FOOTNOTES:

On the 14th the Highlanders pitched their tents on the battlefield, within reach of the guns of the town. On the following; day they were ordered to camp near the wood, at a greater distance from the town. Here, within five hundred yards of the town, they commenced to make redoubts. After the surrender of Quebec the Highlanders marched into the city and there took up their quarters. On February 13, 1760, in an engagement with the French at Point Levi, Lieutenant McNeil was killed, and some of the soldiers wounded. March 18th Captain Donald McDonald, with some detachments, in all five hundred men, attacked the French posts at St. Augustin, and without loss took eighty prisoners, and that night returned to Quebec.

Scurvy, occasioned by salt provisions and cold, made fierce work in the garrison, and in the army scarce a man was free from it. On April 30th a return of Fraser's Highlanders, in the garrison at Quebec, showed three hundred and fourteen fit for duty, five hundred and eighty sick, and one hundred and six dead since September 18, 1759.

April 27th, the French under De Levi, in strong force advanced against the English, the latter being forced to withdraw within the walls of Quebec. Fraser's Highlanders was one of the detachments sent to cover the retreat of the army, which was effected without loss. At half-past six, the next morning General Murray marched out and formed his army on the heights of Abraham. The left wing was under Colonel Simon Fraser composed of the Highlanders, the 43rd, and the 23rd Welsh Fusiliers. The Highlanders were exposed to a galling fire from the bushes in front and flank and were forced to fall back; and every regiment made the best of its way into the city. The British loss was two hundred and fifty-seven killed and seven hundred and sixty-one wounded.

The Highlanders had about four hundred men in the field, nearly one-half of whom had that day, of their own accord, come out of the hospital. Among the killed were Captain Donald Macdonald, Lieutenant Cosmo Gordon and fifty-five non-commissioned officers, pipers and privates; their wounded were Colonel Fraser, Captains John Campbell of Dunoon, Alexander Fraser, Alexander MacLeod, Charles Macdonell; Lieutenants Archibald Campbell, son of Glenlyon, Charles Stewart, Hector Macdonald, John Macbean, Alexander Fraser, senior, Alexander Campbell, John Nairn, Arthur Rose, Alexander Fraser, junior, Simon Fraser, senior, Archibald McAlister, Alexander Fraser, John Chisholm, Simon Fraser, junior, Malcolm Fraser, and Donald McNeil; Ensigns Henry Munro, Robert Menzies, Duncan Cameron, of Fassifern, William Robertson, Alexander Gregorson and Malcolm Fraser, and one hundred and twenty-nine non-commissioned officers and privates.

Lieutenant Charles Stewart, engaged in the Rising of the Forty-Five, in Stewart of Appin's regiment, was severely wounded at Culloden. As he lay in his quarters after the battle on the heights of Abraham, speaking to some brother officers on the recent actions, he exclaimed, "From April battles, and Murray generals, good Lord deliver me!" alluding to his wound at Culloden, where the vanquished blamed lord George Murray for fighting on the best field in the country for regular troops, cavalry and artillery; and likewise alluding to his present wound, and to General Murray's conduct in marching out of a garrison to attack an enemy, more than treble his numbers, in an open field, where their whole strength could be brought to act. No time was lost in repeating to the general what the wounded officer had said; but Murray, who was a man of humor and of a generous mind, on the following morning called on his subordinate, and heartily wished him better deliverance in the next battle, when he hoped to give him occasion to pray in a different manner.

On the night of the battle De Levi opened trenches within six hundred yards of the walls of the city, and proceeded to besiege the city, while General Murray made preparations for defence. On May 1st the largest of the English blockhouses accidentally blew up, injuring Captain Cameron. On the 17th the French suddenly abandoned their entrenchments. Lord Murray pursued but was unable to overtake them. He formed a junction, in September with General Amherst.

General Amherst had been notified of the intended siege of Quebec by De Levi; but only persevered in the tardy plans which he had formed. Canada now presented no difficulties only such as General Amherst might create. The country was suffering from four years of scarcity, a disheartened, starving peasantry, and the feeble remains of five or six battalions wasted by incredible hardships. Colonel Haviland proceeded from Crown Point and took the deserted fort at Isle aux Noix. Colonel Haldimand, with the grenadiers, light infantry and a battalion of The Black Watch, took post at the bottom of the lake. General Amherst led the main body of ten thousand men by way of Oswego; why, no one can tell. The labor of going there was much greater than going direct to Montreal. After toiling to Oswego, he proceeded cautiously down the St. Lawrence, treating the people humanely, and without the loss of life, save while passing the rapids, he met, on September 7th, the army of lord Murray before Montreal, the latter on his way up from Quebec, intimidated the people and amused himself by burning villages and harrying Canadians. On the 8th Colonel Haviland joined the forces. Thus the three armies came together in overwhelming strength, to take an open town of a few hundred inhabitants who were ready to surrender on the first appearance of the English.

The Black Watch, or Royal Highlanders remained in America until the close of the year 1761. The officers were Lieutenant Colonel Francis Grant; Majors, Gordon Graham and John Reid; Captains, John McNeil, Allan Campbell, Thomas Graeme, James Stewart, James Murray, Thomas Stirling, William Murray, John Stuart, Alexander Reid, William Grant, David Haldane, Archibald Campbell, John Campbell, Kenneth Tolmie, William Cockburne; Captain-Lieutenant, James Grant; Lieutenants, John Graham, Alexander Turnbull, Alexander McIntosh, James Gray, John Small, Archibald Campbell, James Campbell, Archibald Lamont, David Mills, Simon Blair, David Barclay, Alexander Mackay, Robert Menzies, Patrick Balneaves, John Campbell, senior, John Robertson, John Grant, George Leslie, Duncan Campbell, Adam Stuart, George Grant, James McIntosh, John Smith, Peter Grant, Simon Fraser, Alexander Farquharson, John Campbell, junior, William Brown, Thomas Fletcher, Elbert Herring, John Leith, Archibald Campbell, Alexander Donaldson, Archibald Campbell, Patrick Sinclair, John Gregor, Lewis Grant, Archibald Campbell, John Graham, Allan Grant, Archibald McNab; Ensigns, Charles Menzies, John Charles St. Clair, Neil McLean, Thomas Cunison, Alexander Gregor, William Grant, George Campbell, Nathaniel McCulloch, Daniel Robertson, John Sutherland, Charles Grant, Samuel Stull, James Douglass, Thomas Scott, Charles Graham, James Robertson, Patrick Murray, Lewis Grant; Chaplain, Lauchlan Johnston; Adjutants, Alexander Donaldson, John Gregor; Quarter-Masters, John Graham, Adam Stewart; Surgeons, David Hepburn, Robert Drummond.

At the close of the year 1761 The Black Watch, with ten other regiments, among which was Montgomery's Highlanders, embarked for Barbadoes, there to join an armament against Martinique and Havanna. After the surrender of Havanna, the first battalion of the 42nd, and Montgomery's Highlanders embarked for New York, which they reached in the end of October, 1762. Before leaving Cuba, all the men of the second battalion of the 42nd, fit for service were consolidated with the first, and the remainder shipped to Scotland, where they were reduced the following year.

The 42nd, or The Black Watch was stationed at Albany till the summer of 1763 when they, with a detachment of Montgomery's Highlanders and another of the 60th, under command of Colonel Henry Boquet, were sent to the relief of Fort Pitt, then besieged by the Indians. This expedition consisting of nine hundred and fifty-six men, with its convoy, reached Fort Bedford, July 25, 1763. The whole country in that region was aroused by the depredations of the Indians. On the 28th Boquet moved his army out of Fort Bedford and marched to Fort Ligonier, where he left his train, and proceeded with pack-horses. Before them lay a dangerous defile, several miles in length, commanded the whole distance by high and craggy hills. On August 5th, when within half a mile of Bushy-Run, about one o'clock in the afternoon, after a harrassing march of seventeen miles, they were suddenly attacked by the Indians; but two companies of the 42nd Highlanders drove them from their ambuscade. When the pursuit ceased, the savages returned. These savages fought like men contending for their homes, and their hunting grounds. To them it was a crisis which they were forced to meet. Again the Highlanders charged them with fixed bayonets; but as soon as they were driven from one post they appeared at another, and at last entirely surrounded the English, and would have entirely cut them off had it not been for the cool behavior of the troops and the good manœuvering of the commander. Night came on, and the English remained on a ridge of land, commodious for a camp, except for the total want of water. The next morning the army found itself still in a critical position. If they advanced to give battle, then their convoy and wounded would fall a prey to the enemy; if they remained quiet, they would be picked off one by one, and thus miserably perish. Boquet took advantage of the resolute intrepidity of the savages by feigning a retreat. The red men hurried to the charge, when two companies concealed for the purpose fell upon their flank; others turned and met them in front; and the Indians yielding to the irresistible shock, were utterly routed.

The victory was dearly bought, for Colonel Boquet, in killed and wounded, in the two days action, lost about one-fourth of his men, and almost all his horses. He was obliged to destroy his stores, and was hardly able to carry his wounded. That night the English encamped at Bushy Run, and four days later were at Fort Pitt. In the skirmishing and fighting, during the march, the 42nd, or The Black Watch, lost Lieutenants John Graham and James Mackintosh, one sergeant and twenty-six rank and file killed; and Captain John Graham of Duchray, Lieutenant Duncan Campbell, two serjeants, two drummers, and thirty rank and file, wounded. Of Montgomery's Highlanders one drummer and five privates were killed; and Lieutenant Donald Campbell and volunteer John Peebles, three serjeants and seven privates wounded.

blockhouse

Old Block House, Fort Duquesne..

The 42nd regiment passed the winter at Fort Pitt, and during the summer of 1764, eight companies were sent with the army of Boquet against the Ohio Indians. After a harrassing warfare the Indians sued for peace. Notwithstanding the labors of a march of many hundred miles among dense forests, during which they experienced the extremes of heat and cold, the Highlanders did not lose a single man from fatigue or exhaustion. The army returned to Fort Pitt in January, 1765, during very severe weather. Three men died of sickness, and on their arrival at Fort Pitt only nineteen men were under the surgeon's charge. The regiment was now in better quarters than it had been for years. It was greatly reduced in numbers, from its long service, the nature and variety of its hardships, amidst the torrid heat of the West Indies, the rigorous winters of New York and Ohio, and the fatalities on the field of battle.

The regiment remained in Pennsylvania until the month of July, 1767, when it embarked at Philadelphia for Ireland. Such of the men who preferred to remain in America were permitted to join other regiments. These volunteers were so numerous, that, along with those who had been previously sent home disabled, and others discharged and settled in America, the regiment that returned was very small in proportion of that which had left Scotland.

The 42nd Royal Highlanders, or The Black Watch, made a very favorable impression in America. TheVirginia Gazette, July 30, 1767, published an article from which the following extracts have been taken:

"Last Sunday evening, the Royal Highland Regiment embarked for Ireland, which regiment, since its arrival in America, has been distinguished for having undergone most amazing fatigues, made long and frequent marches through an unhospitable country, bearing excessive heat and severe cold with alacrity and cheerfulness, frequently encamping in deep snow, such as those that inhabit the interior parts of this province do not see, and which only those who inhabit the most northern parts of Europe can have any idea of, continually exposed in camp and on their marches to the alarms of a savage enemy, who, in all their attempts, were forced to fly. * * * And, in a particular manner, the freemen of this and the neighboring provinces have most sincerely to thank them for that resolution and bravery with which they, under Colonel Boquet, and a small number of Royal Americans, defeated the enemy, and ensured to us peace and security from a savage foe; and, along with our blessings for these benefits, they have our thanks for that decorum in behavior which they maintained during their stay in this city, giving an example that the most amiable behavior in civil life is no way inconsistent with the character of the good soldier; and for their loyalty, fidelity, and orderly behavior, they have every wish of the people for health, honor, and a pleasant voyage."

The loss sustained by the regiment during the seven years it was employed in America and the West Indies was as follows:

Comparing the loss sustained by the 42nd in the field with that of other corps, it has generally been less than theirs, except at the defeat at Ticonderoga. The officers who served in the corps attributed the comparative loss to the celerity of their attack and the use of the broadsword, which the enemy could never withstand.

Of the officers who were in the regiment in 1759 seven rose to be general officers, viz., Francis Grant of Grant, John Reid of Strathloch, Allan Campbell of Glenure, James Murray, son of lord George Murray, John Campbell of Strachur, Thomas Stirling of Ardoch, and John Small. Those who became field officers were, Gordon Graham, Duncan Campbell of Inneraw, Thomas Graham of Duchray, John Graham his brother, William Murray of Lintrose, William Grant, James Abercromby of Glassa, James Abercromby junior, Robert Grant, James Grant, Alexander Turnbull of Strathcathro, Alexander Donaldson, Thomas Fletcher of Landertis, Donald Robertson, Duncan Campbell, Alexander Maclean and James Eddington. A corp of officers, respectable in their persons, character and rank in private society, was of itself sufficient to secure esteem and lead a regiment where every man was a soldier.

It has already been noticed that in the spring of 1760, the thought of General Amherst was wholly engrossed on the conquest of Canada. He was appealed to for protection against the Cherokees who were committing cruelties, in their renewed warfare against the settlements. In April he detached, from the central army, that had conquered Ohio, Colonel Montgomery with six hundred Highlanders of his own regiment and six hundred Royal Americans to strike a blow at the Cherokees and then return. The force embarked at New York, and by the end of April was in Carolina. At Ninety-six, near the end of May, the army was joined by many gentlemen of distinction, as volunteers, besides seven hundred Carolina rangers, which constituted the principal strength of the country. On June 1st, the army crossed Twelve-mile River; and leaving their tents standing on advantageous ground, at eight in the evening moved onward through the woods to surprise Estatoe, about twenty miles from the camp. On the way Montgomery surprised Little Keowee and put every man to the sword, sparing only women and children. Early the next morning they reached Estatoe only to find it abandoned, except by a few who could not escape. The place was reduced to ashes, as was Sugar Town, and every other settlement in the lower nation destroyed. For years, the half-charred rafters of their houses might be seen on the desolate hill-sides. "I could not help pitying them a little," wrote Major Grant; "their villages were agreeably situated; their houses neatly built; there were everywhere astonishing magazines of corn, which were all consumed." The surprise in every town was almost equal, for the whole was the work of only a few hours; the Indians had no time to save what they valued most; but left for the pillagers money and watches, wampum and furs. About sixty Cherokees were killed; forty, chiefly women and children, were made prisoners; but the warriors had generally escaped to the mountains.

Meanwhile Fort Prince George had been closely invested, and Montgomery marched to its relief. From this place he dispatched two friendly chiefs to the middle settlements, to offer terms of peace, and orders were sent to Fort London to bring about accommodations for the upper towns. The Indians would not listen to any overtures, so Montgomery was constrained to march against them. The most difficult part of the service was now to be performed; for the country to be passed through was covered by dark thickets, numerous deep ravines, and high river banks; where a small number of men might distress and even wear out the best appointed army.

Colonel Montgomery began his march June 24, 1760, and at night encamped at the old town of Oconnee. The next evening he arrived at the War-Woman's Creek; and on the 20th, crossed the Blue Mountains, and made his encampment at the deserted town of Stecoe. The army trod the rugged defiles, which were as dangerous as men had ever penetrated, with fearless alacrity, and the Highlanders were refreshed by coming into the presence of the mountains. "What may be Montgomery's fate in the Cherokee country," wrote Washington, "I cannot so readily determine. It seems he has made a prosperous beginning, having penetrated into the heart of the country, and he is now advancing his troops in high health and spirits to the relief of Fort Loudon. But let him be wary. He has a crafty, subtle enemy to deal with, that may give him most trouble when he least expects it."[139]

The morning of the 27th found the whole army early on the march to the town of Etchowee, the nearest of the Cherokee settlements, and eighteen miles distant. When within five miles of the town, the army was attacked in a most advantageous position for the Indians. It was a low valley, in which the bushes were so thick that the soldiers could see scarcely three yards before them; and through this valley flowed a muddy river, with steep clay banks. Captain Morrison, in command of a company of rangers, was in the advance. When he entered the ravine, the Indians emerged from their ambush, and, raising the war-whoop, darted from covert to covert, at the same time firing at the whites. Captain Morrison was immediately shot down, and his men closely engaged. The Highlanders and provincials drove the enemy from their lurking-places, and, returning to their yells three huzzas and three waves of their bonnets and hats, they chased them from height and hollow. The army passed the river at the ford; and, protected by it on their right, and by a flanking party on the left, treading a path, at times so narrow as to be obliged to march in Indian file, fired upon from both front and rear, they were not collected at Etchowee until midnight; after a loss of twenty killed and seventy-six wounded. Of these, the Highlanders had one Serjeant, and six privates killed, and Captain Sutherland, Lieutenants Macmaster and Mackinnon, and Assistant-Surgeon Munro, and one Serjeant, one piper, and twenty-four rank and file wounded.

"Several soldiers of this (Montgomery's) and other regiments fell into the hands of the Indians, being taken in an ambush. Allan Macpherson, one of these soldiers, witnessing the miserable fate of several of his fellow-prisoners, who had been tortured to death by the Indians, and seeing them preparing to commence the same operations upon himself, made signs that he had something to communicate. An interpreter was brought. Macpherson told them, that, provided his life was spared for a few minutes, he would communicate the secret of an extraordinary medicine, which, if applied to the skin, would cause it to resist the strongest blow of a tomahawk, or sword, and that, if they would allow him to go to the woods with a guard, to collect the plants proper for this medicine, he would prepare it, and allow the experiment to be tried on his own neck by the strongest and most expert warrior among them. This story easily gained upon the superstitious credulity of the Indians, and the request of the Highlander was instantly complied with. Being sent into the woods, he soon returned with such plants as he chose to pick up. Having boiled these herbs, he rubbed his neck with their juice, and laying his head upon a log of wood, desired the strongest man among them to strike at his neck with his tomahawk, when he would find he could not make the smallest impression. An Indian, levelling a blow with all his might, cut with such force, that the head flew off to a distance of several yards. The Indians were fixed in amazement at their own credulity, and the address with which the prisoner had escaped the lingering death prepared for him; but, instead of being enraged at this escape of their victim, they were so pleased with his ingenuity that they refrained from inflicting farther cruelties on the remaining prisoners."[140]

Only for one day did Colonel Montgomery rest in the heart of the Alleghanies. On the following night, deceiving the Indians by kindling lights at Etchowee, the army retreated, and, marching twenty-five miles, never halted, till it came to War-Woman's Creek. On the 30th, it crossed the Oconnee Mountain, and on July 1st reached Fort Prince George, and soon after returned to New York.

The retreat of Colonel Montgomery was the knell of the famished Fort London, situated on the borders of the Cherokee country. The garrison was forced to capitulate to the Indians, who agreed to escort the men in safety to another fort. They were, however, made the victims of treachery; for the day after their departure a body of savages waylaid them, killed some, and captured others, whom they took back to Fort Loudon.

The expedition of Montgomery but served to inflame the Indians. July 11th the General Assembly represented their inability to prevent the ravages made by the savages on the back settlements, and by unanimous vote entreated the lieutenant governor "to use the most pressing instances with Colonel Montgomery not to depart with the king's troops, as it might be attended with the most pernicious consequences." Montgomery, warned that he was but giving the Cherokees room to boast among the other tribes, of their having obliged the English army to retreat, not only from the mountains, but also from the province, shunned the path of duty, and leaving four companies of the Royal Scots, sailed for Halifax by way of New York, coldly writing "I cannot help the people's fears." Afterwards, in the House of Commons, he acted as one who thought the Americans factious in peace and feeble in war.

In 1761 the Montgomery Highlanders were in the expedition against Dominique, and the following year against Martinique and Havanna. At the end of October were again in New York. Before the return of the six companies to New York, the two companies that had been sent against the Indians in 1761, were sent, with a small force, to retake St. John's, New Foundland, which was occupied by a French force. The English army consisted of the flank companies of the Royals, a detachment of the 45th, two companies of Fraser's Highlanders, a small party of provincials, besides Montgomery's. The army landed on September 12, 1762, seven miles northward of St. John's. On the 17th the French surrendered. Of Montgomery's Highlanders, Captain Mackenzie and four privates were killed, and two privates wounded. After this service the two companies joined the regiment at New York and there passed the winter. As already noticed a detachment was with Colonel Boquet to the relief of Fort Pitt in 1763. After the termination of hostilities an offer was made to the officers and men either to settle in America, or return to their own country. Those who remained obtained a grant of land in accordance to their rank.[141]

The following table shows the number of killed and wounded of Montgomery's Highlanders during the war:—

After the surrender of Montreal, Fraser's Highlanders were not called into action, until the fall of 1762, when the two companies were with the expedition under Colonel William Amherst, against St. John's, Newfoundland. In this service Captain Macdonell was mortally wounded, three rank and file killed, and seven wounded. At the conclusion of the war, a number of the officers and men having expressed a desire to remain in America, had their wishes granted, and an allowance of land granted them. The rest returned to Scotland and were discharged.

The following is a return of the killed and wounded of Fraser's Highlanders during the war from 1756 to 1763:—

Whatever may be said of the 42nd, or The Black Watch, concerning its soldierly bearing may also be applied to both Montgomery's and Fraser's regiments. Both officers and men were from the same people, having the same manners, customs, language and aspirations. The officers were from among the best families, and the soldiers respected and loved those who commanded them.

For three years after the fall of Montreal the war between France and England lingered on the ocean. The Treaty of Paris was signed February 10, 1763, which gave to England all the French possessions in America eastward of the Mississippi from its source to the river Iberville, and thence through Lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the Gulf of Mexico. Spain, with whom England had been at war, at the same time ceded East and West Florida to the English Crown. France was obliged to cede to Spain all that vast territory west of the Mississippi, known as the province of Louisiana. The Treaty deprived France of all her possessions in North America. To the genius of William Pitt must be ascribed the conquest of Canada and the deprivation of France of her possessions in the New World.

The acquisition of Canada, by keen sighted observers, was regarded as a source of danger to England. As early as the year 1748, the Swedish traveller Kalm, having described in vivid language the commercial oppression under which the colonists were suffering, added these remarkable words:

"I have been told, not only by native Americans, but by English emigrants publicly, that within thirty or fifty years the English colonies in North America may constitute a separate state entirely independent of England. But as this whole country towards the sea is unguarded, and on the frontier is kept uneasy by the French, these dangerous neighbors are the reason why the love of these colonies for their metropolis does not utterly decline. The English government has, therefore, reason to regard the French in North America as the chief power which urges their colonies to submission."[142]

On the definite surrender of Canada, Choiseul said to those around him, "We have caught them at last"; his eager hopes anticipating an early struggle of America for independence. The French ministers consoled themselves for the Peace of Paris by the reflection that the loss of Canada was a sure prelude to the independence of the colonies. Vergennes, the sagacious and experienced ambassador, then at Constantinople, a grave, laborious man, remarkable for a calm temper and moderation of character, predicted to an English traveller, with striking accuracy, the events that would occur. "England," he said, "will soon repent of having removed the only check that could keep her colonies in awe. They stand no longer in need of her protection. She will call on them to contribute towards supporting the burdens they have helped to bring on her, and they will answer by striking off all dependence."

It is not to be presumed that Englishmen were wholly blind to this danger. There were advocates who maintained that it would be wiser to restore Canada and retain Guadaloupe, with perhaps Martinico and St. Lucia. This view was supported with distinguished ability in an anonymous paper, said to have been written by William Burke, the friend and kinsman of the great orator. The views therein set forth were said to have been countenanced by lord Hardwicke. The tide of English opinion was, however, very strongly in the opposite direction.

FOOTNOTES:[136]Stewart's Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 66.[137]Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. I, p. 289.[138]The Olden Time, Vol. I, p. 181.[139]Spark's Writings of Washington, Vol. II, p. 332.[140]Stewart's Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 61.[141]See Appendix,Note L.[142]Pinkerton's Travels, Vol. XIII.

[136]Stewart's Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 66.

[137]Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. I, p. 289.

[138]The Olden Time, Vol. I, p. 181.

[139]Spark's Writings of Washington, Vol. II, p. 332.

[140]Stewart's Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 61.

[141]See Appendix,Note L.

[142]Pinkerton's Travels, Vol. XIII.

The causes which led to the American Revolution have been set forth in works pertaining to that event, and fully amplified by those desiring to give a special treatise on the subject. Briefly to rehearse them, the following may be pointed out: The general cause was the right of arbitrary government over the colonies claimed by the British parliament. So far as the claim was concerned as a theory, but little was said, but when it was put in force an opposition at once arose. The people had long been taught to act and think upon the principle of eternal right, which had a tendency to mould them in a channel that looked towards independence. The character of George III. was such as to irritate the people. He was stubborn and without the least conception of human rights; nor could he conceive of a magnanimous project, or appreciate the value of civil liberty. His notions of government were despotic, and around him, for advisers, he preferred those as incompetent and as illiberal as himself. Such a king could not deal with a people who had learned freedom, and had the highest conceptions of human rights. The British parliament, composed almost entirely of the ruling class, shared the views of their master, and servilely did his bidding, by passing a number of acts destructive of colonial liberty. The first of these was a strenuous attempt to enforce in 1761 THE IMPORTATION ACT, which gave to petty constables the authority to enter any and every place where they might suspect goods upon which a duty had not been levied. In 1763 and 1764 the English ministers attempted to enforce the law requiring the payment of duties on sugar and molasses. In vain did the people try to show that under the British constitution taxation and representation were inseparable. Nevertheless English vessels were sent to hover around American ports, and soon succeeded in paralyzing the trade with the West Indies.

The close of the French and Indian war gave to England a renewed opportunity to tax America. The national debt had increased from £52,092,238 in 1727 to £138,865,430 in 1763. The ministers began to urge that the expenses of the war ought to be borne by the colonies. The Americans contended, that they had aided England as much as she had aided them; that the cession of Canada had amply remunerated England for all her losses; and, further, the colonies did not dread the payment of money, but feared that their liberties might be subverted. Early in March 1765, the English parliament, passed the celebrated STAMP ACT, which provided that every note, bond, deed, mortgage, lease, licence, all legal documents of every description, every colonial pamphlet, almanac, and newspaper, after the first day of the following November, should be on paper furnished by the British government, the stamp cost being from one cent to thirty dollars. When the news of the passage of this act was brought to America the excitement was intense, and action was resolved on by the colonies. The act was not formally repealed until March 18, 1766. On June 29, 1767, another act was passed to tax America. On October 1, 1768, seven hundred troops, sent from Halifax, marched with fixed bayonets into Boston, and quartered themselves in the State House. In February 1769 parliament declared the people of Massachusetts rebels, and the governor was directed to arrest those deemed guilty of treason, and send them to England for trial. In the city of New York, in 1770, the soldiers wantonly cut down a liberty pole, which had for several years stood in the park. The most serious affray occurred on March 5th, in Boston between a party of citizens and some soldiers, in which three citizens were shot down and several wounded. This massacre inflamed the city with a blaze of excitement. On that day lord North succeeded in having all the duties repealed except that on tea; and that tax, in 1773, was attempted to be enforced by a stratagem. On the evening of December 16th, the tea, in the three tea-ships, then in Boston harbor, was thrown overboard, by fifty men disguised as Indians. Parliament, instead of using legal means, hastened to find revenge. On March 31, 1774, it was enacted that Boston port should be closed.

The final act which brought on the Revolution was the firing upon the seventy minute men, who were standing still at Lexington, by the English soldiers under Major Pitcairn, on April 19, 1775, sixteen of the patriots fell dead or wounded. The first gun of the Revolution fired the entire country, and in a few days Boston was besieged by the militia twenty thousand strong. Events passed rapidly, wrongs upon wrongs were perpetrated, until, finally, on July 4, 1776, the Declaration of Independence was published to the world. By this act all hope of reconciliation was at an end. Whatever concessions might be made by England, her own acts had caused an impassable gulf.

America had done all within her power to avert the impending storm. Her petitions had been spurned from the foot of the English throne. Even the illustrious Dr. Franklin, venerable in years, was forced to listen to a vile diatribe against him delivered by the coarse and brutal Wedderburn, while members of the Privy Council who were present, with the single exception of lord North, "lost all dignity and all self-respect. They laughed aloud at each sarcastic sally of Wedderburn. 'The indecency of their behaviour,' in the words of Shelburne, 'exceeded, as is agreed on all hands, that of any committee of elections;' and Fox, in a speech which he made as late as 1803, reminded the House how on that memorable occasion 'all men tossed up their hats and clapped their hands in boundless delight at Mr. Wedderburn's speech.'"[143]

George III., his ministers and his parliament hurled the country headlong into war, and that against the judgment of her wisest men, and her best interests. To say the least the war was not popular in England. The wisest statesmen in both Houses of Parliament plead for reconciliation, but their efforts fell on callous ears. The ruling class was seized with the one idea of humbling America. They preferred to listen to such men as Major James Grant,—the same who allowed his men, (as has been already narrated) to be scandalously slaughtered before Fort du Quesne, and had made himself offensive in South Carolina under Colonel Montgomery. This braggart asserted, in the House of Commons, "amidst the loudest cheering, that he knew the Americans very well, and was certain they would not fight; 'that they were not soldiers and never could be made so, being naturally pusillanimous and incapable of discipline; that a very slight force would be more than sufficient for their complete reduction'; and he fortified his statement by repeating their peculiar expressions, and ridiculing their religious enthusiasm, manners and ways of living, greatly to the entertainment of the house."[144]

The great Pitt, then earl of Chatham, in his famous speech in January 1775, declared:

"The spirit which resists your taxation in America is the same that formerly opposed loans, benevolences, and ship-money in England. * * * This glorious spirit of Whiggism animates three millions in America who prefer poverty with liberty to gilded chains and sordid affluence, and who will die in defence of their rights as freemen. * * * For myself, I must declare that in all my reading and observation—and history has been my favorite study; I have read Thucydides, and have studied and admired the master states of the world—that for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion under such a complication of difficult circumstances, no nation or body of men can stand in preference to the General Congress at Philadelphia. * * * All attempts to impose servitude upon such men, to establish despotism over such a mighty continental nation, must be vain, must be fatal. We shall be forced ultimately to retreat. Let us retreat while we can, not when we must."

In accordance with these sentiments Chatham withdrew his eldest son from the army rather than suffer him to be engaged in the war. Lord Effingham, finding his regiment was to serve against the Americans, threw up his commission and renounced the profession for which he had been trained and loved, as the only means of escaping the obligation of fighting against the cause of freedom. Admiral Keppel, one of the most gallant officers in the British navy, expressed his readiness to serve against the ancient enemies of England, but asked to be released from employment against the Americans. It is said that Amherst refused to command the army against the Americans. In 1776 it was openly debated in parliament whether British officers ought to serve their sovereign against the Americans, and no less a person then General Conway leaned decidedly to the negative, and compared the case to that of French officers who were employed in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. Just after the battle of Bunker Hill, the duke of Richmond declared in parliament that he "did not think that the Americans were in rebellion, but that they were resisting acts of the most unexampled cruelty and oppression." The Corporation of London, in 1775, drew up an address strongly approving of the resistance of the Americans, and similar addresses were expressed by other towns. A great meeting in London, and also the guild of merchants in Dublin, returned thanks to lord Effingham for his recent conduct. When Montgomery fell at the head of the American troops before Quebec, he was eulogized in the British parliament.

The merchants of Bristol, September 27, 1775, held a meeting and passed resolutions deprecating the war, and calling upon the king to put a stop to it. The Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Livery of London, September 29th, issued an address to the Electors of Great Britain, against carrying on the war. A meeting of the merchants and traders of London was held October 5th, and moved an address to the king "relative to the unhappy dispute between Great Britain and her American Colonies," and that he should "cause hostilities to cease." The principal citizens, manufacturers and traders of the city of Coventry, October 10th, addressed the sovereign beseeching him "to stop the effusion of blood, to recommend to your Parliament to consider, with all due attention, the petition from America lately offered to be presented to the throne." The mayor and burgesses of Nottingham, October 20th, petitioned the king in which they declared that "the first object of our desires and wishes is the return of peace and cordial union with our American fellow-subjects," and humbly requested him to "suspend those hostilities, which, we fear, can have no other than a fatal issue." This was followed by an address of the inhabitants of the same city, in which the king was asked to "stay the hand of war, and recall into the bosom of peace and grateful subjection your American subjects, by a restoration of those measures which long experience has shown to be productive of the greatest advantages to this late united and flourishing Empire." The petition of the free burgesses, traders and inhabitants of Newcastle-upon-Tyne declared that "in the present unnatural war with our American brethren, we have seen neither provocation nor object; nor is it, in our humble apprehension, consonant with the rights of humanity, sound policy, or the Constitution of our Country." A very great majority of the gentlemen, clergy and freeholders of the county of Berks signed an address, November 7th, to the king in which it was declared that "the disorders have arisen from a complaint (plausible at least) of one right violated; and we can never be brought to imagine that the true remedy for such disorders consists in an attack on all other rights, and an attempt to drive the people either to unconstitutional submission or absolute despair." The gentlemen, merchants, freemen and inhabitants of the city of Worcester also addressed the king and besought him to adopt such measures as shall "seem most expedient for putting a stop to the further effusion of blood, for reconciling Great Britain and her Colonies, for reuniting the affections of your now divided people, and for establishing, on a permanent foundation, the peace, commerce, and prosperity of all your Majesty's Dominions."

It is a fact, worthy of special notice, that in both England and Ireland there was a complete absence of alacrity and enthusiasm in enlisting for the army and navy. This was the chief reason why George III. turned to the petty German princes who trafficked in human chattels. There people were seized in their homes, or while working the field, and sold to England at so much per head. On account of the great difficulty in England in obtaining voluntary recruits for the American war, the press-gang was resorted to, and in 1776, was especially fierce. In less than a month eight hundred men were seized in London alone, and several lives were lost in the scuffles that took place. The press-gang would hang about the prison-gates, and seize criminals whose sentences had expired and force them into the army.

"It soon occurred to the government that able-bodied criminals might be more usefully employed in the coercion of the revolted colonists, and there is reason to believe that large numbers of criminals of all but the worst category, passed at this time into the English army and navy. In estimating the light in which British soldiers were regarded in America, and in estimating the violence and misconduct of which British soldiers were sometimes guilty, this fact must not be forgotten." In Ireland criminals were released from their prisons on condition of enlisting in the army or navy.[145]

The regular press-gang was not confined to England, and it formed one of the grievances of the American colonists. One of the most terrible riots ever known in New England, was caused, in 1747, by this nefarious practice, under the sanction of Admiral Knowles. An English vessel was burnt, and English officers were seized and imprisoned by the crowd; the governor was obliged to flee to the castle; the sub-sheriffs were impounded in the stocks; the militia refused to act against the people; and the admiral was compelled to release his captives. Resistance, in America, was shown in many subsequent attempts to impress the people.

The king and his ministers felt it was necessary to sustain the acts of parliament in the American war by having addresses sent to the king upholding him in the course he was pursuing. Hence emissaries were sent throughout the kingdom who cajoled the ignorant into signing such papers. The general sentiment of the people cannot be estimated by the number of addresses for they were obtained by the influence of the ministers of state. Every magistrate depending upon the favor of the crown could and would exert his influence as directed. Hence there were numerous addresses sent to the king approving the course he was bent upon. When it is considered that the government had the advantage of more than fifty thousand places and pensions at its disposal, the immense lever for securing addresses is readily seen. From no section of the country, however, were these addresses so numerous as from Scotland.

It is one of the most singular things in history that the people of Scotland should have been so hostile to the Americans, and so forward in expressing their approbation of the attitude of George III. and his ministers. The Americans had in no wise ever harmed them or crossed their path. The emigrants from Scotland had been received with open arms by the people. If any had been mistreated, it was by the appointees of the crown. With scarcely an exception the whole political representation in both Houses of Parliament supported lord North, and were bitterly opposed to the Americans. Lecky has tried to soften the matter by throwing the blame on the servile leaders who did not represent the real sentiment of the people:

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