, August 6, 1777. On the 3rd St. Leger encamped before Fort Stanwix, his force numbering sixteen hundred, eight hundred of whom were Indians. Proper precautions were not taken by General Herkimer, while every advantage was enforced by his wary enemy. He fell into an ambuscade, and a desperate conflict ensued. During the conflict Colonel Butler attempted aruse-de guerre, by sending, from the direction of the fort, a detachment of The Royal Greens, disguised as American troops, in expectation that they might be received as reenforcements from the garrison. They were first noticed by Lieutenant Jacob Sammons, who at once notified Captain Jacob Gardenier; but the quick eye of the latter had detected the ruse. The Greens continued to advance until hailed by Gardenier, at which moment one of his own men observing an acquaintance in the opposing ranks, and supposing them to be friends, ran to meet him, and presented his hand. The credulous fellow was dragged into their lines and notified that he was a prisoner.
"He did not yield without a struggle; during which Gardenier, watching the action and the result, sprang forward, and with a blow from his spear levelled the captor to the dust and liberated his man. Others of the foe instantly set upon him, of whom he slew the second and wounded the third. Three of the disguised Greens now sprang upon him, and one of his spurs becoming entangled in their clothes, he was thrown to the ground. Still, contending, however, with almost super-human strength, both of his thighs were transfixed to the earth by the bayonets of two of his assailants, while the third presented a bayonet to his breast, as if to thrust him through. Seizing the bayonet with his left hand, by a sudden wrench he brought its owner down upon himself, where he held him as a shield against the arms of the others, until one of his own men, Adam Miller, observing the struggle, flew to the rescue. As the assailants turned upon their new adversary, Gardenier rose upon his seat; and although his hand was severely lacerated by grasping the bayonet which had been drawn through it, he seized his spear lying by his side, and quick as lightning planted it to the barb in the side of the assailant with whom he had been clenched. The man fell and expired—proving to be Lieutenant McDonald, one of the loyalist officers from Tryon county."[128]
This was John McDonald, who had been held as a hostage by General Schuyler, and when permitted to return home, helped run off the remainder of the Highlanders to Canada, as previously noticed. June 19, 1777, he was appointed captain Lieutenant in The Royal Greens.[129]During the engagement thirty of The Royal Greens fell near the body of McDonald. The loss of Herkimer was two hundred killed, exclusive of the wounded and prisoners. The royalist loss was never given, but known to be heavy. The Indians lost nearly a hundred warriors among whom were sachems held in great favor. The Americans retained possession of the field owing to the sortie made by the garrison of Fort Schuyler on the camp of St. Leger. On the 22nd St. Leger receiving alarming reports of the advance of General Arnold suddenly decamped from before Fort Schuyler, leaving his baggage behind him. Indians, belonging to the expedition followed in the rear, tomahawking and scalping the stragglers; and when the army did not run fast enough, they accelerated the speed by giving their war cries and fresh alarms, thus adding increased terror to the demoralized troops. Of all the men that Butler took with him, when he arrived in Quebec he could muster but fifty. The Royal Greens also showed their numbers greatly decimated.
Among the prisoners taken by the Americans was Captain Angus McDonell of The Royal Greens.[130]For greater security he was transferred to the southern portion of the State. On October 12th following, at Kingston, he gave the following parole to the authorities:
"I, Angus McDonell, lieutenant in the 60th or Royal American regiment, now a prisoner to the United States of America and enlarged on my parole, do promise upon my word of honor that I will continue within one mile of the house of Jacobus Hardenburgh, and in the town of Hurley, in the county of Ulster; and that I will not do any act, matter or thing whatsoever against the interests of America; and further, that I will remove hereafter to such place as the governor of the state of New York or the president of the Council of Safety of the said state shall direct, and that I will observe this my parole until released, exchanged or otherwise ordered.Angus McDonell."
"I, Angus McDonell, lieutenant in the 60th or Royal American regiment, now a prisoner to the United States of America and enlarged on my parole, do promise upon my word of honor that I will continue within one mile of the house of Jacobus Hardenburgh, and in the town of Hurley, in the county of Ulster; and that I will not do any act, matter or thing whatsoever against the interests of America; and further, that I will remove hereafter to such place as the governor of the state of New York or the president of the Council of Safety of the said state shall direct, and that I will observe this my parole until released, exchanged or otherwise ordered.
Angus McDonell."
valley
The Valley of the Wyoming.
The following year Captain Angus McDonald and Allen McDonald, ensign in the same company were transferred to Reading, Pennsylvania. The former was probably released or exchanged for he was with the regiment when it was disbanded at the close of the War. What became of the latter is unknown. Probably neither of them were Sir John Johnson's tenants.
The next movement of special importance relates to the melancholy story of Wyoming, immortalized in verse by Thomas Campbell in his "Gertrude of Wyoming." Towards the close of June 1778 the British officers at Niagara determined to strike a blow at Wyoming, in Pennsylvania. For this purpose an expedition of about three hundred white men under Colonel John Butler, together with about five hundred Indians, marched for the scene of action. Just what part the McDonells took in the Massacre of Wyoming is not known, nor is it positive any were present; but belonging to Butler's Rangers it is fair to assume that all such participated in those heartrending scenes which have been so often related. It was a terrible day and night for that lovely valley, and its beauty was suddenly changed into horror and desolation. The Massacre of Wyoming stands out in bold relief as one of the darkest pictures in the whole panorama of the Revolution.
While this scene was being enacted, active preparations were pushed by Alexander McDonald for a descent on the New York frontiers. It was the same Alexander who has been previously mentioned as having been permitted to return to the Johnstown settlement, and then assisted in helping the remaining Highland families escape to Canada. He was a man of enterprise and activity, and by his energy he collected three hundred royalists and Indians and fell with great fury upon the frontiers. Houses were burned, and such of the people as fell into his hands were either killed or made prisoners. One example of the blood thirsty character of this man is given by Sims, in his "Trappers of New York," as follows: