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According to the above State of the Account, the Sum Total of the Value of the Exports toHollandandGermanyalone, during a Period of nine Years, exceeded that to all the [present revolted] Provinces ofNorth America, by no less than 10,234,103l.7s.7d.which is more thanONE-THIRDof the Whole. And yet this very Period was more favourable toAmericanExports than any other: 1st. Because during this Period, there was the greatest Emigration fromEuropetoAmerica, and particularly fromHollandandGermany, that can be remembered; and each Emigrant, if a Customer toEngland, whilst resident inEurope, not only swells theAmericanAccount by his Removal, but also sinks theEuropean: So that he acts in a double Capacity, by adding Weight to one Scale, and by substracting, at least an equal, if not a greater, from the other:—2dly, Because During this Period, the Colonists, and more especially the fourNew-EnglandGovernments, were preparing for aNon-ImportationSystem; and therefore were storing their Magazines with great Quantities of Goods to serve for many Years. This Circumstance appearson the very Face of the Account:—And 3dly, Because the Business of CommercialPuffing, during this Period, was carried, by the Partizans ofAmerica, to a greater Height than ever, in order to make theAmericanTrade appear to be of much more Consequence to this Nation, than it really is.—To explain this Artifice of CommercialPuffing, to such Persons, who are not conversant in the Progress of Commercial Laws, I must beg their Attention to the following short Narrative.—Formerly the Kings ofEnglandestablished certain Duties or Taxes (generally five per Cent.ad Valorem) both on the Import and Export of Goods,merely by Virtue of their own Prerogative; and, as it was theuniversal Practicefor every Prince to act in the same Manner, these Duties orcustomaryPayments were therefore called theCustoms,—the Place where these Duties were paid theCustom-House, and the Officers who collected them theCustom-HouseOfficers. In Process of Time, the Subjects gained a little more Liberty; so that the Duties, which were originally imposed by Virtue of the mere Prerogative of the Crown, were afterwards collected by the Authority of anAct, orActsof the whole Legislature.
And yet, notwithstanding this Change of Authority, there was very little Alteration in the System of Taxation: ForExportsas well asImports(in those Days of commercial Blindness) paid aDuty of about five per Cent.[9]ad Valorem, as low down as the Reigns ofCharlesII. andJamesII.—KingWilliamwas the first Prince who had a true Notion of introducing wise and beneficial Regulations into the System of Exportation: For he caused the Duties to be taken off from the Exports ofEnglishWoollen Manufactures, and of a few other Articles: QueenAnnfollowed his good Example, and extended the same politic System a little farther: But it was reserved to the Reign ofGeorgeI. and to the Administration of thatgreatandableMinister, SirRobert Walpole(whom the Traders, and the Populace always abused) to enrich this Country by Means of a general System ofjudiciousTaxes, and salutary commercial Regulations. For in one single Act of Parliament in the Year 1722, (8th of G. I. Chap. 15.) there were about 196 Taxes repealed, [seeCrouch’s Book of Rates] Taxes which had been injudiciously laid, partly on Raw-Materials coming in,but chiefly onBritishManufactures going out. But tho’ this excellent Law was productive of the greatest Advantage to the Nation; yet it must be allowed, that like many other good Things, it was the innocent Cause of introducing some Evil. For from that Time we may date the Origin of our modernPuffing, respecting the Export of Goods, which has spread but too generally ever since.EnglishManufactures, when entered in the Custom-House for Exportation, now pay no Tax or Duty; therefore this Circumstance becomes a Temptation to many Persons to make larger Entries for Exportation, than in Truth and Reality they ought to do. Vanity, and the Desire of appearing to be Men of large Dealings, and extensive Correspondencies, and perhaps other Motives still less justifiable, will but too well account for such Proceedings in the mercantile World. Consequently in commercial Puffing, the Traders toHollandandGermany, and the Traders toNorth-Americaare much upon a Par: So that were they to accuse each other, it might be said of both,
Clodius accusat Mæchos, Catalina Cethegos.
But nevertheless in other Respects there is a wide Difference between them. For the Partizans ofAmericaare actuated not only by Self-Interest, or Vanity, but by Principles stillmore powerful, viz. By such a Spirit of Enthusiasm, and a Zeal bordering on Phrenzy, as will stick at nothing to promote the Good of the Cause. Hence therefore we may reasonably infer, that tho’ the Entries for Exportation to every Country are somewhat exaggerated, yet that those toNorth-Americaare doubly so. Other Traders may probably consider these puffing Advertisements [I mean their exaggerated Entries for Exportation] as a Kind of Peccadillos, very allowable for the Promotion of their Interest; but anAmericanPartizan views them in a much higher Light, viz. asmeritorious Acts done for the Good of his Country.
As we have been hitherto comparing the Value of theExportsto the twelvemalcontentProvinces ofNorth-America, with the Value of the Exports toHollandandGermany; let us in the next Place consider also the Nature of theNorth-American Imports, if compared with those of other Countries.
Now all Imports may be divided into two Classes, viz. Raw Materials for the Employment of our own People, and taxable Objects for the Purposes of raising a Revenue.
In regard to the first of these,—if we should cast our Eyes on the Imports from[10]Russiaonly, will any one be so hardy as to maintain, that the Imports fromNorth-Americaare at all on a Par with them, in any Respect whatever? Timber,for Example, Iron, Hemp, Flax and Flax-Seed, Linen-Yarn, Skins and Furrs, Ashes, Tallow, Hair, Bristles, &c. &c.;—Can it be pretended, with any Appearance of Truth, that the Imports of these Articles (taking one with another) fromNorth-America, will bear any Comparison with those fromRussia? And yet, to the Shame and Disgrace of an enlightened commercial State, several of these raw Materials are taxed, if imported fromRussia, in order to create a Monopoly toNorth-America: And others, when imported fromAmerica, are not only allowed to be entered Duty-free, which is just enough; but also have enjoyed for many Years the Benefit of large and munificent Bounties given by the Parliament ofGreat-Britain.—Given? To whom? To our non-represented Colonies: For it seems they will condescend to receive Bounties from us, tho’ not represented, notwithstanding they make this very Circumstance a Plea or Pretence against bearingany Share in our Burdens. However, all this is not sufficient to create that Monopoly in their Favour, which they, and their Adherents have long had in Contemplation. For the Imports of Raw-Materials fromRussia, which are every Day encreasing, exceed those fromNorth-Americain Goodness, in Quantity, in Value, and in every Respect, to a very great Degree.
But I forget: “Pitch and Tar, and Indigo are also Raw-Materials of very great Consequence: And they are imported fromNorth-America, but not fromRussia.” True: Pitch and Tar, if imported fromRussia, would have paid an high Duty; but when brought fromAmerica, they receive a very large Bounty. And as to Indigo, had it not been for the many Hundred Thousands of Pounds Sterling, whichGreat-Britainhas granted in Bounties and Premiums to promote the Culture of this Article in theCarolinasandVirginia, [a tenth Part of which Sum would have served for the Cultivation of a better Sort on the Coast ofAfrica] I say, had it not been for this continual Fostering, and expensive Nursing, probably not an Ounce of it would have been raised inNorth-America. And even as it is, the Indigo ofCarolina, &c. is, generally speaking, of a Quality much inferior to that, which comes from other Countries. So much therefore as to Raw-Materials,—and let this suffice in respect to the grateful Returnsof our Colonies towards us, for making so many impolitic restraining Laws against ourselves, and for granting them so many Monopolies, and such extensive Bounties.
The next Head of Enquiry is, whattaxable Objectsdo we receive fromNorth-America, if compared with the Taxables of other Countries? Mr.Burkeasserts Page 97, 2d Edit. “That ifAmericagives ustaxable Objects, on which we lay our Duties here, and gives us at the same Time, a Surplus by a foreign Sale of her Commodities to pay the Duties on these Objects which we tax at Home,she has performed her Part to theBritishRevenue.”
Well then, according to this Doctrine, we are first to suppose, thatNorth-Americasupplies us with great Quantities of taxable Objects;—and secondly that by so doing, she hath performed her Part to theBritishRevenue; and therefore ought not to be obliged to contribute any further. Now I am so unhappy as to differ from the patriotic Orator in both these respects; that is, I first deny his Premises;—and then 2dly, granting even his Premises, I cannot admit of his Conclusion. First, then I do maintain, thatNorth-Americadoth not supplyGreat-Britainwith great Quantities of taxable Objects: For perhaps hardly any civilized Country in the World, of equal Extent, and under the same Parallels of Latitude, is so barren inthat Respect, asNorth-America.—At present, I can recollect but two taxable Objects among all her Stores, viz. Rice and Tobacco. In respect to Rice, I do allow that it hath been customary to tax it; but as it is a Raw-Material, and an Article of Food, it ought never to have been taxed. And the Legislature hath done wisely at present in repealing that Tax, which heretofore was laid on the home Consumption of it. The Fact is, that when Corn is dear, Rice becomes a good Succedaneum; but when the former is cheap, the latter will not be used in any Quantities here inEngland: ForEnglishStomachs will never prefer Rice to Wheat. In respect to that Rice, which is carried to the rest ofEurope, it ought to be remembered, that it pays no Duty at all, if exported South of CapeFinisterre. And as to the Duty which is retained on the Re-exportation of Rice to the Northward of CapeFinistere, it is so very trifling and inconsiderable, that it doth not deserve to be mentioned in a general and national View.
In regard to Tobacco; I admit it to be a very proper Object of Taxation. But here again, that which is re-exported pays but little Duty, if any at all. And with respect to that which is used and consumed at Home, when the many Frauds attending it, together with the Expence of collecting are taken into the Account, the clear Balance will not be in any Degree, so great as is vulgarly imagined.
But granting, that this Branch of the Revenue is considerable, nay that it isveryconsiderable; yet there are a few unlucky Questions to be asked on this Head, which it will puzzle Mr.Burkeand all his Adherents to answer in such a Manner, as would do any Credit, or Service to their Cause. For Example; has theEnglishLegislature done any Thing towards favouring thisAmericanTobacco-Trade, and raising it up to its present Height? Yes, it has;Englandhas granted a Monopoly to theAmericansagainst herself, by severely prohibiting, in several Acts of Parliament, the Cultivation of Tobacco inEngland: So that at the worst, we have one Remedy still in reserve, viz. the taking off this Prohibition, should theAmericansbe so wrathfully-minded as to resolve never to sell us any more Tobacco. On this Ground therefore I still proceed; and as the Friends of Mr.Burke(if not he himself) are so very forward in exclaiming against the Restraints and Hardships, under which they pretend, thatAmericahas so long groaned;—I ask, why are they so totally silent concerning the many Restraints and Discouragements, whichEnglandalso hath long and patiently suffered in order to enrichAmerica? And where is the Candor, or Impartiality of such a Conduct? Again,—if we have granted theAmericansthis Monopoly, in order to encrease their Trade, and so cause their Provinces to flourish; what Effectshath it produced, in regard to the Sum Total of our own Revenue? And what is the Amount of the whole Duty on Tobacco? Is it equal to the Duties paid on the simple Article of Tea,—or of Wines and Brandies;—or in short of mere Fruit for our Mince-Pies, and Plumb-Puddings, for our Tables and Deserts? No, by no Means, it is not equal to any one of thesegeneralArticles: For the Duty paid on the Importation of Fruit alone greatly surpasses it. And yet we have granted no Monopolies, no Premiums, and no Bounties either toChina, or toFrance, toSpain,Portugal,Italy, &c. &c. nor are these Countries, to which we have so vast a Trade, and from which we draw so great a Revenue,English Colonies.
But nevertheless, I will now suppose, contrary to all Proof and Matters of Fact, that the Revenue of the taxable Objects imported fromNorth-America, was the greatest of all others;—what Inference is to be drawn from this Concession? And doth it at all follow from such Premises, that theNorth-Americansmust, or ought to enjoy all the Privileges ofEnglishmen, without contributing any Thing towards the general Support, merely because we carry on an advantageous Trade with them, or have raised a Tax on their Commodities? Surely no: For by the same Rule, we must unite and incorporate with, we must protect and defend, theChinese,theFrench, theSpaniards,Portuguese,Italians, &c. &c. for the same Reasons, and on the same Account. A Proposition this, which is too big with Nonsense and Absurdity, to be seriously maintained.
I will therefore dismiss the present Remark, with putting my Reader again in Mind, that let the Trade toNorth-Americabe what it may, of little Importance, or otherwise; it is a mere begging the Question, and a mostdisingenuous Artificeto insinuate (as all the Advocates forAmericanow do) that this Trade will be lost, if a Separation from the Colonies should ensue. On the contrary, it is much more probable, that, when all Parties shall be left at full Liberty to do as they please, ourNorth-AmericanTrade will rather be encreased, than diminished by such a Measure. Because it is Freedom, and not Confinement, or Monopoly, which encreases Trade. And sure I am that, on this Subject, History and past Experience, as well as Reason and Argument, are clearly on my Side.
The Case of Emigrations fromGermanyandHolland, hath been in Part considered already: But as the continual Emigrations fromGreat-BritainandIreland(which I will always consider asoneCountry) have something more particularly prejudicial in their Nature, if compared with others, I hope the Reader will not think it lost Time, if I give them in this Place a distinct Consideration.
A Set of Labourers, or Tradesmen resided lately inGreat-Britain, orIreland; and earned their Bread by the Sweat of their Brows. Their natural, or artificial Wants might be summed up under the three great, and comprehensive Articles of Food, Rayment, and Dwelling. In respect toFood, including drinkables, as well as eatables, they paid for it by theirLabour andWages; and consequently were theMeans ofemploying all those different Trades both in Town and Country, which were concerned in, or connected with, the raising of Corn, or the rearing of Sheep and Cattle, the making of Bread, Butter, Cheese, Malt, and Malt-Liquors, Cyder, &c. &c. also in the fattening, killing, dressing, or preparing of Flesh,Fish, Fowl, &c. &c. and in the raising of all Sorts of Garden-Stuff, and other Eatables: The like might be observed in regard toRayment, traced from the Raw-Material up to the perfect Manufacture, and including every Article of Dress, and all the Trades dependent on, and supported by it, throughout all its Stages:Dwellingis the last Article; in which Estimate ought to be included not only the original Materials for framing the Structure of the House, but also its successive Repairs; together with all Kinds of Household Goods from the highest to the lowest Piece of Furniture, and their continual Wear and Tare.
These Persons, who have been thus useful to their Country, and have contributed to its Trade and Riches, both by paying their own Rents and Taxes, and also by enabling others to pay theirs;—these Persons I say, have been inveigled away to leave this Country, and to settle inNorth-America.—Here therefore I ask this plain Question, What Recompence can they possibly make inAmerica, for the Loss which hath been occasioned by their leavingEngland? And what Gains will accrue to the Mother-Country by this flourishing State of her Colonies? Begin therefore wherever you please;—examine, I beseech you this Matter to the Bottom, and mark the Consequences.Foodfor Example, consisting of its various Kinds, andincluding eatables as well as drinkables,common Food, I say, must certainly be raised and manufactured on the Spot; for a Man cannot wait for his Dinner ’till it comes fromEngland. Similar Observations will likewise extend to the chief Part of every Article respectingRaymentor Cloathing;—not forgetting alsoHousingand Furniture. For in all these Respects, the principal Quantity, and the Bulk of the Goods, Manufactures, or Provisions must be procured from adjacent Places, and not from a Country 3000 Miles off. Perhaps indeed a few, a very few Elegancies and Ornaments of Dress or Furniture, or of the Dainties of the Table may still be imported from the Mother-Country. But alas! What are they, if compared with the Whole? Perhaps they would not amount to more than a twentieth Part of the general Consumption.—And most certain it is, that if these Emigrants should not settle near the Sea-Coasts ofAmerica, but wander higher up the Country for Hundreds of Miles, in pursuit of freshunpatentedTracts of Land, (which most New-comers are desirous of doing,) it would then not be afortiethPart of what they would have either used, consumed, or worn, had they still remained Inhabitants ofGreat-BritainorIreland: So little Cause hath the Mother-Country to rejoice at this rapid Progress of the Population of her Colonies, arising from, or caused by, Emigrations.
But here, I know, it will be said, because it hath very often been said already, “That tho’ these Emigrants might not employ as many Persons, or mechanic Trades here at Home, as they did before they leftEngland; yet they will employ more Shipping and Navigation, and consequently more Sailors than heretofore;and Sailorsare the Defence, Sailors are the Bulwark of the Nation,” &c. &c. Now in order to detect this Fallacy, as well as the rest, I will here state a Case, which must open People’s Eyes, if any Thing can, respecting even the Articles of Seamen, Shipping, and Navigation.
Suppose 1000 Tradesmen with their Families, Watch-Makers for Instance, settled on one Spot somewhere in the Neighbourhood ofLondon, [I only mentionWatch-Makers, because it is computed, that about 1000 Families, or one-third of the City ofGenevaare supposed to be of that Profession.] Now the first Thing which would attract our Notice respecting Navigation, is to lay in a Provision of Sea-Coals; and a yearly Supply of this Commodity for 1000 Families would employ a good deal of Shipping: Fish would be the next Article, Sea-Fish especially, whether fresh or Salt, in respect to which a good many Sailors one Time or other must be, or must have been employed: After this, the like Observation will extend to Cyder, and toother Articles brought Coast-wise; also to Wines, Brandies, Rum, Sugars, Fruits, Oils, &c. &c. imported from Abroad: likewise to Timber of various Kinds for building or repairing, also for making a Variety of Houshold Goods; to Iron, Hemp, Linen Cloth, and other Commodities, especially those of the bulky Kind: Now here I ask, Is it possible to conceive, that, were this Group of Manufacturers to take Flight, like a Swarm of Bees, and settle in some of the Towns or Provinces ofNorth-America, they either would, or could employ as manyEnglishSeamen in theirnewSituations, as they do at present in theiroldones? And can any Man be so absurd as to maintain such a Paradox? [Remember I limit the Matter toEnglishSeamen only; for as toAmericans, let their Number be what it may,Great-Britainnever was advantaged by them. Not to mention, that several of theAmericanProvinces have disputed, or rather denied, long before the present Disturbances began, the Right of pressing Sailors for the Navy; though it is well known, that this is the only Method whereby a Navy can be manned; and though that eminent Whig, that upright, learned, and truly-patriotic Lawyer [JudgeFoster] hath demonstratively proved in his Law-Tracts this Right to be as legally and constitutionally vested in the Crown, as any Right whatever.]
I will therefore take this Point relating to Sailors for granted; [at least ’till the contrary shall be proved,] and then it will follow, thatBritishorIrishEmigrations are to be considered as being very unfavourable to the Increase ofEnglishSailors, as well as ofEnglishManufacturers; and that the Loss and Detriment to the Mother-Country are very great in both Respects.
But here a Difficulty of another Kind, and from a different Quarter, will probably arise. It is this:—Granting that Emigrations are bad Things in all Respects;—granting that they tend to diminish the Number of your Sailors, as well as of your Manufacturers; yet how can you prevent this Evil? And what Remedy do you propose for curing the People of that Madness which has seized them for Emigrations?—I answer:—Even the Remedy which hath been so often, and all along proposed,A Total Separation from North-America. For most certain it is, that as soon as such a Separation shall take Place, a Residence in the Colonies will be no longer a desirable Situation. Nay, it is much more probable, that many of those who are already settled there, will wish to fly away, than that others should covet to go to them. And indeed we begin to find this Observation not a little verified at present, a considerable Re-emigration (if I may use the Term) having already taken Place. In short, when theEnglishGovernment, which was the only Center of Union, and the only Bond of Peace, shall be removed, Faction will rise up against Faction, Congress against Congress, and Colony against Colony; and then the Southern Provinces will find to their Cost, that they have been egregiously duped and bubbled by the Northern; then they will perceive, that they have no other Alternative, but either to submit to the tyrannical Usurpations of thosecanting, hypocritical Republicans, whom they used both to hate and despise; or else to implore that Help, Defence, and Protection of the Parent-State, which they now so wantonly and ungratefully reject and oppose:—In either of these Situations, and under such Circumstances, there is no Reason to fear, that many of our People will flock toNorth-America.
Prejudices and Prepossessions are stubborn Things in all Cases; but in none more peculiarly obstinate, than in relinquishing detached Parts of an unwieldy, extended Empire; there not being, I believe, a single Instance in all History, of any Nation surrendering a distant Province voluntarily, and of free Choice, notwithstanding it was greatly their Interest to have done it. TheEnglishin particular have given remarkable Proofs of their Unwillingness. For tho’ it was undeniably their Interest to have abandoned all the Provinces which they held inFrance, yet they never gave up one of them, ’till they were compelled to it by Force of Arms. Now indeed, and at this Distance of Time, we see clearly, that our Fore-Fathers were wretched Politicians in endeavouring to retain any one of theFrenchProvinces, which, if it was a little one, would be a continual Drain, and perhaps an encreasing Expence; and if it was a great one, might grow up to be a Rival, and become the Seat of Empire. I say, we can see these Things clearly enough at present: Yet alas! what Advantages do we derive from this Discovery? And whatApplication do we make of such historicalMementosto the Business of the present Day? The remotest of our Provinces inFrancewere hardly 300 Miles distant from our own Coasts; the nearest of those inAmericaare about 3000. The Provinces inFrancewere already fully peopled, and peopled for the most Part by Inhabitants extremely well affected at that Time to theEnglishGovernment: Whereas the Deserts ofAmericarequire first to be peopled by Draughts either from ourselves, or from ourEuropeanCustomers; and then when these Emigrants have been settled for a Generation or two, they become nativeAmericans, who naturally forget the Supremacy of that Country, with whose Government they have so little Connections, from whose Seat of Empire they are so far distant, whose ruling Power they so seldom feel (and therefore do not regard) and consequently whose Claims they consider as so many audacious Attempts to rob them of their beloved Independence.
But this is not all: And the Absurdity of our present Conduct in not abandoning therebelliousProvinces ofNorth-America, becomes still more glaring, when we consider farther, (what we now find by Experience to be true) that we can live and flourish, even in our commercial Capacity, without the Assistance of these refractory Colonies. For tho’ it doth by noMeans follow, that we should be destitute of their Trade, if eachAmericanProvince was erected into a separate and independent State; nay, tho’ the contrary hath been made to appear by such a Chain of Evidences, as no Man hitherto hath attempted to break or weaken, yet, granting the worst, granting even that theseNorth-Americanstraded with us as little after a Separation as they do at present, still it is possible that we may then live, because it is certain we do now live without them; and do not only live, but also enjoy as many of the Comforts and Elegancies, not to mention the Profusions and Luxuries of Life, as any Nation ever did, and more than we ourselves did heretofore.
Therefore (to be more particular on this Head, for surely it is a most important one) we were gravely told, that as soon as ever theAmericansshould shut their Ports against us, Famine to our Manufacturers, Bankruptcy to our Merchants, Destruction and Desolation to our Seaport Towns must inevitably ensue. Well, theAmericanshave now shut their Ports for a considerable Time against the Admission ofEnglishManufactures. And what has ensued? Nothing, that I know of, so very dismal, or so very tragical; and none of thoseblackandbitterDays, with which we were threatened, have yet appeared. Nay, according to the Accounts received from the principal manufacturing Placesand Districts throughout the Kingdom, it uniformly appears that Trade was never brisker in most Articles; and that it is not remarkably dead in any:—Moreover it is likewise certain, from the same Accounts, that a much greater Stagnation hath been frequently felt, even at Times when every Port inAmericawas open to us, than is felt at present.
However, if these Partizans ofAmericashould cavil at these Accounts, and dispute their Authority, we have others yet to produce, which surely must carry Conviction (almost in Spite of Prejudice) as soon as they are perused; [unless indeed it can be imagined, that the present wicked Ministry have entered into a Plot to charge themselves Debtors to the Public for almostTwo Hundred and Fifty-Five Thousand Pounds Sterlingmore than they received, merely to plague and confound the poor Patriots.]
The Account I am now going to lay before the Reader, is the grossProduce of the Excisefor the Year 1775, ending at the 5th ofJulylast, compared with the like gross Produce of the preceding Year 1774, ending at the like Period.
Now it appears by the Particulars of the Account, that what chiefly caused this great Increase, was the greater Quantity made, consumed, or used of Low Wines and Spirits,—of theLondonBrewery,—of Malt, Hops, Cyder, and Coaches, in the Year 1775, ending at the 5th ofJuly, than in the preceding Year. For as to several other Articles, there was a remarkable Deficiency, especially in the Excise on Tea, and on Liquors imported into the[11]Out-Ports; both which Branches, if put together, amount to no less than 79,380l.13s.9½d.—And yet, notwithstanding this great Loss in two such capital Articles, the Produce of the others before mentioned so much exceeded their usual Income, that the whole Balance of the Year was, as I said before, 254,795l.19s.11¾d.Now as our common People, our Artificers, and mechanic Tradesmen, our Journeymen, Day-Labourers, &c. &c. are the principal Consumers of, or Customers for, these Articles (Coaches excepted) we may, and ought to pronounce, that these numerous Bodies of Men were notin that starving Condition, (which it was foretold they should be) when they could so much exceed their usual (and for the most Partunnecessary) Gratifications in Spirituous Liquors, and Porter, Ale, strong Beer, and Cyder, as to raise such a Surplus of Revenue. And in respect to the Increase in the Coach-Tax (which was nearly 2000l.) surely this is a plain Proof likewise, that our Merchants, principal Traders, and Manufacturers (who were all to be infallibly ruined) are not in that melancholly Situation, as hath been foreboded of them by theAmericanfalse Prophets;—I say, the Proof is plain, seeing that so many new Carriages have been set up, instead of the former being put down. And I think, I may take for granted, that it is the Trading, and not the Landed-Interest, which sets up most new Carriages.
Upon the Whole therefore, and in whatever Light things are considered, it evidently appears that we can have but little, or nothing to lose; but must have a great deal to get, or (which is the same thing) much to save, and many Dangers to escape by a total Separation from the rebellious Provinces ofNorth-America. The History of all Nations, and of all Ages,—our own Experience respectingFrance,—the melancholly Situation at this Day of the once populous and flourishing Kingdom ofSpain,—the present Demands of our Manufactures forExportation,—the State of Parties among us, and the Growth of republican Principles, all, all conspire to prove, that we ought to get rid of such an onerous, dangerous, and expensive Connection as soon as possible. In one Word, the longer the present System is persevered in, the worse Things will necessarily grow, and the riper for Destruction; it being morally impossible that they should mend; for the Fire, if even smothered for the present, will break out again with fresh Violence; and the sound Parts of our Constitution will be in great Danger of being tainted by the Gangrene ofAmericanRepublicism.
In a Note at the Bottom of Page 52, (2d. Edition) of my Letter to Mr.Burke, I expressed myself in the following Manner: “The Instances which Mr.Burkehas brought, [at Pages 74 and 75 of his Speech, 2d. Edit. 8vo.] to prove that the Colonies, or rather that a few out of the many Colonies, have been liberal in their Grants toGreat-Britain, during the Continuance of a privateering, smuggling, trucking, and hucksteringAmericanSea-War, in which they were sure to be the greatest Gainers, shall be particularly considered in an ensuing Treatise, An Address to the Landed Interest ofGreat-BritainandIreland.”
The Minutes which I took at that Time relative to this Affair, and which I intended to have inserted in the Body of this Treatise, were the following, that the leading Men in the Government of the Province ofMassachusets, had, some Time before their famous Expedition againstCape Breton, been guilty of certain Mal-Practices in the Administration of public Affairs, for which they were in Danger of beingcalled to an Account. That in order to divert the Storm, and to throw a Barrel to the Whale, they projected the Plan of an Expedition, knowing the Temper of theEnglish, and their Rage for Conquests. Therefore, hearing that the Fortifications ofCape Bretonwere very ruinous, and the Garrison both weak and mutinous for Want of Pay, Cloathing, and Provisions, they bent their Forces against this Place. The Scheme succeeded, andCape Bretonwas yielded up; but the Joy of theEnglishNation knew no Bounds: For the People, from the highest to the lowest, were so intoxicated with Notions of the Importance of this Port, [tho’ now it is evident, that it is a very useless one if compared with others] that they forgot every other Idea in the general Transport; so that the Planners and Conductors of the Expedition, instead of their being called to an Account for their former Misdemeanors, found themselves caressed and applauded by the whole Nation; and to crown all, the Parliament itself voted a prodigious Sum of Money to reimburse theNew-Englandersfor their Expences, and their Services in this glorious Work.
This, I say, or to this Effect, was the Account which I received;—and which I believe in my own Mind, will be found to be for the most Part very true, when it can be very thoroughlyexamined into. But as I have beenhurried, by theearlyMeeting of Parliament, to publish the present Treatise at least three Months sooner than intended, I cannot at presentauthenticateFacts and Dates in the Manner I wish to do, in an Affair of such Importance. Therefore I give this public Notice, that I build nothing on the present Narration; and I only offer it (because not corroborated by sufficient Evidence) as a probable Case, and as my own Opinion.
Indeed I have a particular Reason for acting in this cautious Manner; seeing that I have suffered already by making a Slip in an Affair of this Nature, which in any other Cause or Controversy, would have been reckoned to be a veryvenialone. The Case was this: In the First Edition of my Fourth Tract, I had accused Dr.Franklinwith having acted a very disingenuous Part, in opposing and denying the Authority of theBritishParliament, to lay a Tax [the Stamp-Duty] onAmerica, when he himself had solicited to be employed as an Agent in the Collection of that very Tax. In Letters which passed between us, he denied the Charge, asserting first, that he did not make Interest for a Place in the Stamp-Office, ’till the Bill was passed into a Law;—And 2dly. that the Place, for which he asked, was not for himself, but for a Friend, one Mr.Hughes, who was accordingly appointed by Mr.Grenville. Now inConsequence of this Information, I omitted in the next Edition, the whole Paragraph, and said nothing, eitherpro, orcon, particularly relative to Dr.Franklin. And surely, every Thing considered, and thefaux pasof Dr.Franklinconcerning thestolenPapers of Mr.Wheatleyduly weighed, one would have thought, that I had made Satisfaction fully sufficient to almost any Man in such a Case, whose Pretensions toniceHonour might have been much better founded than those of Dr.Franklin. But it seems, I was mistaken: For before he leftEngland, I was called on in Print, to make Reparation to his much injured Character: And in his Absence, his Agents and Confederates, the Monthly Reviewers, have done the same.
Here therefore, I appeal to the Public, whether I have not advanced as far already in this Affair, as there was need for me to have done, supposing even (which is supposing a great deal) that every Thing which Dr.Franklinsaid was strictly true: For granting that he did not solicit for that Place in particular, yet it is a most undeniable Fact, that at the very Instant when he was declaiming at the Bar of the House of Commons, against the Authority of Parliament, he himself was anAmericanRevenue Officer, in a very lucrative Post, created by parliamentary Authority: He was a Post-Master General inNorth-America; and the Tax, which he collected, and for which he was accountable, was aninternal, as well asexternalTax. So that in short, in every, or in any Light, his Conduct was not of the spotless Kind; nor was my Accusation of Disingenuity against him the less true, whether he had solicited a Place in the Stamp-Office, or not.
While I am writing this,—a Paragraph, cut out of a News-Paper, and dated fromSalisbury,October15, is laid before me, which I am positively told, is reckoned to beUNANSWERABLE. Now I have known so many of theseUnanswerablesto shrink to nothing, when examined with any due Care and Attention, that I own I am not much frightened at the Appearance of this newAmericanGoliah. However, let us approach this formidable Champion a little nearer.
“TheAmericans, says the News-Writer, in their Addresses to the Public, urge as a Reason against Parliamentary Taxation, thegreat Disadvantagesthey incur by submitting to such numerous Restrictions in Trade, which they deem a Burden equal to, if not greater than Taxation: And they also estimate, that that Mode of contributing to the Support of theEnglishNation, is, upon the whole, more beneficial than if they were to pay their Share by being equally taxed with the Subjects of the MotherCountry: But to be obliged to submit to those numerous Restraints in Trade, and at the same Time to be subject to a parliamentary Taxation, they think is the highest Degree of Oppression.
“TheIrishsubmit to parliamentary Restraints in Trade; but then, in return, they are exempted from Taxation. Why then should theAmericansbe burdened with both, in similar Circumstances?”
Here the whole Matter of Complaint is reduced to two Heads; First, That theAmericansby being restrained in their Trade, are thereby in Effect taxed, and therefore ought not be taxed a second Time:
And 2dly, That this Hardship seems to be the more oppressive, because theIrishunder similar Circumstances, are exempted from Taxation.
With respect to the first Head, it is a mereBegging of the Question. For I have proved beyond Contradiction, that theAmericansare not, inFactandReality, restrained either in their Exports or Imports, except in a very few Articles; and that they now enjoy the very best Market whichEuropecan afford, see my 4th Tract, Page 202-209. I have proved also, thatGreat-Britainhath restrained herself in Favour ofAmericain Articles of at least as great Value and Importance, as those in which shehath restrainedAmericain Favour ofGreat-Britain. See more particularly my 3d Tract, Page 119,-121. Surely therefore these Things ought to have been taken into Consideration, and not to have been passed over, as if they had never been mentioned: And it is exceedingly unfair and disingenuous to remember every Thing which makes on one Side of a Question, and to forget the rest.
2dly, With respect to the other Head of Complaint, viz. ThatIrelandis exempted from Taxation, while such extraordinary Efforts are made for taxingAmerica, I hope what follows will be as full an Answer to this Complaint, as what has been already given was to the former.
First therefore, I observe, that with Respect to the Claim of the legislative Authority, which the Parent State makes overIrelandas well asAmerica, both Countries are exactly on the same Footing: See the 7th and 8th ofWm.III. C. 22, § 9.:—And also LordRockingham’s Act itself, respecting the Claims of the Mother-Country overAmerica:—See likewise the Declaratory Act of 6.Geo.I. C. 5, respectingIreland.
2dly. The Mother-Country hath not only asserted, but maintained her Claims alike over both Countries, in the Affair of laying a general Post-Tax on all Parts of theBritishEmpire; so that in this Respect likewise both Countries are on a Par.
But here I allow follows a wide Difference, which I will endeavour to account for, viz. TheBritishParliament never attempted to lay any internal Tax, except the Post-Tax, onIreland; whereas it is well known, that theBritishParliament did attempt to lay an internal Tax onAmerica.
Now to account for thisseemingPartiality, I have the following Points to offer; and I intreat my Readers to attend particularly to them.
1. Ireland never plunged us into any Wars since the Revolution; whereasAmericahath involved us in two, the most bloody and expensive that ever this Nation experienced; the last of which brought on a Debt of 70,000,000l. Sterling, the Interest of which we are now paying.
2. Ireland doth not drain us of any Sums of Money to support and maintain its civil and military Establishments; whereasAmericadrains us for those Purposes of upwards 300,000l. annually.
3. Ireland drains us of no Money, by Way ofBountyon the Importation of her Goods, or natural Produce into this Kingdom; whereasAmericahath drained us of at least 1,000,000l. Sterling for Bounties on Pitch and Tar, on Lumber, Indigo, &c. &c. within a few Years.
4. Ireland is continually burthened with large Pensions, some to Princes of the Blood, some to other Persons, and some to flaming Patriots: For even Patriots will accept of Pensions if they can get them, and then exclaim most bitterly—O Liberty, O my Country! WhereasAmericais totally free from this Species of Taxation, as far as I am able to trace the Matter.
Many other Articles might have been enumerated, particularly the Restraint formerly laid upon theIrishfishing on the Banks ofNewfoundland, and taken off only the last Session. But surely these are full enough; because these, I hope, will sufficiently shew, that there ought to be a wide Difference put on, every Principle of Equity and Justice, between the Case ofIrelandand that ofAmerica; and that the two Countries are by no Means in similar Circumstances.
What is now to follow, is added at the Request of a foreign Nobleman, whose good Sense and Penetration led him to discern, that a Crisis was certainly approaching, in which the Fate of this Country will be determined; and therefore wished to know, what was the Strength of each Party, and the Amount of the Forces on either Side.