[447]See above, p.600.[448]See map, p.649, below.[449]The Slavic inhabitants of Bohemia.[450]Reference, Andrews,Modern Europe, Vol. II, Chapter III.[451]He ruled until 1861 as regent for his brother, Frederick William IV, who was incapacitated by disease.[452]Reference, Fyffe,Modern Europe, pp. 954–957.[453]Andrews,Modern Europe, Vol. 2, pp. 173–180.[454]In 1869 Spain was without a king, and the crown was tendered to Leopold of Hohenzollern, a very distant relative of William I of Prussia. This greatly excited the people of Paris, for it seemed to them only an indirect way of bringing Spain under the influence of Prussia. The French minister of foreign affairs declared that the candidacy was an attempt to "reëstablish the empire of Charles V." In view of this opposition, Leopold withdrew his acceptance of the Spanish crown early in July, 1870, and Europe believed the incident to be at an end. The French ministry, however, was not satisfied with this, and demanded that the king of Prussia should pledge himself that the candidacy should never be renewed. This William refused to do. The account of the demand and refusal was given in such a way in the German newspapers that it appeared as if the French ambassador had insulted King William. The Parisians, on the other hand, thought that their ambassador had received an affront, and demanded an immediate declaration of war.[455]Reference, Fyffe,Modern Europe, pp. 988–1002.[456]Alsace had, with certain reservations,—especially as regarded Strasburg and the other free towns,—been ceded to the French king by the treaty of Westphalia (see above, p. 473). Louis XIV disregarded the reservations and seized Strasburg and the other towns (1681) and so annexed the whole region to France. The duchy of Lorraine had upon the death of its last duke fallen to France in 1766. It had previously been regarded as a part of the Holy Roman Empire. In 1871 less than a third of the original duchy of Lorraine, together with the fortified city of Metz, was ceded back to Germany.[457]The monarchical party naturally fell into two groups. One, the so-calledlegitimists, believed that the elder Bourbon line, to which Louis XVI and Charles X had belonged, should be restored in the person of the count of Chambord, a grandson of Charles X. TheOrleanists, on the other hand, wished the grandson of Louis Philippe, the count of Paris, to be king. In 1873 the Orleanists agreed to help the count of Chambord to the throne as Henry V, but that prince frustrated the plan by refusing to accept the national colors,—red, white, and blue,—which had become so endeared to the nation that it appeared dangerous to exchange them for the white of the Bourbons.[458]See above, p.75.[459]See above, pp.514,517–518,535.[460]See above, p.640.[461]Herzegovina is a small province lying between Bosnia and the Adriatic. Both Bosnia and Herzegovina appear on the map as a part of Austria, to which they now belong, to all intents and purposes. See map, p. 649, above.[462]In 1885 South Bulgaria (formerly known as Eastern Roumelia) proclaimed itself annexed to Bulgaria. The Sultan, under the influence of the western powers, permitted the prince of Bulgaria to extend his power over South Bulgaria.[463]See above, pp.351–352.[464]SeeThe Progress of the Century, Harper Bros., pp. 181–188, 232–242.[465]Reference, for the development of the inventions, Cheyney,Industrial History of England, pp. 199–216.[466]See above, p.488.[467]See above, p.500.[468]See above, p.553.[469]Reference, Cheyney,Industrial History of England, pp. 224–239.[470]For factory legislation in England, see Cheyney,Industrial History, pp. 244–262.[471]Reference, Cheyney,Industrial History, pp. 277–293.[472]England, like the continental countries, has gradually, during the nineteenth century, conceded the right to vote to almost all adult males. Before 1832 a great part of the members of the House of Commons were chosen, not by the voters at large but by a few individuals, who controlled the so-called "rotten boroughs." These boroughs had once been important enough to be asked by the king to send representatives to Parliament, but had sunk into insignificance, or even disappeared altogether. Meanwhile great manufacturing cities like Birmingham, Manchester, and Sheffield had grown up, and as there had been no redistribution of representatives after the time of Charles II, these large cities were unrepresented in Parliament. This evil was partially remedied by the famousReform Actof 1832. At the same time the amount of property which one must hold in order to be permitted to vote was reduced. In 1867 almost all of the workingmen of the cities were granted the franchise by permitting those to vote who rented a lodging costing at least fifty dollars a year. This doubled the number of voters. In 1885 the same privilege was granted to the country people.[473]See above, p.492.[474]See Sir Charles Dilke on "War," inThe Progress of the Century, 333sqq.[475]The works here enumerated are those referred to in the notes throughout the volume. They would form a valuable and inexpensive collection for use in a high school. The prices given are in most instances subject to a discount, often as high as twenty-five per cent.
[447]See above, p.600.
[447]See above, p.600.
[448]See map, p.649, below.
[448]See map, p.649, below.
[449]The Slavic inhabitants of Bohemia.
[449]The Slavic inhabitants of Bohemia.
[450]Reference, Andrews,Modern Europe, Vol. II, Chapter III.
[450]Reference, Andrews,Modern Europe, Vol. II, Chapter III.
[451]He ruled until 1861 as regent for his brother, Frederick William IV, who was incapacitated by disease.
[451]He ruled until 1861 as regent for his brother, Frederick William IV, who was incapacitated by disease.
[452]Reference, Fyffe,Modern Europe, pp. 954–957.
[452]Reference, Fyffe,Modern Europe, pp. 954–957.
[453]Andrews,Modern Europe, Vol. 2, pp. 173–180.
[453]Andrews,Modern Europe, Vol. 2, pp. 173–180.
[454]In 1869 Spain was without a king, and the crown was tendered to Leopold of Hohenzollern, a very distant relative of William I of Prussia. This greatly excited the people of Paris, for it seemed to them only an indirect way of bringing Spain under the influence of Prussia. The French minister of foreign affairs declared that the candidacy was an attempt to "reëstablish the empire of Charles V." In view of this opposition, Leopold withdrew his acceptance of the Spanish crown early in July, 1870, and Europe believed the incident to be at an end. The French ministry, however, was not satisfied with this, and demanded that the king of Prussia should pledge himself that the candidacy should never be renewed. This William refused to do. The account of the demand and refusal was given in such a way in the German newspapers that it appeared as if the French ambassador had insulted King William. The Parisians, on the other hand, thought that their ambassador had received an affront, and demanded an immediate declaration of war.
[454]In 1869 Spain was without a king, and the crown was tendered to Leopold of Hohenzollern, a very distant relative of William I of Prussia. This greatly excited the people of Paris, for it seemed to them only an indirect way of bringing Spain under the influence of Prussia. The French minister of foreign affairs declared that the candidacy was an attempt to "reëstablish the empire of Charles V." In view of this opposition, Leopold withdrew his acceptance of the Spanish crown early in July, 1870, and Europe believed the incident to be at an end. The French ministry, however, was not satisfied with this, and demanded that the king of Prussia should pledge himself that the candidacy should never be renewed. This William refused to do. The account of the demand and refusal was given in such a way in the German newspapers that it appeared as if the French ambassador had insulted King William. The Parisians, on the other hand, thought that their ambassador had received an affront, and demanded an immediate declaration of war.
[455]Reference, Fyffe,Modern Europe, pp. 988–1002.
[455]Reference, Fyffe,Modern Europe, pp. 988–1002.
[456]Alsace had, with certain reservations,—especially as regarded Strasburg and the other free towns,—been ceded to the French king by the treaty of Westphalia (see above, p. 473). Louis XIV disregarded the reservations and seized Strasburg and the other towns (1681) and so annexed the whole region to France. The duchy of Lorraine had upon the death of its last duke fallen to France in 1766. It had previously been regarded as a part of the Holy Roman Empire. In 1871 less than a third of the original duchy of Lorraine, together with the fortified city of Metz, was ceded back to Germany.
[456]Alsace had, with certain reservations,—especially as regarded Strasburg and the other free towns,—been ceded to the French king by the treaty of Westphalia (see above, p. 473). Louis XIV disregarded the reservations and seized Strasburg and the other towns (1681) and so annexed the whole region to France. The duchy of Lorraine had upon the death of its last duke fallen to France in 1766. It had previously been regarded as a part of the Holy Roman Empire. In 1871 less than a third of the original duchy of Lorraine, together with the fortified city of Metz, was ceded back to Germany.
[457]The monarchical party naturally fell into two groups. One, the so-calledlegitimists, believed that the elder Bourbon line, to which Louis XVI and Charles X had belonged, should be restored in the person of the count of Chambord, a grandson of Charles X. TheOrleanists, on the other hand, wished the grandson of Louis Philippe, the count of Paris, to be king. In 1873 the Orleanists agreed to help the count of Chambord to the throne as Henry V, but that prince frustrated the plan by refusing to accept the national colors,—red, white, and blue,—which had become so endeared to the nation that it appeared dangerous to exchange them for the white of the Bourbons.
[457]The monarchical party naturally fell into two groups. One, the so-calledlegitimists, believed that the elder Bourbon line, to which Louis XVI and Charles X had belonged, should be restored in the person of the count of Chambord, a grandson of Charles X. TheOrleanists, on the other hand, wished the grandson of Louis Philippe, the count of Paris, to be king. In 1873 the Orleanists agreed to help the count of Chambord to the throne as Henry V, but that prince frustrated the plan by refusing to accept the national colors,—red, white, and blue,—which had become so endeared to the nation that it appeared dangerous to exchange them for the white of the Bourbons.
[458]See above, p.75.
[458]See above, p.75.
[459]See above, pp.514,517–518,535.
[459]See above, pp.514,517–518,535.
[460]See above, p.640.
[460]See above, p.640.
[461]Herzegovina is a small province lying between Bosnia and the Adriatic. Both Bosnia and Herzegovina appear on the map as a part of Austria, to which they now belong, to all intents and purposes. See map, p. 649, above.
[461]Herzegovina is a small province lying between Bosnia and the Adriatic. Both Bosnia and Herzegovina appear on the map as a part of Austria, to which they now belong, to all intents and purposes. See map, p. 649, above.
[462]In 1885 South Bulgaria (formerly known as Eastern Roumelia) proclaimed itself annexed to Bulgaria. The Sultan, under the influence of the western powers, permitted the prince of Bulgaria to extend his power over South Bulgaria.
[462]In 1885 South Bulgaria (formerly known as Eastern Roumelia) proclaimed itself annexed to Bulgaria. The Sultan, under the influence of the western powers, permitted the prince of Bulgaria to extend his power over South Bulgaria.
[463]See above, pp.351–352.
[463]See above, pp.351–352.
[464]SeeThe Progress of the Century, Harper Bros., pp. 181–188, 232–242.
[464]SeeThe Progress of the Century, Harper Bros., pp. 181–188, 232–242.
[465]Reference, for the development of the inventions, Cheyney,Industrial History of England, pp. 199–216.
[465]Reference, for the development of the inventions, Cheyney,Industrial History of England, pp. 199–216.
[466]See above, p.488.
[466]See above, p.488.
[467]See above, p.500.
[467]See above, p.500.
[468]See above, p.553.
[468]See above, p.553.
[469]Reference, Cheyney,Industrial History of England, pp. 224–239.
[469]Reference, Cheyney,Industrial History of England, pp. 224–239.
[470]For factory legislation in England, see Cheyney,Industrial History, pp. 244–262.
[470]For factory legislation in England, see Cheyney,Industrial History, pp. 244–262.
[471]Reference, Cheyney,Industrial History, pp. 277–293.
[471]Reference, Cheyney,Industrial History, pp. 277–293.
[472]England, like the continental countries, has gradually, during the nineteenth century, conceded the right to vote to almost all adult males. Before 1832 a great part of the members of the House of Commons were chosen, not by the voters at large but by a few individuals, who controlled the so-called "rotten boroughs." These boroughs had once been important enough to be asked by the king to send representatives to Parliament, but had sunk into insignificance, or even disappeared altogether. Meanwhile great manufacturing cities like Birmingham, Manchester, and Sheffield had grown up, and as there had been no redistribution of representatives after the time of Charles II, these large cities were unrepresented in Parliament. This evil was partially remedied by the famousReform Actof 1832. At the same time the amount of property which one must hold in order to be permitted to vote was reduced. In 1867 almost all of the workingmen of the cities were granted the franchise by permitting those to vote who rented a lodging costing at least fifty dollars a year. This doubled the number of voters. In 1885 the same privilege was granted to the country people.
[472]England, like the continental countries, has gradually, during the nineteenth century, conceded the right to vote to almost all adult males. Before 1832 a great part of the members of the House of Commons were chosen, not by the voters at large but by a few individuals, who controlled the so-called "rotten boroughs." These boroughs had once been important enough to be asked by the king to send representatives to Parliament, but had sunk into insignificance, or even disappeared altogether. Meanwhile great manufacturing cities like Birmingham, Manchester, and Sheffield had grown up, and as there had been no redistribution of representatives after the time of Charles II, these large cities were unrepresented in Parliament. This evil was partially remedied by the famousReform Actof 1832. At the same time the amount of property which one must hold in order to be permitted to vote was reduced. In 1867 almost all of the workingmen of the cities were granted the franchise by permitting those to vote who rented a lodging costing at least fifty dollars a year. This doubled the number of voters. In 1885 the same privilege was granted to the country people.
[473]See above, p.492.
[473]See above, p.492.
[474]See Sir Charles Dilke on "War," inThe Progress of the Century, 333sqq.
[474]See Sir Charles Dilke on "War," inThe Progress of the Century, 333sqq.
[475]The works here enumerated are those referred to in the notes throughout the volume. They would form a valuable and inexpensive collection for use in a high school. The prices given are in most instances subject to a discount, often as high as twenty-five per cent.
[475]The works here enumerated are those referred to in the notes throughout the volume. They would form a valuable and inexpensive collection for use in a high school. The prices given are in most instances subject to a discount, often as high as twenty-five per cent.