[1]All things considered, the Maya may be regarded as having developed probably the highest aboriginal civilization in the Western Hemisphere, although it should be borne in mind that they were surpassed in many lines of endeavor by other races. The Inca, for example, excelled them in the arts of weaving and dyeing, the Chiriqui in metal working, and the Aztec in military proficiency.[2]The correlation of Maya and Christian chronology herein followed is that suggested by the writer in "The Correlation of Maya and Christian Chronology" (Papers of the School of American Archæology, No. 11). See Morley, 1910 b, cited inBibliography, pp.XV, XVI. There are at least six other systems of correlation, however, on which the student must pass judgment. Although no two of these agree, all are based on data derived from the same source, namely, the Books of Chilan Balam (see p.3, footnote 1). The differences among them are due to the varying interpretations of the material therein presented. Some of the systems of correlation which have been proposed, besides that of the writer, are:1. That of Mr. C. P. Bowditch (1901 a), found in his pamphlet entitled "Memoranda on the Maya Calendars used in The Books of Chilan Balam."2. That of Prof. Eduard Seler (1902-1908:I, pp. 588-599). See alsoBulletin 28, p. 330.3. That of Mr. J. T. Goodman (1905).4. That of Pio Perez, in Stephen's Incidents of Travel in Yucatan (1843:I, pp. 434-459;II, pp. 465-469) and in Landa, 1864: pp. 366-429.As before noted, these correlations differ greatly from one another, Professor Seler assigning the most remote dates to the southern cities and Mr. Goodman the most recent. The correlations of Mr. Bowditch and the writer are within 260 years of each other. Before accepting any one of the systems of correlation above mentioned, the student is strongly urged to examine with care The Books of Chilan Balam.[3]It is probable that at this early date Yucatan had not been discovered, or at least not colonized.[4]This evidence is presented by The Books of Chilan Balam, "which were copied or compiled in Yucatan by natives during the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries, from much older manuscripts now lost or destroyed. They are written in the Maya language in Latin characters, and treat, in part at least, of the history of the country before the Spanish Conquest. Each town seems to have had its own book of Chilan Balam, distinguished from others by the addition of the name of the place where it was written, as: The Book of Chilan Balam of Mani, The Book of Chilan Balam of Tizimia, and so on. Although much of the material presented in these manuscripts is apparently contradictory and obscure, their importance as original historical sources can not be overestimated, since they constitute the only native accounts of the early history of the Maya race which have survived the vandalism of the Spanish Conquerors. Of the sixteen Books of Chilan Balam now extant, only three, those of the towns of Mani, Tizimin, and Chumayel, contain historical matter. These have been translated into English, and published by Dr. D. G. Brinton [1882 b] under the title of "The Maya Chronicles." This translation with a few corrections has been freely consulted in the following discussion."—Morley, 1910 b: p. 193.Although The Books of Chilan Balam are in all probability authentic sources for the reconstruction of Maya history, they can hardly be considered contemporaneous since, as above explained, they emanate from post-Conquest times. The most that can be claimed for them in this connection is that the documents from which they were copied were probably aboriginal, and contemporaneous, or approximately so, with the later periods of the history which they record.[5]As will appear later, on the calendric side the old system of counting time and of recording events gave place to a more abbreviated though less accurate chronology. In architecture and art also the change of environment made itself felt, and in other lines as well the new land cast a strong influence over Maya thought and achievement. In his work entitled "A Study of Maya Art, its Subject Matter and Historical Development" (1913), to which students are referred for further information, Dr. H. J. Spinden has treated this subject extensively.[6]The confederation of these three Maya cities may have served as a model for the three Nahua cities, Tenochtitlan, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, when they entered into a similar alliance some four centuries later.[7]By Nahua is here meant the peoples who inhabited the valley of Mexico and adjacent territory at this time.[8]The Ball Court, a characteristically Nahua development.[9]One authority (Landa, 1864: p. 48) says in this connection: "The governor, Cocom—the ruler of Mayapan—began to covet riches; and for this purpose he treated with the people of the garrison, which the kings of Mexico had in Tabasco and Xicalango, that he should deliver his city [i. e. Mayapan] to them; and thus he brought the Mexican people to Mayapan and he oppressed the poor and made many slaves, and the lords would have killed him if they had not been afraid of the Mexicans."[10]The first appearance of the Spaniards in Yucatan was six years earlier (in 1511), when the caravel of Valdivia, returning from the Isthmus of Darien to Hispaniola, foundered near Jamaica. About 10 survivors in an open boat were driven upon the coast of Yucatan near the Island of Cozumel. Here they were made prisoners by the Maya and five, including Valdivia himself, were sacrificed. The remainder escaped only to die of starvation and hardship, with the exception of two, Geronimo de Aguilar and Gonzalo Guerrero. Both of these men had risen to considerable prominence in the country by the time Cortez arrived eight years later. Guerrero had married a chief's daughter and had himself become a chief. Later Aguilar became an interpreter for Cortez. This handful of Spaniards can hardly be called an expedition, however.[11]Diego de Landa, second bishop of Merida, whose remarkable book entitled "Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan" is the chief authority for the facts presented in the following discussion of the manners and customs of the Maya, was born in Cifuentes de l'Alcarria, Spain, in 1524. At the age of 17 he joined the Franciscan order. He came to Yucatan during the decade following the close of the Conquest, in 1549, where he was one of the most zealous of the early missionaries. In 1573 he was appointed bishop of Merida, which position he held until his death in 1579. His pricelessRelacion, written about 1565, was not printed until three centuries later, when it was discovered by the indefatigable Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg in the library of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid, and published by him in 1864. TheRelacionis the standard authority for the customs prevalent in Yucatan at the time of the Conquest, and is an invaluable aid to the student of Maya archeology. What little we know of the Maya calendar has been derived directly from the pages of this book, or by developing the material therein presented.[12]The excavations of Mr. E. H. Thompson at Labna, Yucatan, and of Dr. Merwin at Holmul, Guatemala, have confirmed Bishop Landa's statement concerning the disposal of the dead. At Labna bodies were found buried beneath the floors of the buildings, and at Holmul not only beneath the floors but also lying on them.[13]Examples of this type of burial have been found at Chichen Itza and Mayapan in Yucatan. At the former site Mr. E. H. Thompson found in the center of a large pyramid a stone-lined shaft running from the summit into the ground. This was filled with burials and funeral objects—pearls, coral, and jade, which from their precious nature indicated the remains of important personages. At Mayapan, burials were found in a shaft of similar construction and location in one of the pyramids.[14]Landa, 1864: p. 137.[15]As the result of a trip to the Maya field in the winter of 1914, the writer made important discoveries in the chronology of Tikal, Naranjo, Piedras Negras, Altar de Sacrificios, Quirigua, and Seibal. The occupancy of Tikal and Seibal was found to have extended to 10.2.0.0.0; of Piedras Negras to 9.18.5.0.0; of Naranjo to 9.19.10.0.0; and of Altar de Sacrificios to 9.14.0.0.0. (This new material is not embodied in pl.2.)[16]As will be explained in chapter V, the writer has suggested the namehotunfor the 5 tun, or 1,800 day, period.[17]Succession in the Aztec royal house was not determined by primogeniture, though the supreme office, thetlahtouani, as well as the other high offices of state, was hereditary in one family. On the death of the tlahtouani the electors (four in number) seem to have selected his successor from among his brothers, or, these failing, from among his nephews. Except as limiting the succession to one family, primogeniture does not seem to have obtained; for example, Moctezoma (Montezuma) was chosen tlahtouani over the heads of several of his older brothers because he was thought to have the best qualifications for that exalted office. The situation may be summarized by the statement that while the supreme ruler among the Aztec had to be of the "blood royal," his selection was determined by personal merit rather than by primogeniture.[18]There can be no doubt that Förstemann has identified the sign for the planet Venus and possibly a few others. (See Förstemann, 1906: p. 116.)[19]Brasseur de Bourbourg, the "discoverer" of Landa's manuscript, added several signs of his own invention to the original Landa alphabet. See his introduction to the Codex Troano published by the French Government. Leon de Rosny published an alphabet of 29 letters with numerous variants. Later Dr. F. Le Plongeon defined 23 letters with variants and made elaborate interpretations of the texts with this "alphabet" as his key. Another alphabet was that proposed by Dr. Hilborne T. Cresson, which included syllables as well as letters, and with which its originator also essayed to read the texts. Scarce worthy of mention are the alphabet and volume of interlinear translations from both the inscriptions and the codices published by F. A. de la Rochefoucauld. This is very fantastic and utterly without value unless, as Doctor Brinton says, it be taken "as a warning against the intellectual aberrations to which students of these ancient mysteries seem peculiarly prone." The late Dr. Cyrus Thomas, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, was the last of those who endeavored to interpret the Maya texts by means of alphabets; though he was perhaps the best of them all, much of his work in this particular respect will not stand.[20]Thus the whole rebus in figure14reads: "Eye bee leaf ant rose can well bear awl four ewe." These words may be replaced by their homophones as follows: "I believe Aunt Rose can well bear all for you."Rebus writing depends on the principle of homophones; that is, words or characters which sound alike but have different meanings.[21]The period of the synodical revolution of Venus as computed to-day is 583.920 days.[22]According to modern calculations, the period of the lunar revolution is 29.530588, or approximately 29½ days. For 405 revolutions the accumulated error would be .03×405=12.15 days. This error the Maya obviated by using 29.5 in some calculations and 29.6 in others, the latter offsetting the former. Thus the first 17 revolutions of the sequence are divided into three groups; the first 6 revolutions being computed at 29.5, each giving a total of 177 days; and the second 6 revolutions also being computed at 29.5 each, giving a total of another 177 days. The third group of 5 revolutions, however, was computed at 29.6 each, giving a total of 148 days. The total number of days in the first 17 revolutions was thus computed to be 177+177+147=502, which is very close to the time computed by modern calculations, 502.02.[23]This is the tropical year or the time from one equinox to its return.[24]Landa, 1864: p. 52.[25]Cogolludo, 1688:I, lib.IV,V, p. 186.[26]For example, if the revolution of Venus had been the governing phenomenon, each monument would be distant from some other by 584 days; if that of Mars, 780 days; if that of Mercury, 115 or 116 days, etc. Furthermore, the sequence, once commenced, would naturally have been more or less uninterrupted. It is hardly necessary to repeat that the intervals which have been found, namely, 7200 and 1800, rest on no known astronomical phenomena but are the direct result of the Maya vigesimal system of numeration.[27]It is possible that the Codex Peresianus may treat of historical matter, as already explained.[28]Since the sequence of the twenty day names was continuous, it is obvious that it had no beginning or ending, like the rim of a wheel; consequently any day name may be chosen arbitrarily as the starting point. In the accompanying exampleKanhas been chosen to begin with, though Bishop Landa (p. 236) states with regard to the Maya: "The character or letter with which they commence their count of the days or calendar is calledHun-ymix[i. e.1 Imix]". Again, "Here commences the count of the calendar of the Indians, saying in their languageHun Imix(*) [i. e.1 Imix]." (Ibid., p. 246.)[29]Professor Seler says the Maya of Guatemala called this period thekin katun, or "order of the days." He fails to give his authority for this statement, however, and, as will appear later, these terms have entirely different meanings. (SeeBulletin 28, p. 14.)[30]As Bishop Landa wrote not later than 1579, this is Old Style. The corresponding day in the Gregorian Calendar would be July 27.[31]This is probably to be accounted for by the fact that in the Maya system of chronology, as we shall see later, the 365-day year was not used in recording time. But that so fundamental a period had therefore no special glyph does not necessarily follow, and the writer believes the sign for the haab will yet be discovered.[32]Later researches of the writer (1914) have convinced him that figure19,c, is not a sign forUo, but a very unusual variant of the sign forZip, found only at Copan, and there only on monuments belonging to the final period.[33]The writer was able to prove during his last trip to the Maya field that figure19,f, is not a sign for the monthZotz, as suggested by Mr. Bowditch, but a very unusual form representingKankin. This identification is supported by a number of examples at Piedras Negras.[34]The meanings of these words in Nahuatl, the language spoken by the Aztec, are "year bundle" and "our years will be bound," respectively. These doubtless refer to the fact that at the expiration of this period the Aztec calendar had made one complete round; that is, the years were bound up and commenced anew.[35]Bulletin 28, p. 330.[36]All Initial Series now known, with the exception of two, have the date4 Ahau 8 Cumhuas their common point of departure. The two exceptions, the Initial Series on the east side of Stela C at Quirigua and the one on the tablet in the Temple of the Cross at Palenque, proceed from the date4 Ahau 8 Zotz—more than 5,000 years in advance of the starting point just named. The writer has no suggestions to offer in explanation of these two dates other than that he believes they refer to some mythological event. For instance, in the belief of the Maya the gods may have been born on the day4 Ahau 8 Zotz, and 5,000 years later approximately on4 Ahau 8 Cumhuthe world, including mankind, may have been created.[37]Some writers have called the date4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, the normal date, probably because it is the standard date from which practically all Maya calculations proceed. The writer has not followed this practice, however.[38]That is, dates which signified present time when they were recorded.[39]This statement does not take account of the Tuxtla Statuette and the Holactun Initial Series, which extend the range of the dated monuments to ten centuries.[40]For the discussion of the number of cycles in a great cycle, a question concerning which there are two different opinions, see pp.107et seq.[41]There are only two known exceptions to this statement, namely, the Initial Series on the Temple of the Cross at Palenque and that on the east side of Stela C at Quirigua, already noted.[42]Mr. Bowditch (1910: App. VIII, 310-18) discusses the possible meanings of this element.[43]For explanation of the term "full-figure glyphs," see p.67.[44]See the discussion of Serpent numbers in Chapter VI.[45]These three inscriptions are found on Stela N, west side, at Copan, the tablet of the Temple of the Inscriptions at Palenque, and Stela 10 at Tikal. For the discussion of these inscriptions, see pp.114-127.[46]The discussion of glyphs which may represent the great cycle or period of the 6th order will be presented on pp.114-127in connection with the discussion of numbers having six or more orders of units.[47]The figure on Zoömorph B at Quirigua, however, has a normal human head without grotesque characteristics.[48]The full-figure glyphs are included with the head variants in this proportion.[49]Any system of counting time which describes a date in such a manner that it can not recur, satisfying all the necessary conditions, for 374,400 years, must be regarded as absolutely accurate in so far as the range of human life on this planet is concerned.[50]There are a very few monuments which have two Initial Series instead of one. So far as the writer knows, only six monuments in the entire Maya area present this feature, namely, Stelæ F, D, E, and A at Quirigua, Stela 17 at Tikal, and Stela 11 at Yaxchilan.[51]Refer to p.64and figure23. It will be noted that the third tooth (i. e. day) after the one named7 Akbal 11 Cumhuis10 Cimi 14 Cumhu.[52]This method of dating does not seem to have been used with either uinal or kin period endings, probably because of the comparative frequency with which any given date might occur at the end of either of these two periods.[53]In Chapter IV it will be shown that two bars stand for the number 10. It will be necessary to anticipate the discussion of Maya numerals there presented to the extent of stating that a bar represented 5 and a dot or ball, 1. The varying combinations of these two elements gave the values up to 20.[54]The u kahlay katunob on which the historical summary given in Chapter I is based shows an absolutely uninterrupted sequence of katuns for more than 1,100 years. See Brinton (1882 b: pp. 152-164). It is necessary to note here a correction on p. 153 of that work. Doctor Brinton has omitted a Katun8 Ahaufrom this u kahlay katunob, which is present in the Berendt copy, and he has incorrectly assigned the abandonment of Chichen Itza to the preceding katun, Katun10 Ahau, whereas the Berendt copy shows this event took place during the katun omitted, Katun8 Ahau.[55]There are, of course, a few exceptions to this rule—that is, there are some monuments which indicate an interval of more than 3,000 years between the extreme dates. In such cases, however, this interval is not divided into katuns, nor in fact into any regularly recurring smaller unit, with the single exception mentioned in footnote 1, p.84.[56]On one monument, the tablet from the Temple of the Inscriptions at Palenque, there seems to be recorded a kind of u kahlay katunob; at least, there is a sequence of ten consecutive katuns.[57]The word "numeral," as used here, has been restricted to the first twenty numbers, 0 to 19, inclusive.[58]See p.96, footnote 1.[59]In one case, on the west side of Stela E at Quirigua, the number 14 is also shown with an ornamental element (*). This is very unusual and, so far as the writer knows, is the only example of its kind. The four dots in the numbers 4, 9, 14, and 19 never appear thus separated in any other text known.[60]In the examples given the numerical coefficients are attached as prefixes to the katun sign. Frequently, however, they occur as superfixes. In such cases, however, the above observations apply equally well.[61]Care should be taken to distinguish the number or figure20from any period which contained 20 periods of the order next below it; otherwise the uinal, katun, and cycle glyphs could all be construed as signs for 20, since each of these periods contains 20 units of the period next lower.[62]The Maya numbered by relative position from bottom to top, as will be presently explained.[63]This form of zero is always red and is used with black bar and dot numerals as well as with red in the codices.[64]It is interesting to note in this connection that the Zapotec made use of the same outline in graphic representations of the tonalamatl. On page 1 of the Zapotec Codex Féjerváry-Mayer an outline formed by the 260 days of the tonalamatl exactly like the one in fig.48,a, is shown.[65]This form of zero has been found only in the Dresden Codex. Its absence from the other two codices is doubtless due to the fact that the month glyphs are recorded only a very few times in them—but once in the Codex Tro-Cortesiano and three times in the Codex Peresianus.[66]The forms shown attached to these numerals are those of the day and month signs (see figs.16,17, and19,20, respectively), and of the period glyphs (see figs.25-35, inclusive). Reference to these figures will explain the English translation in the case of any form which the student may not remember.[67]The following possible exceptions, however, should be noted: In the Codex Peresianus the normal form of the tun sign sometimes occurs attached to varying heads, as (*). Whether these heads denote numerals is unknown, but the construction of this glyph in such cases (a head attached to the sign of a time period) absolutely parallels the use of head-variant numerals with time-period glyphs in the inscriptions. A much stronger example of the possible use of head numerals with period glyphs in the codices, however, is found in the Dresden Codex. Here the accompanying head (†) is almost surely that for the number 16, the hatchet eye denoting 6 and the fleshless lower jaw 10. Compare (†) with fig.53,f-i, where the head for 16 is shown. The glyph (‡) here shown is the normal form for the kin sign. Compare fig.34,b. The meaning of these two forms would thus seem to be 16 kins. In the passage in which these glyphs occur the glyph next preceding the head for 16 is "8 tuns," the numerical coefficient 8 being expressed by one bar and three dots. It seems reasonably clear here, therefore, that the form in question is a head numeral. However, these cases are so very rare and the context where they occur is so little understood, that they have been excluded in the general consideration of head-variant numerals presented above.[68]It will appear presently that the number 13 could be expressed in two different ways: (1) by a special head meaning 13, and (2) by the essential characteristic of the head for 10 applied to the head for 3 (i. e., 10 + 3 = 13).[69]For the discussion of Initial Series in cycles other than Cycle 9, see pp.194-207.[70]The subfixial element in the first three forms of fig.54does not seem to be essential, since it is wanting in the last.[71]As previously explained, the number 20 is used only in the codices and there only in connection with tonalamatls.[72]Whether the Maya used their numerical system in the inscriptions and codices for counting anything besides time is not known. As used in the texts, the numbers occur only in connection with calendric matters, at least in so far as they have been deciphered. It is true many numbers are found in both the inscriptions and codices which are attached to signs of unknown meaning, and it is possible that these may have nothing to do with the calendar. An enumeration of cities or towns, or of tribute rolls, for example, may be recorded in some of these places. Both of these subjects are treated of in the Aztec manuscripts and may well be present in Maya texts.[73]The numerals and periods given in fig.56are expressed by their normal forms in every case, since these may be more readily recognized than the corresponding head variants, and consequently entail less work for the student. It should be borne in mind, however, that any bar and dot numeral or any period in fig.56could be expressed equally well by its corresponding head form without affecting in the least the values of the resulting numbers.[74]There may be three other numbers in the inscriptions which are considerably higher (see pp.114-127).[75]These are: (1) The tablet from the Temple of the Cross at Palenque; (2) Altar 1 at Piedras Negras; and (3) The east side of Stela C at Quirigua.[76]This case occurs on the tablet from the Temple of the Foliated Cross at Palenque.[77]It seems probable that the number on the north side of Stela C at Copan was not counted from the date4 Ahau 8 Cumhu. The writer has not been able to satisfy himself, however, that this number is an Initial Series.[78]Mr. Bowditch (1910: pp. 41-42) notes a seeming exception to this, not in the inscription, however, but in the Dresden Codex, in which, in a series of numbers on pp. 71-73, the number 390 is written 19 uinals and 10 kins, instead of 1 tun, 1 uinal, and 10 kins.[79]That it was a Cycle 13 is shown from the fact that it was just 13 cycles in advance of Cycle 13 ending on the date4 Ahau 8 Cumhu.[80]See p.156and fig.66for method of designating the individual glyphs in a text.[81]The kins are missing from this number (see A9, fig.60). At the maximum, however, they could increase this large number only by 19. They have been used here as at 0.[82]As will be explained presently, the kin sign is frequently omitted and its coefficient attached to the uinal glyph. See p.127.[83]Glyph A9 is missing but undoubtedly was the kin sign and coefficient.[84]The lowest period, the kin, is missing. See A9, fig.60.[85]The use of the word "generally" seems reasonable here; these three texts come from widely separated centers—Copan in the extreme southeast, Palenque in the extreme west, and Tikal in the central part of the area.[86]A few exceptions to this have been noted on pp.127,128.[87]The Books of Chilan Balam have been included here as they are also expressions of the native Maya mind.[88]This excludes, of course, the use of the numerals 1 to 13, inclusive, in the day names, and in the numeration of the cycles; also the numerals 0 to 19, inclusive, when used to denote the positions of the days in the divisions of the year, and the position of any period in the division next higher.[89]Various methods and tables have been devised to avoid the necessity of reducing the higher terms of Maya numbers to units of the first order. Of the former, that suggested by Mr. Bowditch (1910: pp. 302-309) is probably the most serviceable. Of the tables Mr. Goodman's Archæic Annual Calendar and Archæic Chronological Calendar (1897) are by far the best. By using either of the above the necessity of reducing the higher terms to units of the first order is obviated. On the other hand, the processes by means of which this is achieved in each case are far more complicated and less easy of comprehension than those of the method followed in this book, a method which from its simplicity might be termed perhaps the logical way, since it reduces all quantities to a primary unit, which is the same as the primary unit of the Maya calendar. This method was first devised by Prof. Ernst Förstemann, and has the advantage of being the most readily understood by the beginner, sufficient reason for its use in this book.[90]This number is formed on the basis of 20 cycles to a great cycle (20×144,000=2,880,000). The writer assumes that he has established the fact that 20 cycles were required to make 1 great cycle, in the inscriptions as well as in the codices.[91]This is true in spite of the fact that in the codices the starting points frequently appear to follow—that is, they stand below—the numbers which are counted from them. In reality such cases are perfectly regular and conform to this rule, because there the order is not from top to bottom but from bottom to top, and, therefore, when read in this direction the dates come first.[92]These intervening glyphs the writer believes, as stated in Chapter II, are those which tell the real story of the inscriptions.[93]Only two exceptions to this rule have been noted throughout the Maya territory: (1) The Initial Series on the east side of Stela C at Quirigua, and (2) the tablet from the Temple of the Cross at Palenque. It has been explained that both of these Initial Series are counted from the date4 Ahau 8 Zotz.[94]In the inscriptions an Initial Series may always be identified by the so-called introducing glyph (see fig.24) which invariably precedes it.[95]Professor Förstemann has pointed out a few cases in the Dresden Codex in which, although the count is backward, the special character indicating the fact is wanting (fig.64). (SeeBulletin28, p. 401.)[96]There are a few cases in which the "backward sign" includes also the numeral in the second position.[97]In the text wherein this number is found the date4 Ahau 8 Camhustands below the lowest term.[98]It should be noted here that in theu kahlay katunobalso, from the Books of Chilan Balam, the count is always forward.[99]For transcribing the Maya numerical notation into the characters of our own Arabic notation Maya students have adopted the practice of writing the various terms from left to right in adescendingseries, as the units of our decimal system are written. For example, 4 katuns, 8 tuns, 3 uinals, and 1 kin are written 4.8.3.1; and 9 cycles, 16 katuns, 1 tun, 0 uinal, and 0 kins are written 9.16.1.0.0. According to this method, the highest term in each number is written on the left, the next lower on its right, the next lower on the right of that, and so on down through the units of the first, or lowest, order. This notation is very convenient for transcribing the Maya numbers and will be followed hereafter.[100]The reason for rejecting all parts of the quotient except the numerator of the fractional part is that this part alone shows the actual number of units which have to be counted either forward or backward, as the count may be, in order to reach the number which exactly uses up or finishes the dividend—the last unit of the number which has to be counted.[101]The student can prove this point for himself by turning to the tonalamatl wheel in pl.5; after selecting any particular day, as1 Ikfor example, proceed to count 260 days from this day as a starting point, in either direction around the wheel. No matter in which direction he has counted, whether beginning with13 Imixor2 Akbal, the 260th day will be1 Ikagain.[102]The student may prove this for himself by reducing 9.0.0.0.0 to days (1,296,000), and counting forward this number from the date4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, as described in the rules on pages138-143. The terminal date reached will be8 Ahau 13 Ceh, as given above.[103]Numbers may also be added to or subtracted from Period-ending dates, since the positions of such dates are also fixed in the Long Count, and consequently may be used as bases of reference for dates whose positions in the Long Count are not recorded.[104]In adding two Maya numbers, for example 9.12.2.0.16 and 12.9.5, care should be taken first to arrange like units under like, as:9.12.2.0.1612.9.5———————9.12.14.10.1Next, beginning at the right, the kins or units of the 1st place are added together, and after all the 20s (here 1) have been deducted from this sum, place the remainder (here 1) in the kin place. Next add the uinals, or units of the 2d place, adding to them 1 for each 20 which was carried forward from the 1st place. After all the 18s possible have been deducted from this sum (here 0) place the remainder (here 10) in the uinal place. Next add the tuns, or units of the 3d place, adding to them 1 for each 18 which was carried forward from the 2d place, and after deducting all the 20s possible (here 0) place the remainder (here 14) in the tun place. Proceed in this manner until the highest units present have been added and written below.Subtraction is just the reverse of the preceding. Using the same numbers:9.12.2.0.1612.9.5———————9.11.9.9.115 kins from 16 = 11; 9 uinals from 18 uinals (1 tun has to be borrowed) = 9; 12 tuns from 21 tuns (1 katun has to be borrowed, which, added to the 1 tun left in the minuend, makes 21 tuns) = 9 tuns; 0 katuns from 11 katuns (1 katun having been borrowed) = 11 katuns; and 0 cycles from 9 cycles = 9 cycles.[105]The Supplementary Series present perhaps the most promising field for future study and investigation in the Maya texts. They clearly have to do with a numerical count of some kind, which of itself should greatly facilitate progress in their interpretation. Mr. Goodman (1897: p. 118) has suggested that in some way the Supplementary Series record the dates of the Initial Series they accompany according to some other and unknown method, though he offers no proof in support of this hypothesis. Mr. Bowditch (1910: p. 244) believes they probably relate to time, because the glyphs of which they are composed have numbers attached to them. He has suggested the name Supplementary Series by which they are known, implying in the designation that these Series in some way supplement or complete the meaning of the Initial Series with which they are so closely connected. The writer believes that they treat of some lunar count. It seems almost certain that the moon glyph occurs repeatedly in the Supplementary Series (see fig.65).[106]The word "closing" as used here means only that in reading from left to right and from top to bottom—that is, in the normal order—the sign shown in fig.65is always the last one in the Supplementary Series, usually standing immediately before the month glyph of the Initial-series terminal date. It does not signify, however, that the Supplementary Series were to be read in this direction, and, indeed, there are strong indications that they followed the reverse order, from right to left and bottom to top.[107]In a few cases the sign shown in fig.65occurs elsewhere in the Supplementary Series than as its "closing" glyph. In such cases its coefficient is not restricted to the number 9 or 10.[108]In the codices frequently the month parts of dates are omitted and starting points and terminal dates alike are expressed as days only; thus,2 Ahau, 5 Imix, 7 Kan,etc. This is nearly always the case in tonalamatls and in certain series of numbers in the Dresden Codex.[109]Only a very few month signs seem to be recorded in the Codex Tro-Cortesiano and the Codex Peresianus. The Tro-Cortesiano has only one (p. 73b), in which the date13 Ahau 13 Cumhuis recorded thus (*). Compare the month form in this date with fig.20,z-b'. Mr. Gates (1910: p. 21) finds three month signs in the Codex Peresianus, on pp. 4, 7, and 18 at 4c7, 7c2, and 18b4, respectively. The first of these is16 Zac(**). Compare this form with fig.20,o. The second is1 Yaxkin(†). Compare this form with fig.20,i-j. The third is12 Cumhu(††); see fig.20,z-b'.[110]As used throughout this work, the word "inscriptions" is applied only to texts from the monuments.[111]The term glyph-block has been used instead of glyph in this connection because in many inscriptions several different glyphs are included in one glyph-block. In such cases, however, the glyphs within the glyph-block follow precisely the same order as the glyph-blocks themselves follow in the pairs of columns, that is, from left to right and top to bottom.[112]Initial Series which have all their period glyphs expressed by normal forms are comparatively rare; consequently the four examples presented in pl.6, although they are the best of their kind, leave something to be desired in other ways. In pl.6,A, for example, the month sign was partially effaced though it is restored in the accompanying reproduction; inBof the same plate the closing glyph of the Supplementary Series (the month-sign indicator) is wanting, although the month sign itself is very clear. Again, inDthe details of the day glyph and month glyph are partially effaced (restored in the reproduction), and inC, although the entire text is very clear, the month sign of the terminal date irregularly follows immediately the day sign. However, in spite of these slight irregularities, it has seemed best to present these particular texts as the first examples of Initial Series, because their period glyphs are expressed by normal forms exclusively, which, as pointed out above, are more easily recognized on account of their greater differentiation than the corresponding head variants.[113]In most of the examples presented in this chapter the full inscription is not shown, only that part of the text illustrating the particular point in question being given. For this reason reference will be made in each case to the publication in which the entire inscription has been reproduced. The full text on Zoömorph P at Quirigua will be found in Maudslay, 1889-1902:II, pls. 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 63, 64.[114]All glyphs expressed in this way are to be understood as inclusive. Thus A1-B2 signifies 4 glyphs, namely, A1, B1, A2, B2,[115]The introducing glyph, so far as the writer knows, always stands at the beginning of an inscription, or in the second glyph-block, that is, at the top. Hence an Initial Series can never precede it.[116]The Initial Series on Stela 10 at Tikal is the only exception known. See pp.123-127.[117]As will appear in the following examples, nearly all Initial Series have 9 as their cycle coefficient.[118]In the present case therefore so far as these calculations are concerned, 3,900 is the equivalent of 1,427,400.[119]It should be remembered in this connection, as explained on pp.47,55, that the positions in the divisions of the year which the Maya called 3, 8, 13, and 18 correspond in our method of naming the positions of the days in the months to the 4th, 9th, 14th, and 19th positions, respectively.[120]As stated in footnote 1, p.152, the meaning of the Supplementary Series has not yet been worked out.[121]The reasons which have led the writer to this conclusion are given at some length on pp.33-36.[122]For the full text of this inscription see Maler, 1908 b: pl. 36.[123]Since nothing but Initial-series texts will be presented in the plates and figures immediately following, a fact which the student will readily detect by the presence of the introducing glyph at the head of each text, it is unnecessary to repeat for each new text step 2 (p.135) and step 3 (p.136), which explain how to determine the starting point of the count and the direction of the count, respectively; and the student may assume that the starting point of the several Initial Series hereinafter figured will always be the date4 Ahau 8 Cumhuand that the direction of the count will always be forward.[124]As will appear later, in connection with the discussion of the Secondary Series, the Initial-series date of a monument does not always correspond with the ending date of the period whose close the monument marks. In other words, the Initial-series date is not always the date contemporaneous with the formal dedication of the monument as a time-marker. This point will appear much more clearly when the function of Secondary Series has been explained.[125]For the full text of this inscription see Hewett, 1911: pl.XXXVC.[126]So far as the writer knows, the existence of a period containing 5 tuns has not been suggested heretofore. The very general practice of closing inscriptions with the end of some particular 5-tun period in the Long Count, as 9.18.5.0.0, or 9.18.10.0.0, or 9.18.15.0.0, or 9.19.0.0.0, for example, seems to indicate that this period was the unit used for measuring time in Maya chronological records, at least in the southern cities. Consequently, it seems likely that there was a special glyph to express this unit.[127]For the full text of this inscription see Maler, 1908 b: pl. 39.[128]The student should note that from this point steps 2 (p.139) and 3 (p.140) have been omitted in discussing each text (see p. 162, footnote 3).[129]In each of the above cases—and, indeed, in all the examples following—the student should perform the various calculations by which the results are reached, in order to familiarize himself with the workings of the Maya chronological system.[130]The student may apply a check at this point to his identification of the day sign in A4 as being that for the dayEb. Since the month coefficient in A7 is surely 10 (2 bars), it is clear from TableVIIthat the only days which can occupy this position in any division of the year areIk, Manik, Eb, andCaban. Now, by comparing the sign in A4 with the signs forIk, Manik, andCaban,c, j, anda', b', respectively, of fig.16, it is very evident that A4 bears no resemblance to any of them; hence, sinceEbis the only one left which can occupy a position 10, the day sign in A4 must beEb, a fact supported by the comparison of A4 with fig.16,s-u, above.[131]The full text of this inscription will be found in Maudslay, 1889-1901:I, pls. 35-37.[132]The full text of this inscription is given in Maudslay, 1889-1902:I, pls. 27-30.[133]Note the decoration on the numerical bar.[134]So far as known to the writer, this very unusual variant for the closing glyph of the Supplementary Series occurs in but two other inscriptions in the Maya territory, namely, on Stela N at Copan. See pl.26, Glyph A14, and Inscription 6 of the Hieroglyphic Stairway at Naranjo, Glyph A1 (?). (Maler, 1908 b: pl. 27.)[135]For the full text of this inscription see Maudslay, 1889-1902:I, pls. 105-107.[136]In this glyph-block, A4, the order of reading is irregular; instead of passing over to B4a after reading A4a (the 10 tuns), the next glyph to be read is the sign below A4a, A4b, which records 0 uinals, and only after this has been read does B4a follow.[137]Texts illustrating the head-variant numerals in full will be presented later.[138]The preceding hotun ended with the day 9.12.5.0.03 Ahau 3 Xuland therefore the opening day of the next hotun, 1 day later, will be 9.12.5.0.14 Imix 4 Xul.[139]For the full text of this inscription, see Maudslay, 1889-1902:I, pls. 109, 110.[140]The oldest Initial Series at Copan is recorded on Stela 15, which is 40 years older than Stela 9. For a discussion of this text see pp.187,188.[141]An exception to this statement should be noted in an Initial Series on the Hieroglyphic Stairway, which records the date 9.5.19.3.08 Ahau 3 Zotz. The above remark applies only to the large monuments, which, the writer believes, were period-markers. Stela 9 is therefore the next to the oldest "period stone" yet discovered at Copan. It is more than likely, however, that there are several older ones as yet undeciphered.[142]For the full text of this inscription, see Maudslay, 1889-1902:II, pls. 17-19.[143]Although this date is considerably older than that on Stela 9 at Copan, its several glyphs present none of the marks of antiquity noted in connection with the preceding example (pl.8,B). For example, the ends of the bars denoting 5 are not square but round, and the head-variant period glyphs do not show the same elaborate and ornate treatment as in the Copan text. This apparent contradiction permits of an easy explanation. Although the Initial Series on the west side of Stela C at Quirigua undoubtedly refers to an earlier date than the Initial Series on the Copan monument, it does not follow that the Quirigua monument is the older of the two. This is true because on the other side of this same stela at Quirigua is recorded another date, 9.17.5.0.06 Ahau 13 Kayab, more than three hundred years later than the Initial Series 9.1.0.0.0 6Ahau 13 Yaxkinon the west side, and this later date is doubtless the one which referred to present time when this monument was erected. Therefore the Initial Series 9.1.0.0.06 Ahau 13 Yaxkindoes not represent the period which Stela C was erected to mark, but some far earlier date in Maya history.[144]For the full text of this inscription see Maudslay, 1889-1902:I, pl. 74.[145]For the full text of this inscription see Maler, 1903:II, No. 2, pls. 74, 75.[146]For the full text of this inscription see Maler, 1903:II, No. 2, pl. 79, 2.[147]For the full text of this inscription see Maler, 1911:V, No. 1, pl. 15.[148]As used throughout this book, the expression "the contemporaneous date" designates the time when the monument on which such a date is found was put into formal use, that is, the time of its erection. As will appear later in the discussion of the Secondary Series, many monuments present several dates between the extremes of which elapse long periods. Obviously, only one of the dates thus recorded can represent the time at which the monument was erected. In such inscriptions the final date is almost invariably the one designating contemporaneous time, and the earlier dates refer probably to historical, traditional, or even mythological events in the Maya past. Thus the Initial Series 9.0.19.2.42 Kan 2 Yaxon Lintel 21 at Yaxchilan, 9.1.0.0.06 Ahau 13 Yazkinon the west side of Stela C at Quirigua, and 9.4.0.0.013 Ahau 18 Yaxfrom the Temple of the Inscriptions at Palenque, all refer probably to earlier historical or traditional events in the past of these three cities, but they do not indicate the dates at which they were severally recorded. As Initial Series which refer to purely mythological events may be classed the Initial Series from the Temples of the Sun, Cross, and Foliated Cross at Palenque, and from the east side of Stela C at Quirigua, all of which are concerned with dates centering around or at the beginning of Maya chronology. Stela 3 at Tikal (the text here under discussion), on the other hand, has but one date, which probably refers to the time of its erection, and is therefore contemporaneous.
[1]All things considered, the Maya may be regarded as having developed probably the highest aboriginal civilization in the Western Hemisphere, although it should be borne in mind that they were surpassed in many lines of endeavor by other races. The Inca, for example, excelled them in the arts of weaving and dyeing, the Chiriqui in metal working, and the Aztec in military proficiency.
[2]The correlation of Maya and Christian chronology herein followed is that suggested by the writer in "The Correlation of Maya and Christian Chronology" (Papers of the School of American Archæology, No. 11). See Morley, 1910 b, cited inBibliography, pp.XV, XVI. There are at least six other systems of correlation, however, on which the student must pass judgment. Although no two of these agree, all are based on data derived from the same source, namely, the Books of Chilan Balam (see p.3, footnote 1). The differences among them are due to the varying interpretations of the material therein presented. Some of the systems of correlation which have been proposed, besides that of the writer, are:
1. That of Mr. C. P. Bowditch (1901 a), found in his pamphlet entitled "Memoranda on the Maya Calendars used in The Books of Chilan Balam."
2. That of Prof. Eduard Seler (1902-1908:I, pp. 588-599). See alsoBulletin 28, p. 330.
3. That of Mr. J. T. Goodman (1905).
4. That of Pio Perez, in Stephen's Incidents of Travel in Yucatan (1843:I, pp. 434-459;II, pp. 465-469) and in Landa, 1864: pp. 366-429.
As before noted, these correlations differ greatly from one another, Professor Seler assigning the most remote dates to the southern cities and Mr. Goodman the most recent. The correlations of Mr. Bowditch and the writer are within 260 years of each other. Before accepting any one of the systems of correlation above mentioned, the student is strongly urged to examine with care The Books of Chilan Balam.
[3]It is probable that at this early date Yucatan had not been discovered, or at least not colonized.
[4]This evidence is presented by The Books of Chilan Balam, "which were copied or compiled in Yucatan by natives during the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries, from much older manuscripts now lost or destroyed. They are written in the Maya language in Latin characters, and treat, in part at least, of the history of the country before the Spanish Conquest. Each town seems to have had its own book of Chilan Balam, distinguished from others by the addition of the name of the place where it was written, as: The Book of Chilan Balam of Mani, The Book of Chilan Balam of Tizimia, and so on. Although much of the material presented in these manuscripts is apparently contradictory and obscure, their importance as original historical sources can not be overestimated, since they constitute the only native accounts of the early history of the Maya race which have survived the vandalism of the Spanish Conquerors. Of the sixteen Books of Chilan Balam now extant, only three, those of the towns of Mani, Tizimin, and Chumayel, contain historical matter. These have been translated into English, and published by Dr. D. G. Brinton [1882 b] under the title of "The Maya Chronicles." This translation with a few corrections has been freely consulted in the following discussion."—Morley, 1910 b: p. 193.
Although The Books of Chilan Balam are in all probability authentic sources for the reconstruction of Maya history, they can hardly be considered contemporaneous since, as above explained, they emanate from post-Conquest times. The most that can be claimed for them in this connection is that the documents from which they were copied were probably aboriginal, and contemporaneous, or approximately so, with the later periods of the history which they record.
[5]As will appear later, on the calendric side the old system of counting time and of recording events gave place to a more abbreviated though less accurate chronology. In architecture and art also the change of environment made itself felt, and in other lines as well the new land cast a strong influence over Maya thought and achievement. In his work entitled "A Study of Maya Art, its Subject Matter and Historical Development" (1913), to which students are referred for further information, Dr. H. J. Spinden has treated this subject extensively.
[6]The confederation of these three Maya cities may have served as a model for the three Nahua cities, Tenochtitlan, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, when they entered into a similar alliance some four centuries later.
[7]By Nahua is here meant the peoples who inhabited the valley of Mexico and adjacent territory at this time.
[8]The Ball Court, a characteristically Nahua development.
[9]One authority (Landa, 1864: p. 48) says in this connection: "The governor, Cocom—the ruler of Mayapan—began to covet riches; and for this purpose he treated with the people of the garrison, which the kings of Mexico had in Tabasco and Xicalango, that he should deliver his city [i. e. Mayapan] to them; and thus he brought the Mexican people to Mayapan and he oppressed the poor and made many slaves, and the lords would have killed him if they had not been afraid of the Mexicans."
[10]The first appearance of the Spaniards in Yucatan was six years earlier (in 1511), when the caravel of Valdivia, returning from the Isthmus of Darien to Hispaniola, foundered near Jamaica. About 10 survivors in an open boat were driven upon the coast of Yucatan near the Island of Cozumel. Here they were made prisoners by the Maya and five, including Valdivia himself, were sacrificed. The remainder escaped only to die of starvation and hardship, with the exception of two, Geronimo de Aguilar and Gonzalo Guerrero. Both of these men had risen to considerable prominence in the country by the time Cortez arrived eight years later. Guerrero had married a chief's daughter and had himself become a chief. Later Aguilar became an interpreter for Cortez. This handful of Spaniards can hardly be called an expedition, however.
[11]Diego de Landa, second bishop of Merida, whose remarkable book entitled "Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan" is the chief authority for the facts presented in the following discussion of the manners and customs of the Maya, was born in Cifuentes de l'Alcarria, Spain, in 1524. At the age of 17 he joined the Franciscan order. He came to Yucatan during the decade following the close of the Conquest, in 1549, where he was one of the most zealous of the early missionaries. In 1573 he was appointed bishop of Merida, which position he held until his death in 1579. His pricelessRelacion, written about 1565, was not printed until three centuries later, when it was discovered by the indefatigable Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg in the library of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid, and published by him in 1864. TheRelacionis the standard authority for the customs prevalent in Yucatan at the time of the Conquest, and is an invaluable aid to the student of Maya archeology. What little we know of the Maya calendar has been derived directly from the pages of this book, or by developing the material therein presented.
[12]The excavations of Mr. E. H. Thompson at Labna, Yucatan, and of Dr. Merwin at Holmul, Guatemala, have confirmed Bishop Landa's statement concerning the disposal of the dead. At Labna bodies were found buried beneath the floors of the buildings, and at Holmul not only beneath the floors but also lying on them.
[13]Examples of this type of burial have been found at Chichen Itza and Mayapan in Yucatan. At the former site Mr. E. H. Thompson found in the center of a large pyramid a stone-lined shaft running from the summit into the ground. This was filled with burials and funeral objects—pearls, coral, and jade, which from their precious nature indicated the remains of important personages. At Mayapan, burials were found in a shaft of similar construction and location in one of the pyramids.
[14]Landa, 1864: p. 137.
[15]As the result of a trip to the Maya field in the winter of 1914, the writer made important discoveries in the chronology of Tikal, Naranjo, Piedras Negras, Altar de Sacrificios, Quirigua, and Seibal. The occupancy of Tikal and Seibal was found to have extended to 10.2.0.0.0; of Piedras Negras to 9.18.5.0.0; of Naranjo to 9.19.10.0.0; and of Altar de Sacrificios to 9.14.0.0.0. (This new material is not embodied in pl.2.)
[16]As will be explained in chapter V, the writer has suggested the namehotunfor the 5 tun, or 1,800 day, period.
[17]Succession in the Aztec royal house was not determined by primogeniture, though the supreme office, thetlahtouani, as well as the other high offices of state, was hereditary in one family. On the death of the tlahtouani the electors (four in number) seem to have selected his successor from among his brothers, or, these failing, from among his nephews. Except as limiting the succession to one family, primogeniture does not seem to have obtained; for example, Moctezoma (Montezuma) was chosen tlahtouani over the heads of several of his older brothers because he was thought to have the best qualifications for that exalted office. The situation may be summarized by the statement that while the supreme ruler among the Aztec had to be of the "blood royal," his selection was determined by personal merit rather than by primogeniture.
[18]There can be no doubt that Förstemann has identified the sign for the planet Venus and possibly a few others. (See Förstemann, 1906: p. 116.)
[19]Brasseur de Bourbourg, the "discoverer" of Landa's manuscript, added several signs of his own invention to the original Landa alphabet. See his introduction to the Codex Troano published by the French Government. Leon de Rosny published an alphabet of 29 letters with numerous variants. Later Dr. F. Le Plongeon defined 23 letters with variants and made elaborate interpretations of the texts with this "alphabet" as his key. Another alphabet was that proposed by Dr. Hilborne T. Cresson, which included syllables as well as letters, and with which its originator also essayed to read the texts. Scarce worthy of mention are the alphabet and volume of interlinear translations from both the inscriptions and the codices published by F. A. de la Rochefoucauld. This is very fantastic and utterly without value unless, as Doctor Brinton says, it be taken "as a warning against the intellectual aberrations to which students of these ancient mysteries seem peculiarly prone." The late Dr. Cyrus Thomas, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, was the last of those who endeavored to interpret the Maya texts by means of alphabets; though he was perhaps the best of them all, much of his work in this particular respect will not stand.
[20]Thus the whole rebus in figure14reads: "Eye bee leaf ant rose can well bear awl four ewe." These words may be replaced by their homophones as follows: "I believe Aunt Rose can well bear all for you."
Rebus writing depends on the principle of homophones; that is, words or characters which sound alike but have different meanings.
[21]The period of the synodical revolution of Venus as computed to-day is 583.920 days.
[22]According to modern calculations, the period of the lunar revolution is 29.530588, or approximately 29½ days. For 405 revolutions the accumulated error would be .03×405=12.15 days. This error the Maya obviated by using 29.5 in some calculations and 29.6 in others, the latter offsetting the former. Thus the first 17 revolutions of the sequence are divided into three groups; the first 6 revolutions being computed at 29.5, each giving a total of 177 days; and the second 6 revolutions also being computed at 29.5 each, giving a total of another 177 days. The third group of 5 revolutions, however, was computed at 29.6 each, giving a total of 148 days. The total number of days in the first 17 revolutions was thus computed to be 177+177+147=502, which is very close to the time computed by modern calculations, 502.02.
[23]This is the tropical year or the time from one equinox to its return.
[24]Landa, 1864: p. 52.
[25]Cogolludo, 1688:I, lib.IV,V, p. 186.
[26]For example, if the revolution of Venus had been the governing phenomenon, each monument would be distant from some other by 584 days; if that of Mars, 780 days; if that of Mercury, 115 or 116 days, etc. Furthermore, the sequence, once commenced, would naturally have been more or less uninterrupted. It is hardly necessary to repeat that the intervals which have been found, namely, 7200 and 1800, rest on no known astronomical phenomena but are the direct result of the Maya vigesimal system of numeration.
[27]It is possible that the Codex Peresianus may treat of historical matter, as already explained.
[28]Since the sequence of the twenty day names was continuous, it is obvious that it had no beginning or ending, like the rim of a wheel; consequently any day name may be chosen arbitrarily as the starting point. In the accompanying exampleKanhas been chosen to begin with, though Bishop Landa (p. 236) states with regard to the Maya: "The character or letter with which they commence their count of the days or calendar is calledHun-ymix[i. e.1 Imix]". Again, "Here commences the count of the calendar of the Indians, saying in their languageHun Imix(*) [i. e.1 Imix]." (Ibid., p. 246.)
[29]Professor Seler says the Maya of Guatemala called this period thekin katun, or "order of the days." He fails to give his authority for this statement, however, and, as will appear later, these terms have entirely different meanings. (SeeBulletin 28, p. 14.)
[30]As Bishop Landa wrote not later than 1579, this is Old Style. The corresponding day in the Gregorian Calendar would be July 27.
[31]This is probably to be accounted for by the fact that in the Maya system of chronology, as we shall see later, the 365-day year was not used in recording time. But that so fundamental a period had therefore no special glyph does not necessarily follow, and the writer believes the sign for the haab will yet be discovered.
[32]Later researches of the writer (1914) have convinced him that figure19,c, is not a sign forUo, but a very unusual variant of the sign forZip, found only at Copan, and there only on monuments belonging to the final period.
[33]The writer was able to prove during his last trip to the Maya field that figure19,f, is not a sign for the monthZotz, as suggested by Mr. Bowditch, but a very unusual form representingKankin. This identification is supported by a number of examples at Piedras Negras.
[34]The meanings of these words in Nahuatl, the language spoken by the Aztec, are "year bundle" and "our years will be bound," respectively. These doubtless refer to the fact that at the expiration of this period the Aztec calendar had made one complete round; that is, the years were bound up and commenced anew.
[35]Bulletin 28, p. 330.
[36]All Initial Series now known, with the exception of two, have the date4 Ahau 8 Cumhuas their common point of departure. The two exceptions, the Initial Series on the east side of Stela C at Quirigua and the one on the tablet in the Temple of the Cross at Palenque, proceed from the date4 Ahau 8 Zotz—more than 5,000 years in advance of the starting point just named. The writer has no suggestions to offer in explanation of these two dates other than that he believes they refer to some mythological event. For instance, in the belief of the Maya the gods may have been born on the day4 Ahau 8 Zotz, and 5,000 years later approximately on4 Ahau 8 Cumhuthe world, including mankind, may have been created.
[37]Some writers have called the date4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, the normal date, probably because it is the standard date from which practically all Maya calculations proceed. The writer has not followed this practice, however.
[38]That is, dates which signified present time when they were recorded.
[39]This statement does not take account of the Tuxtla Statuette and the Holactun Initial Series, which extend the range of the dated monuments to ten centuries.
[40]For the discussion of the number of cycles in a great cycle, a question concerning which there are two different opinions, see pp.107et seq.
[41]There are only two known exceptions to this statement, namely, the Initial Series on the Temple of the Cross at Palenque and that on the east side of Stela C at Quirigua, already noted.
[42]Mr. Bowditch (1910: App. VIII, 310-18) discusses the possible meanings of this element.
[43]For explanation of the term "full-figure glyphs," see p.67.
[44]See the discussion of Serpent numbers in Chapter VI.
[45]These three inscriptions are found on Stela N, west side, at Copan, the tablet of the Temple of the Inscriptions at Palenque, and Stela 10 at Tikal. For the discussion of these inscriptions, see pp.114-127.
[46]The discussion of glyphs which may represent the great cycle or period of the 6th order will be presented on pp.114-127in connection with the discussion of numbers having six or more orders of units.
[47]The figure on Zoömorph B at Quirigua, however, has a normal human head without grotesque characteristics.
[48]The full-figure glyphs are included with the head variants in this proportion.
[49]Any system of counting time which describes a date in such a manner that it can not recur, satisfying all the necessary conditions, for 374,400 years, must be regarded as absolutely accurate in so far as the range of human life on this planet is concerned.
[50]There are a very few monuments which have two Initial Series instead of one. So far as the writer knows, only six monuments in the entire Maya area present this feature, namely, Stelæ F, D, E, and A at Quirigua, Stela 17 at Tikal, and Stela 11 at Yaxchilan.
[51]Refer to p.64and figure23. It will be noted that the third tooth (i. e. day) after the one named7 Akbal 11 Cumhuis10 Cimi 14 Cumhu.
[52]This method of dating does not seem to have been used with either uinal or kin period endings, probably because of the comparative frequency with which any given date might occur at the end of either of these two periods.
[53]In Chapter IV it will be shown that two bars stand for the number 10. It will be necessary to anticipate the discussion of Maya numerals there presented to the extent of stating that a bar represented 5 and a dot or ball, 1. The varying combinations of these two elements gave the values up to 20.
[54]The u kahlay katunob on which the historical summary given in Chapter I is based shows an absolutely uninterrupted sequence of katuns for more than 1,100 years. See Brinton (1882 b: pp. 152-164). It is necessary to note here a correction on p. 153 of that work. Doctor Brinton has omitted a Katun8 Ahaufrom this u kahlay katunob, which is present in the Berendt copy, and he has incorrectly assigned the abandonment of Chichen Itza to the preceding katun, Katun10 Ahau, whereas the Berendt copy shows this event took place during the katun omitted, Katun8 Ahau.
[55]There are, of course, a few exceptions to this rule—that is, there are some monuments which indicate an interval of more than 3,000 years between the extreme dates. In such cases, however, this interval is not divided into katuns, nor in fact into any regularly recurring smaller unit, with the single exception mentioned in footnote 1, p.84.
[56]On one monument, the tablet from the Temple of the Inscriptions at Palenque, there seems to be recorded a kind of u kahlay katunob; at least, there is a sequence of ten consecutive katuns.
[57]The word "numeral," as used here, has been restricted to the first twenty numbers, 0 to 19, inclusive.
[58]See p.96, footnote 1.
[59]In one case, on the west side of Stela E at Quirigua, the number 14 is also shown with an ornamental element (*). This is very unusual and, so far as the writer knows, is the only example of its kind. The four dots in the numbers 4, 9, 14, and 19 never appear thus separated in any other text known.
[60]In the examples given the numerical coefficients are attached as prefixes to the katun sign. Frequently, however, they occur as superfixes. In such cases, however, the above observations apply equally well.
[61]Care should be taken to distinguish the number or figure20from any period which contained 20 periods of the order next below it; otherwise the uinal, katun, and cycle glyphs could all be construed as signs for 20, since each of these periods contains 20 units of the period next lower.
[62]The Maya numbered by relative position from bottom to top, as will be presently explained.
[63]This form of zero is always red and is used with black bar and dot numerals as well as with red in the codices.
[64]It is interesting to note in this connection that the Zapotec made use of the same outline in graphic representations of the tonalamatl. On page 1 of the Zapotec Codex Féjerváry-Mayer an outline formed by the 260 days of the tonalamatl exactly like the one in fig.48,a, is shown.
[65]This form of zero has been found only in the Dresden Codex. Its absence from the other two codices is doubtless due to the fact that the month glyphs are recorded only a very few times in them—but once in the Codex Tro-Cortesiano and three times in the Codex Peresianus.
[66]The forms shown attached to these numerals are those of the day and month signs (see figs.16,17, and19,20, respectively), and of the period glyphs (see figs.25-35, inclusive). Reference to these figures will explain the English translation in the case of any form which the student may not remember.
[67]The following possible exceptions, however, should be noted: In the Codex Peresianus the normal form of the tun sign sometimes occurs attached to varying heads, as (*). Whether these heads denote numerals is unknown, but the construction of this glyph in such cases (a head attached to the sign of a time period) absolutely parallels the use of head-variant numerals with time-period glyphs in the inscriptions. A much stronger example of the possible use of head numerals with period glyphs in the codices, however, is found in the Dresden Codex. Here the accompanying head (†) is almost surely that for the number 16, the hatchet eye denoting 6 and the fleshless lower jaw 10. Compare (†) with fig.53,f-i, where the head for 16 is shown. The glyph (‡) here shown is the normal form for the kin sign. Compare fig.34,b. The meaning of these two forms would thus seem to be 16 kins. In the passage in which these glyphs occur the glyph next preceding the head for 16 is "8 tuns," the numerical coefficient 8 being expressed by one bar and three dots. It seems reasonably clear here, therefore, that the form in question is a head numeral. However, these cases are so very rare and the context where they occur is so little understood, that they have been excluded in the general consideration of head-variant numerals presented above.
[68]It will appear presently that the number 13 could be expressed in two different ways: (1) by a special head meaning 13, and (2) by the essential characteristic of the head for 10 applied to the head for 3 (i. e., 10 + 3 = 13).
[69]For the discussion of Initial Series in cycles other than Cycle 9, see pp.194-207.
[70]The subfixial element in the first three forms of fig.54does not seem to be essential, since it is wanting in the last.
[71]As previously explained, the number 20 is used only in the codices and there only in connection with tonalamatls.
[72]Whether the Maya used their numerical system in the inscriptions and codices for counting anything besides time is not known. As used in the texts, the numbers occur only in connection with calendric matters, at least in so far as they have been deciphered. It is true many numbers are found in both the inscriptions and codices which are attached to signs of unknown meaning, and it is possible that these may have nothing to do with the calendar. An enumeration of cities or towns, or of tribute rolls, for example, may be recorded in some of these places. Both of these subjects are treated of in the Aztec manuscripts and may well be present in Maya texts.
[73]The numerals and periods given in fig.56are expressed by their normal forms in every case, since these may be more readily recognized than the corresponding head variants, and consequently entail less work for the student. It should be borne in mind, however, that any bar and dot numeral or any period in fig.56could be expressed equally well by its corresponding head form without affecting in the least the values of the resulting numbers.
[74]There may be three other numbers in the inscriptions which are considerably higher (see pp.114-127).
[75]These are: (1) The tablet from the Temple of the Cross at Palenque; (2) Altar 1 at Piedras Negras; and (3) The east side of Stela C at Quirigua.
[76]This case occurs on the tablet from the Temple of the Foliated Cross at Palenque.
[77]It seems probable that the number on the north side of Stela C at Copan was not counted from the date4 Ahau 8 Cumhu. The writer has not been able to satisfy himself, however, that this number is an Initial Series.
[78]Mr. Bowditch (1910: pp. 41-42) notes a seeming exception to this, not in the inscription, however, but in the Dresden Codex, in which, in a series of numbers on pp. 71-73, the number 390 is written 19 uinals and 10 kins, instead of 1 tun, 1 uinal, and 10 kins.
[79]That it was a Cycle 13 is shown from the fact that it was just 13 cycles in advance of Cycle 13 ending on the date4 Ahau 8 Cumhu.
[80]See p.156and fig.66for method of designating the individual glyphs in a text.
[81]The kins are missing from this number (see A9, fig.60). At the maximum, however, they could increase this large number only by 19. They have been used here as at 0.
[82]As will be explained presently, the kin sign is frequently omitted and its coefficient attached to the uinal glyph. See p.127.
[83]Glyph A9 is missing but undoubtedly was the kin sign and coefficient.
[84]The lowest period, the kin, is missing. See A9, fig.60.
[85]The use of the word "generally" seems reasonable here; these three texts come from widely separated centers—Copan in the extreme southeast, Palenque in the extreme west, and Tikal in the central part of the area.
[86]A few exceptions to this have been noted on pp.127,128.
[87]The Books of Chilan Balam have been included here as they are also expressions of the native Maya mind.
[88]This excludes, of course, the use of the numerals 1 to 13, inclusive, in the day names, and in the numeration of the cycles; also the numerals 0 to 19, inclusive, when used to denote the positions of the days in the divisions of the year, and the position of any period in the division next higher.
[89]Various methods and tables have been devised to avoid the necessity of reducing the higher terms of Maya numbers to units of the first order. Of the former, that suggested by Mr. Bowditch (1910: pp. 302-309) is probably the most serviceable. Of the tables Mr. Goodman's Archæic Annual Calendar and Archæic Chronological Calendar (1897) are by far the best. By using either of the above the necessity of reducing the higher terms to units of the first order is obviated. On the other hand, the processes by means of which this is achieved in each case are far more complicated and less easy of comprehension than those of the method followed in this book, a method which from its simplicity might be termed perhaps the logical way, since it reduces all quantities to a primary unit, which is the same as the primary unit of the Maya calendar. This method was first devised by Prof. Ernst Förstemann, and has the advantage of being the most readily understood by the beginner, sufficient reason for its use in this book.
[90]This number is formed on the basis of 20 cycles to a great cycle (20×144,000=2,880,000). The writer assumes that he has established the fact that 20 cycles were required to make 1 great cycle, in the inscriptions as well as in the codices.
[91]This is true in spite of the fact that in the codices the starting points frequently appear to follow—that is, they stand below—the numbers which are counted from them. In reality such cases are perfectly regular and conform to this rule, because there the order is not from top to bottom but from bottom to top, and, therefore, when read in this direction the dates come first.
[92]These intervening glyphs the writer believes, as stated in Chapter II, are those which tell the real story of the inscriptions.
[93]Only two exceptions to this rule have been noted throughout the Maya territory: (1) The Initial Series on the east side of Stela C at Quirigua, and (2) the tablet from the Temple of the Cross at Palenque. It has been explained that both of these Initial Series are counted from the date4 Ahau 8 Zotz.
[94]In the inscriptions an Initial Series may always be identified by the so-called introducing glyph (see fig.24) which invariably precedes it.
[95]Professor Förstemann has pointed out a few cases in the Dresden Codex in which, although the count is backward, the special character indicating the fact is wanting (fig.64). (SeeBulletin28, p. 401.)
[96]There are a few cases in which the "backward sign" includes also the numeral in the second position.
[97]In the text wherein this number is found the date4 Ahau 8 Camhustands below the lowest term.
[98]It should be noted here that in theu kahlay katunobalso, from the Books of Chilan Balam, the count is always forward.
[99]For transcribing the Maya numerical notation into the characters of our own Arabic notation Maya students have adopted the practice of writing the various terms from left to right in adescendingseries, as the units of our decimal system are written. For example, 4 katuns, 8 tuns, 3 uinals, and 1 kin are written 4.8.3.1; and 9 cycles, 16 katuns, 1 tun, 0 uinal, and 0 kins are written 9.16.1.0.0. According to this method, the highest term in each number is written on the left, the next lower on its right, the next lower on the right of that, and so on down through the units of the first, or lowest, order. This notation is very convenient for transcribing the Maya numbers and will be followed hereafter.
[100]The reason for rejecting all parts of the quotient except the numerator of the fractional part is that this part alone shows the actual number of units which have to be counted either forward or backward, as the count may be, in order to reach the number which exactly uses up or finishes the dividend—the last unit of the number which has to be counted.
[101]The student can prove this point for himself by turning to the tonalamatl wheel in pl.5; after selecting any particular day, as1 Ikfor example, proceed to count 260 days from this day as a starting point, in either direction around the wheel. No matter in which direction he has counted, whether beginning with13 Imixor2 Akbal, the 260th day will be1 Ikagain.
[102]The student may prove this for himself by reducing 9.0.0.0.0 to days (1,296,000), and counting forward this number from the date4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, as described in the rules on pages138-143. The terminal date reached will be8 Ahau 13 Ceh, as given above.
[103]Numbers may also be added to or subtracted from Period-ending dates, since the positions of such dates are also fixed in the Long Count, and consequently may be used as bases of reference for dates whose positions in the Long Count are not recorded.
[104]In adding two Maya numbers, for example 9.12.2.0.16 and 12.9.5, care should be taken first to arrange like units under like, as:
Next, beginning at the right, the kins or units of the 1st place are added together, and after all the 20s (here 1) have been deducted from this sum, place the remainder (here 1) in the kin place. Next add the uinals, or units of the 2d place, adding to them 1 for each 20 which was carried forward from the 1st place. After all the 18s possible have been deducted from this sum (here 0) place the remainder (here 10) in the uinal place. Next add the tuns, or units of the 3d place, adding to them 1 for each 18 which was carried forward from the 2d place, and after deducting all the 20s possible (here 0) place the remainder (here 14) in the tun place. Proceed in this manner until the highest units present have been added and written below.
Subtraction is just the reverse of the preceding. Using the same numbers:
5 kins from 16 = 11; 9 uinals from 18 uinals (1 tun has to be borrowed) = 9; 12 tuns from 21 tuns (1 katun has to be borrowed, which, added to the 1 tun left in the minuend, makes 21 tuns) = 9 tuns; 0 katuns from 11 katuns (1 katun having been borrowed) = 11 katuns; and 0 cycles from 9 cycles = 9 cycles.
[105]The Supplementary Series present perhaps the most promising field for future study and investigation in the Maya texts. They clearly have to do with a numerical count of some kind, which of itself should greatly facilitate progress in their interpretation. Mr. Goodman (1897: p. 118) has suggested that in some way the Supplementary Series record the dates of the Initial Series they accompany according to some other and unknown method, though he offers no proof in support of this hypothesis. Mr. Bowditch (1910: p. 244) believes they probably relate to time, because the glyphs of which they are composed have numbers attached to them. He has suggested the name Supplementary Series by which they are known, implying in the designation that these Series in some way supplement or complete the meaning of the Initial Series with which they are so closely connected. The writer believes that they treat of some lunar count. It seems almost certain that the moon glyph occurs repeatedly in the Supplementary Series (see fig.65).
[106]The word "closing" as used here means only that in reading from left to right and from top to bottom—that is, in the normal order—the sign shown in fig.65is always the last one in the Supplementary Series, usually standing immediately before the month glyph of the Initial-series terminal date. It does not signify, however, that the Supplementary Series were to be read in this direction, and, indeed, there are strong indications that they followed the reverse order, from right to left and bottom to top.
[107]In a few cases the sign shown in fig.65occurs elsewhere in the Supplementary Series than as its "closing" glyph. In such cases its coefficient is not restricted to the number 9 or 10.
[108]In the codices frequently the month parts of dates are omitted and starting points and terminal dates alike are expressed as days only; thus,2 Ahau, 5 Imix, 7 Kan,etc. This is nearly always the case in tonalamatls and in certain series of numbers in the Dresden Codex.
[109]Only a very few month signs seem to be recorded in the Codex Tro-Cortesiano and the Codex Peresianus. The Tro-Cortesiano has only one (p. 73b), in which the date13 Ahau 13 Cumhuis recorded thus (*). Compare the month form in this date with fig.20,z-b'. Mr. Gates (1910: p. 21) finds three month signs in the Codex Peresianus, on pp. 4, 7, and 18 at 4c7, 7c2, and 18b4, respectively. The first of these is16 Zac(**). Compare this form with fig.20,o. The second is1 Yaxkin(†). Compare this form with fig.20,i-j. The third is12 Cumhu(††); see fig.20,z-b'.
[110]As used throughout this work, the word "inscriptions" is applied only to texts from the monuments.
[111]The term glyph-block has been used instead of glyph in this connection because in many inscriptions several different glyphs are included in one glyph-block. In such cases, however, the glyphs within the glyph-block follow precisely the same order as the glyph-blocks themselves follow in the pairs of columns, that is, from left to right and top to bottom.
[112]Initial Series which have all their period glyphs expressed by normal forms are comparatively rare; consequently the four examples presented in pl.6, although they are the best of their kind, leave something to be desired in other ways. In pl.6,A, for example, the month sign was partially effaced though it is restored in the accompanying reproduction; inBof the same plate the closing glyph of the Supplementary Series (the month-sign indicator) is wanting, although the month sign itself is very clear. Again, inDthe details of the day glyph and month glyph are partially effaced (restored in the reproduction), and inC, although the entire text is very clear, the month sign of the terminal date irregularly follows immediately the day sign. However, in spite of these slight irregularities, it has seemed best to present these particular texts as the first examples of Initial Series, because their period glyphs are expressed by normal forms exclusively, which, as pointed out above, are more easily recognized on account of their greater differentiation than the corresponding head variants.
[113]In most of the examples presented in this chapter the full inscription is not shown, only that part of the text illustrating the particular point in question being given. For this reason reference will be made in each case to the publication in which the entire inscription has been reproduced. The full text on Zoömorph P at Quirigua will be found in Maudslay, 1889-1902:II, pls. 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 63, 64.
[114]All glyphs expressed in this way are to be understood as inclusive. Thus A1-B2 signifies 4 glyphs, namely, A1, B1, A2, B2,
[115]The introducing glyph, so far as the writer knows, always stands at the beginning of an inscription, or in the second glyph-block, that is, at the top. Hence an Initial Series can never precede it.
[116]The Initial Series on Stela 10 at Tikal is the only exception known. See pp.123-127.
[117]As will appear in the following examples, nearly all Initial Series have 9 as their cycle coefficient.
[118]In the present case therefore so far as these calculations are concerned, 3,900 is the equivalent of 1,427,400.
[119]It should be remembered in this connection, as explained on pp.47,55, that the positions in the divisions of the year which the Maya called 3, 8, 13, and 18 correspond in our method of naming the positions of the days in the months to the 4th, 9th, 14th, and 19th positions, respectively.
[120]As stated in footnote 1, p.152, the meaning of the Supplementary Series has not yet been worked out.
[121]The reasons which have led the writer to this conclusion are given at some length on pp.33-36.
[122]For the full text of this inscription see Maler, 1908 b: pl. 36.
[123]Since nothing but Initial-series texts will be presented in the plates and figures immediately following, a fact which the student will readily detect by the presence of the introducing glyph at the head of each text, it is unnecessary to repeat for each new text step 2 (p.135) and step 3 (p.136), which explain how to determine the starting point of the count and the direction of the count, respectively; and the student may assume that the starting point of the several Initial Series hereinafter figured will always be the date4 Ahau 8 Cumhuand that the direction of the count will always be forward.
[124]As will appear later, in connection with the discussion of the Secondary Series, the Initial-series date of a monument does not always correspond with the ending date of the period whose close the monument marks. In other words, the Initial-series date is not always the date contemporaneous with the formal dedication of the monument as a time-marker. This point will appear much more clearly when the function of Secondary Series has been explained.
[125]For the full text of this inscription see Hewett, 1911: pl.XXXVC.
[126]So far as the writer knows, the existence of a period containing 5 tuns has not been suggested heretofore. The very general practice of closing inscriptions with the end of some particular 5-tun period in the Long Count, as 9.18.5.0.0, or 9.18.10.0.0, or 9.18.15.0.0, or 9.19.0.0.0, for example, seems to indicate that this period was the unit used for measuring time in Maya chronological records, at least in the southern cities. Consequently, it seems likely that there was a special glyph to express this unit.
[127]For the full text of this inscription see Maler, 1908 b: pl. 39.
[128]The student should note that from this point steps 2 (p.139) and 3 (p.140) have been omitted in discussing each text (see p. 162, footnote 3).
[129]In each of the above cases—and, indeed, in all the examples following—the student should perform the various calculations by which the results are reached, in order to familiarize himself with the workings of the Maya chronological system.
[130]The student may apply a check at this point to his identification of the day sign in A4 as being that for the dayEb. Since the month coefficient in A7 is surely 10 (2 bars), it is clear from TableVIIthat the only days which can occupy this position in any division of the year areIk, Manik, Eb, andCaban. Now, by comparing the sign in A4 with the signs forIk, Manik, andCaban,c, j, anda', b', respectively, of fig.16, it is very evident that A4 bears no resemblance to any of them; hence, sinceEbis the only one left which can occupy a position 10, the day sign in A4 must beEb, a fact supported by the comparison of A4 with fig.16,s-u, above.
[131]The full text of this inscription will be found in Maudslay, 1889-1901:I, pls. 35-37.
[132]The full text of this inscription is given in Maudslay, 1889-1902:I, pls. 27-30.
[133]Note the decoration on the numerical bar.
[134]So far as known to the writer, this very unusual variant for the closing glyph of the Supplementary Series occurs in but two other inscriptions in the Maya territory, namely, on Stela N at Copan. See pl.26, Glyph A14, and Inscription 6 of the Hieroglyphic Stairway at Naranjo, Glyph A1 (?). (Maler, 1908 b: pl. 27.)
[135]For the full text of this inscription see Maudslay, 1889-1902:I, pls. 105-107.
[136]In this glyph-block, A4, the order of reading is irregular; instead of passing over to B4a after reading A4a (the 10 tuns), the next glyph to be read is the sign below A4a, A4b, which records 0 uinals, and only after this has been read does B4a follow.
[137]Texts illustrating the head-variant numerals in full will be presented later.
[138]The preceding hotun ended with the day 9.12.5.0.03 Ahau 3 Xuland therefore the opening day of the next hotun, 1 day later, will be 9.12.5.0.14 Imix 4 Xul.
[139]For the full text of this inscription, see Maudslay, 1889-1902:I, pls. 109, 110.
[140]The oldest Initial Series at Copan is recorded on Stela 15, which is 40 years older than Stela 9. For a discussion of this text see pp.187,188.
[141]An exception to this statement should be noted in an Initial Series on the Hieroglyphic Stairway, which records the date 9.5.19.3.08 Ahau 3 Zotz. The above remark applies only to the large monuments, which, the writer believes, were period-markers. Stela 9 is therefore the next to the oldest "period stone" yet discovered at Copan. It is more than likely, however, that there are several older ones as yet undeciphered.
[142]For the full text of this inscription, see Maudslay, 1889-1902:II, pls. 17-19.
[143]Although this date is considerably older than that on Stela 9 at Copan, its several glyphs present none of the marks of antiquity noted in connection with the preceding example (pl.8,B). For example, the ends of the bars denoting 5 are not square but round, and the head-variant period glyphs do not show the same elaborate and ornate treatment as in the Copan text. This apparent contradiction permits of an easy explanation. Although the Initial Series on the west side of Stela C at Quirigua undoubtedly refers to an earlier date than the Initial Series on the Copan monument, it does not follow that the Quirigua monument is the older of the two. This is true because on the other side of this same stela at Quirigua is recorded another date, 9.17.5.0.06 Ahau 13 Kayab, more than three hundred years later than the Initial Series 9.1.0.0.0 6Ahau 13 Yaxkinon the west side, and this later date is doubtless the one which referred to present time when this monument was erected. Therefore the Initial Series 9.1.0.0.06 Ahau 13 Yaxkindoes not represent the period which Stela C was erected to mark, but some far earlier date in Maya history.
[144]For the full text of this inscription see Maudslay, 1889-1902:I, pl. 74.
[145]For the full text of this inscription see Maler, 1903:II, No. 2, pls. 74, 75.
[146]For the full text of this inscription see Maler, 1903:II, No. 2, pl. 79, 2.
[147]For the full text of this inscription see Maler, 1911:V, No. 1, pl. 15.
[148]As used throughout this book, the expression "the contemporaneous date" designates the time when the monument on which such a date is found was put into formal use, that is, the time of its erection. As will appear later in the discussion of the Secondary Series, many monuments present several dates between the extremes of which elapse long periods. Obviously, only one of the dates thus recorded can represent the time at which the monument was erected. In such inscriptions the final date is almost invariably the one designating contemporaneous time, and the earlier dates refer probably to historical, traditional, or even mythological events in the Maya past. Thus the Initial Series 9.0.19.2.42 Kan 2 Yaxon Lintel 21 at Yaxchilan, 9.1.0.0.06 Ahau 13 Yazkinon the west side of Stela C at Quirigua, and 9.4.0.0.013 Ahau 18 Yaxfrom the Temple of the Inscriptions at Palenque, all refer probably to earlier historical or traditional events in the past of these three cities, but they do not indicate the dates at which they were severally recorded. As Initial Series which refer to purely mythological events may be classed the Initial Series from the Temples of the Sun, Cross, and Foliated Cross at Palenque, and from the east side of Stela C at Quirigua, all of which are concerned with dates centering around or at the beginning of Maya chronology. Stela 3 at Tikal (the text here under discussion), on the other hand, has but one date, which probably refers to the time of its erection, and is therefore contemporaneous.