Fellow-Citizens:
A regard for your good opinion, and a wish to promote the cause, which, as Abolitionists, lies near our hearts, is our motive for addressing you. We think the opposition to our enterprise arises either from commercial, political or domestic connections with Slavery, or from misapprehensions respecting our principles, measures and prospects. We desire no better means of overcoming these obstacles than a fair statement of facts; and to this we now solicit your attention.
A regard for your good opinion, and a wish to promote the cause, which, as Abolitionists, lies near our hearts, is our motive for addressing you. We think the opposition to our enterprise arises either from commercial, political or domestic connections with Slavery, or from misapprehensions respecting our principles, measures and prospects. We desire no better means of overcoming these obstacles than a fair statement of facts; and to this we now solicit your attention.
We believe that all men are born free and equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
We believe Slavery is an infraction of these rights, a violation of the principles of christianity, and under all circumstances sinful.
We believe that Slavery is a great national evil, political as well as moral, opposed to the genius of a republican government, highly dangerous to the peace and permanency of the Union, and if persisted in, destined to bring upon us the severest judgments of Heaven.
We believe the immediate abolition of slavery would be safe and wise, and that it is the duty of every friend of humanity to use all fair and just means for its accomplishment.
We believe we have a right to express and publish our opinions respecting the customs and institutions of the people of this and every other country; and if we think them in any degree immoral, unequal, or oppressive, we are under the highest obligations, in the exercise of all honest and lawful means, to change them.
We believe that Slavery in the several states can be lawfully abolished only by the legislatures of the states in which it prevails, and that the exercise of any other than moral means to induce such abolition, is unconstitutional.
We believe that Congress has a right to abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the Territories, and to prohibit the slave trade between the states, and that the exercise of this right is required by the divine law, and by the interests of our country.
We believe that no class of men can rightfully be denied,on account of their color, the enjoyment of equal rights with others, in the protection, immunities and administration of the government under which they live.
These are our sentiments. We regret to say they are not collectively the sentiments of our countrymen. It is for our zeal in propagating them, that we have been assailed with unmeasured abuse and lawless violence. We think it of high importance to our country and the world that they should be received by all the people. What the effect of their general reception in the free states would be, is very apparent.
We should abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia.There Congress has exclusive jurisdiction on all subjects whatsoever, including of course the subject of Slavery.—This is admitted by Martin Van Buren, Henry Clay, and an overwhelming majority of the present Congress. The Abolitionists are to a man in favor of the exercise of this right. If, therefore, the free states werethoroughlyabolitionized, their Senators and Representatives, who yet compose a majority in Congress, would at once bow to the supremacy of their constituents, and abolish Slavery.
We should prohibit the inter state Slave-Trade.This trade has recently been carried on to a greater extent than ever was the foreign slave trade; it being estimated that not less than 120,000 slaves were exported from Virginia alone, within little more than a year, and removed for the most part to the southwestern states. Four of these states are said by their own papers, to have received within the same period, about 250,000 slaves from the old states. How many tender ties have in one short year been broken by this detestable business! How much bodily suffering has been endured! How much guilt has been contracted! This cruel and wicked traffic is at the foundation of a system of breeding slaves for market, which is prosecuted on a large scale, corrupting all concerned, by its licentiousness and barbarity. Congress has a right to prohibit and suppress this trade, under that article of the Constitution which empowers Congress to regulate commerce with foreign nations and between the several states. Were a majority of the citizens of the free states decided Abolitionists, this right could be exercised. We should insist upon it. Why then do notthey, who profess to regard theslave tradeas the worst feature of Slavery, join with us against it?
We should prevent the annexation of Texas to the United States.The South has long had her eye on that fine and extensive country, intending to get it by purchase or stratagem, for the purpose of opening a market for her redundant slave population, and of securing the balance of power in the general government to the slave-holding interest. Every enemy of Slavery and friend offreelabor, ought to oppose this design. We apprehend that if the annexation of Texas to our country should not involve us in war with Mexico and Great Britain, it would either lead to a dissolution of the union, or indefinitely prolong the existence of Slavery. The Abolitionists are now preparing petitions to Congress, protesting against this insane measure; and were the citizens of the free states generally to join them, and load the tables of Congress with several millions of signatures to these protests, the danger would be averted. But they will not do it,becausethey are not Abolitionists; and we must, therefore, in all probabilitytakeTexas.
We should admit no new slave states to the Union.Had our sentiments prevailed when the Missouri question was decided, the fine soil of that state would not now be cursed with Slavery. She was admitted to the union by northern men. They legalized the sin. It is a sad proof of the corruption ofourpublic sentiment that several of these traitors to liberty, have, since that disgraceful vote was given, been elevated to the first offices in the gift of New England; and this without any signs of their repentance. Arkansas has also been lately admitted to the Union by northern votes, with the singular provision in her constitution, that her legislature shall have no power to abolish Slavery; so that the “peculiar institution” may last until the greatest knave in the state is heartily weary and ashamed of it. Northern men thus voted forperpetualSlavery; and this they did in the confident expectation of being re-elected to Congress. Had they known a majority of their constituents to be Abolitionists, they would have voted differently. Should Florida benextadmitted to the Union as aslavestate, the south will have a majority in the Senate. Who can predict the consequences? But were the free states thoroughly abolitionized, Florida would never come into the Union as aslaveState; for Abolitionists are inprincipleopposed to it.
We should also prohibit the slave trade between the United States and Texas.In the constitution of Texas, whose independence has already been acknowledged by our government, Slavery is established as a permanent institution of the country, and a monopoly of the slave trade granted to the United States. Already thousands of slaves have been sent there, and unless something is done to prevent it, vessels will soon be fitted out in northern ports, to carry slaves from Virginia to Texas, as well as to New Orleans; and this, whether Texas is annexed to the United States, or remains independent. Were the citizens of the free states generally Abolitionists, they would not allow a legal commerce in slaves from our Republic to a foreign nation.
We should save our own youth from the pollution and guilt of Slavery.They would not directly participate in it. When they go to the South they would neither buy norhireslaves. Hitherto nothing has been more common than for our best and most intelligent young men, the sons of our ministers and church members, to become slave-holders. At home they were not taught the inherent and necessary sinfulness of Slavery; at the South the practice was recommended to them by the example and plausible pretexts of the best men. They were accustomed from their childhood to see slave-holders treated with respect because they were rich in human chattels, without hearing a word respecting theextortionby which their wealth comes. Hence many of the merchants, physicians, lawyers, planters, teachers and clergymen of the South, though northern men by birth, are either slave-holders or abettors of the system. This would not be the case, had our declaration of sentiments been taught from the first by our parents and teachers, and been made thecherishedcreed of the free states. Then the combined instructions of the nursery, of the school, and of the pulpit, together with the impressive power of a sound public sentiment, would haveestablishedour youth in the love and veneration of human rights; in sympathy for the colored man; in hatred of oppression. Thus would the general reception of our sentiments withdraw from Slavery one of its main supports, and at the same time rescue our sons and daughters from the unutterable calamity of becoming rich by the spoiling of the poor.
We should establish the liberties of the free states on a firm foundation.We are not so connected with the slave-states that we must necessarily perish in their ruin. If the judgments of heaven should overtake them, we may bespared; should their liberties be prostrated, ours may survive. It depends on our character and conduct. A people who respect the rights of others, will have their own rights respected. Regarding man, of whatever color and condition, as entitled to the sacred rights of liberty, of property, and of personal security, they will neither forge chains for others, nor suffer chains to be imposed on themselves. Nor will God forsake them. Such are the character and security of Abolitionists. Read our declaration of sentiments. We go forhuman nature. We protest against Slavery, because it is an infraction of the rights ofMAN. We know that our entire country has forfeited her freedom, by oppressing the colored man; still we believe we may, by hearty repentance and the adoption of just and humane sentiments, appease the wrath of heaven, and should our nation be rent in two, preserve our own liberties. But if we continue to connive at this wickedness, nothing is more certain than our ruin in the common destruction of the country.
The free people of color would rapidly improve in their moral and physical condition.A load of prejudice now crushes them in the dust. They cannot rise because they are deprived of the motives and facilities for self-improvement. They are a proscribed people.It is a calamity in this Christian country to be born with a colored skin.It shuts out human beings from schools and colleges, from the mechanical arts, from the house of God, from a share in the government of the nation, from social intercourse with their fellow-creatures, from the best incitements to virtue and enterprise. We freely confess, that the Abolitionists, if a majority, would correct all these evils, and cause men in this so called christian and democratic country, to be treated, according to the bible without distinction of color.
We should do much to vindicate the honor and truth of christianity.Slavery is thestrongesthold of infidelity at the South, and astronghold at the North. It is so because, while natural religion declares Slavery to be sinful, the ministers and professors of christianity practice it, and defend their conduct from the bible. Such a religion, says the infidel cannot be from God. It is thus that the church is bringing into contempt and doubt our blessed religion. It would greatly counteract this prolific cause of infidelity, were all our churches, ministers, and theological professors, to embrace and advocate the true doctrine of human rights as itis set forth in the word of God. We should then hold up to the world, this internal evidence of the divine origin of the bible, that, being written in ages of darkness and despotism, it notwithstanding clearly recognizes and protectsMANas the possessor of natural, inalienable, sacred rights. Instead of doing this, many northern preachers of the gospel, are now blaspheming their religion, by saying that both Moses and Christ tolerated Slavery.
We should no longer uphold Slavery by recognizing slave-holders as brethren in good and regular standing in the Church.We now receive to the table of the Redeemer, without one word of admonition, men, who at the South, make merchandize of the image of God, of their fellow-christians. What is still more astonishing if not more wicked, we receive slave-holders to our pulpits, to preach to us about loving God andMan! Thus we practically say, that Slavery is consistent both with morality and the gospel of Christ. Were we Abolitionists, it would be far otherwise; for they do not think it right to lend the sanction of the church to such outrageous wickedness.
Such would besomeof the happy results of the general adoption of our sentiments in the free states, if nothing more could be effected. But we doubt not it would issue inthe peaceable abolition of Slavery by the several slave states. This is the principal object of our enterprise; and on a strong probability of success, we are willing to rest its character.
The constitutional action of Congress in the ways above named, would do much to induce the South to abolish Slavery.Its abolition in the District of Columbia by the assembled wisdom of the country, would exert a powerful influence on the southern mind. It would be the testimony of the nation, corroborating the testimony of every truly civilized and christian people, to the impolicy and wickedness of Slavery. The prohibition of the inter state slave-trade, and the confinement of Slavery to its present local limits would render it unprofitable to the old states, which depend on this trade as the chief source of profit; and also drive the new states to the necessity of introducing free labor; for how could they otherwise cultivate their immense tracts of virgin land, or supply the deficit occasioned by the rapid consumption of life on their cotton and sugar plantations?
We should make a still moredirect appeal to her interests, by saying:You may keep your cotton, rice, and sugar,until you have abolished Slavery. We shall no longer use the products of unrequited labor.It would then be a question of dollars and cents with her, whether or not she would give liberty to her captives. We should not be obliged to deny ourselves the use of her productions one year; for her states would vie with each other to see which could obtain a monopoly of northern patronage by first abolishing Slavery. Many northern men have been bought by southern patronage todo wrong; is it not equally possible to buy the south with northern patronage todo right; Human nature is every where the same. We should indeed regret to have Slavery abandoned from an exclusive regard to self-interest. We would rather it should be destroyed by the spirit of repentance; for then the emancipated slave would still be treated with justice and humanity. But no means of bringing the South to repentance can be more promising, than theconscientiousrefusal, by northern men, of all sects and parties, to sustain Slavery, by consuming its produce. At present this cannot be done on a scale sufficiently large to secure, certainly and immediately, the abolition of Slavery; but were the North completely abolitionized, no doubt she would do it with the most triumphant success.
We should move the South to abandon Slavery, by appealing to her love of reputation.The South shows herself sensitive on this point. Said Mr. Calhoun in the United States Senate, “do they, [his southern opponents,] expect the Abolitionists will resort to arms, and commence a crusade to liberate our slaves by force? Is this what they mean when they speak of the attempt to abolish Slavery? If so let me tell our friends of the South who differ from us, that the war which the Abolitionists wage against us is of a very different character andfar more effective—it is waged not against ourlives, but ourcharacter.” Had he saidour reputations and consciences, he would have told the truth. We do intend to make Slaverydisgraceful. Sin ought to be esteemed a reproach to any people. Were all northern men of our way of thinking, this sin would be as infamous as any other kind offraud and villainy. Theworldis now pointing the finger of scorn atslave-holding America. The free states bear a merited portion of the shame, because we share largely in the responsibility. As we have taken Slavery under our patronage, and consented to stand godfather to it, what little respectability we have, is thrown around it, to the great relief and joy of its southern parents.Let us retire from the relation. Instead of defending Slavery, let us reiterate the just and indignant censures of the civilized world, until all shall feel, that so great an enormity cannot be practiced or connived at, without a forfeiture of character. This would be the state of feeling, were the citizens of the north generally Abolitionists; and he knows little of human nature, who doubts thatsucha state of feeling, would render the condition of a slave-holder, the last to be sought, the first to be abandoned.
In these ways, if in no others, we could reach and influence the South. Although she should attempt to shut out the light by a strict censorship of the press and post-office; though she should make the utterance of our sentiments on southern soil an offence against her laws; she could not prevent the constitutional action of the general government; she could not compel us to consume her produce; she could not escape the withering contempt and indignant frown of our virtuous public sentiment. We could reach her heart in these ways, in spite of herself, and as we think to the certain overthrow of Slavery. We could do more.
We could convert the South to the practical adoption of our sentiments by enlightening her conscience.This is the principal ground of our confidence. If Slavery is sinful, we can prove it to be such; and this proof, made plain to the understanding of the South, cannot fail to awaken her conscience. Such is human nature. Some would have us think that none but christians have consciences, and therefore the first step to be taken for the removal of Slavery is to send missionaries to convert the masters to christianity, thus laying a foundation for successful appeals to the conscience. But it seems to us the work of centuries, if not an impracticable work, to convert the masters, or a majority of them, to true holiness, while Slavery lasts,especially if they have no consciences; and we think also, if all were converted to such a christianity as consists with a hearty belief thatSlavery is not condemned by the Bible, it would not much facilitate our enterprise. Nor have we so much contempt for that word, which is mighty through God to the pulling down of strong holds, as to doubt thatour doctrineswill commend themselves to thereasonof our southern brethren, and receive a fruitful response from theirconsciences.
Some would have the world believe, if every person in the free states were an Abolitionist, it would not hastenthe emancipation ofthe slaves; for, say they, we could not then get a hearing at the south, and if we could, she is too much exasperated at our interference to do any thing on the subject. In our opinion, they are entirely mistaken.
We believewe can get a hearing at the South, or convey a knowledge of our sentiments to the southern mind, and that these sentiments are more potent than her prejudices and passions. In proof of it—
She is now constantly receiving numerous publications containing our views.There were, the last year, about five hundred regular southern subscribers to the publications of the American Anti-Slavery Society. The Cincinnati Philanthropist, the Alton Observer, the New York Evangelist, and scores of other papers, religious and political, have subscribers at the South, with whom from week to weekthey advocate thiscause. Many valuable anti-slavery books are also doing a good work in the very midst of the evil. Several thousands of Miss Grimke’s Appeal, together with the writings of Jay, Child, Channing and others, are daily tearing off the mask from Slavery, and awakening the slumbering conscience of the South. Not unfrequently slave-holders themselves come to the anti-slavery office in New York and buy whole sets of our publications. The speeches of her Senators, and the messages of her Governors evince a better acquaintance with our writings and movements than the great men of the North can boast. Her own press is doing much to disseminate our sentiments. The United States Telegraph of February 18, 1837, edited by Duff Green, Washington, D. C., was nearly half filled with extracts from our prints. Her clergy by publishing apologies for slavery in refutation of our views, are also making these views known and waking up a spirit of inquiry. Indeed, such is human nature, and such is the course of the south, that we have come to believe she will not allow us at the north tothink aloud on the subject of Slavery without knowing what we think and why we think so. She will not allow us to form and express opinions on this subjectWITHOUT KNOWING OUR OPINIONS AND THE GROUNDS OF THEM. She is too much interested, and knows that we have too much power, to pass our sentiments by in utter contempt without even ascertaining them.
But were the free states completely abolitionized, not only the presses of the Anti-Slavery Societies, assisted by a few others, would carry our doctrines to the South; butall thereligious, political and commercial papers of the North, indeed the whole body of our literature, would breathe the same spirit, would speak the same language. Were she, therefore, ever so much averse to the truth, these numberless publications, aided by the English press and by private correspondence, would force upon her a knowledge of our faith.
The social intercourse of the North and South would also afford us ample opportunities for publishing our sentiments.The citizens of every state in the Union are daily meeting in the steam-boats, coaches, rail-road cars and hotels of our country. We are constantlywalking arm in armwith the South, so that she cannot fail to learn what we think of Slavery, and of the duty and pre-eminent safety of immediate emancipation. If we are decided Abolitionists, we shall certainly talk enough to let her knowwhatwe think andwhywe think so.
Many of the youth of the South must continue, as in times past, to be educated in the free states.Mr. Calhoun was educated at Yale College. Who can doubt that an influence might have been exerted on his mind, in relation to Slavery, of the most happy character, if the officers of that institution, if the surrounding community, if the literature of the day, had all breathed the spirit of Arthur Tappan and Gerritt Smith? There are now hundreds of southern youth in our schools, and hundreds will succeed them, whose minds would be set in deadly and deathless hostility to the robbery of God’s poor, were their teachers Abolitionists. Some think that in such an event, they would be kept at home. A few might be, but not all. The salubrity of our climate, the excellence of our institutions, the comparative purity of our morals, give us an advantage, that the more virtuous and intelligent of southern parents, would not relinquish, for fear that their sons should embrace views, which in their own hearts they must approve.
It should also be remembered, that we not only educate the most precious youth of the South, but wesupply many of her pulpits, professorships, and shops with our own sons. The great body of southern merchants are northern men. Such is the genius of Slavery that this will continue to be the case. The result would be, were we all Abolitionists, that the adopted sons of the South would soon form a strong body of opposition to Slavery, laboring to overthrow it, by their votes, their arguments and their example. Some may think that lynch law would then drive us all from the South;or that we should be received there only on condition of letting Slavery alone. They are mistaken. Were weallAbolitionists, we should be defended. The national government would protect us. The constitution guarantees the rights of a citizen in all the states to the citizens of each state; and had the North been thoroughly abolitionized, she would have demanded and obtained redress for the blood of her innocent citizens, who have been hung without color of law, by southern ruffians. Be assured when we all become Abolitionists, an end will be put to the reign of terror in every part of the country. Men of all creeds and colors, will then go where they please, speak what they please, and do what they please, with perfect safety, so long as they commit no offence against just and impartial law.
The interests of a large class at the South must predispose them to favor our enterprise.Probably not more than half of the whites are directly interested in the continuance of Slavery. Many hire Slaves, who could on equally eligible terms, and with more peace of conscience, hire them asfreelaborers, were they emancipated. Some own land without slaves; and it is admitted, that immediately on the abolition of Slavery, the soil would rise in value, and continue to appreciate with the general improvement of the country. A multitude of the whites are too poor to own slaves, and too ignorant to obtain a living, except by manual labor, and Slavery makes that disreputable, and comparatively unprofitable. All these classes need only open their eyes, to see that Slavery is subversive of their interests: and we may therefore rationally calculate on having their attention and sympathy.
What we have already effected at the South, is a pledge of entire success, the moment the leading influences at the North shall second our efforts instead of counteracting them. Several hundred slaves have been set at liberty through the labors of those two distinguished Abolitionists, David Nelson and James G. Birney. We have heard of various other instances in which our doctrines have had such successful access to the southern mind. We will mention one. Some time since, in New York, a gentleman rose in a monthly concert of prayer for the slaves, and said: “I am a slave-holder from Virginia. I came to the North with violent prejudices against the Abolitionists, in consequence of what I read in northern papers; but I was determined to investigate the matter for myself. Accordingly Isought lodgings in the family of an Abolitionist, obtained and read your publications, and attended this monthly concert; and I am now convinced that not only your doctrines but your measures are righteous.” And he added, turning to two gentlemen who sat beside him, “these gentlemen are also slave-holders from Virginia, and my first converts to abolitionism; and I know a thousand men in Virginia, who if they could have the truth stated to them, would agree with us.” He then exhorted the Abolitionists present to go on, saying “you have only to correct the public sentiment of the North so that their papers shall not misrepresent you at the South, andTHE WORK IS DONE.” Besides many such facts evincive of the power of truth over the southern mind, and proving that the leaven is working there, we have frequent admissions from the lips and pens of the defenders of Slavery at the South, that the Abolitionists are disturbing the conscience of her people, that there is more sympathy with them there than it would be prudent to acknowledge; that if the fanatics are suffered to go on they will succeed; that theymaybuild up a body of public sentiment which the South cannot resist. These facts, these admissions, and the very nature of man, convince us that we have many allies at the South. The violence of the friends of Slavery, has forced them to a temporary silence; but no doubt many of them long to unburden their hearts, and are only waiting to be sustained by a healthy public sentiment among us.—Were we all Abolitionists, it would be less odious and less hazardous to avow our sentiments at the South; and she would find a body of Abolitionists on her own soil, too respectable to be despised—too strong to be resisted.
Our expectations of success in making known our sentiments to our southern brethren, are rendered still more sanguine,by the history of emancipation in the West Indies. It will be impossible for our countrymen, to close their eyes against the light, which the working of the British abolition act, will constantly throw on the duty and safety of immediate emancipation.
We are nevertheless told, with surprising assurance, by men great and small, that we have postponed the abolition of Slavery, at least half a century; that our ultra doctrines and violent measures have so incensed the South, that she has settled down in the inflexible determination to keep her slaves. Is this human nature? They who think so, seem to imagine that the work of reform must be carried on solelyby coaxing and flattering the sinner: that a declaration of his guilt and of his duty, sufficiently plain and unequivocal to excite his displeasure, is the last way to bring him to repentance. We think otherwise. We take the anger of the South as a precious omen of success. The hit bird flutters. She shows herself conscious of the truth of our charges. Accuse a consistent temperance man of drunkenness, he will smile in your face; accuse the drunkard himself and he will be ready to fight you. The faithful reproof of sin always irritates the sinner, and his irritation continues until he either repents or forgets the admonition. Had our efforts produced no such sensation among slave-holders, we should be far more ready to despair. She believes unless this discussion is stopped, Slavery must cease, or else she will be disgraced in the eyes of the world, and exceedingly embarrassed and trammeled in the possession of her slaves. We do not, however, attribute all the wrath of the South against us, to awakened conscience, and the anticipation of our success. We have been shamefully misrepresented bynorthernpapers and mobs, which have not hesitated to charge us with the worst of motives and the most hostile feelings towards the South; as if we would gladly involve her in a servile war. The belief of these calumnies has doubtless excited her worst passions; and the moment she learns the truth, it will create a re-action in our favor. Nor should it be overlooked that many of her own citizens have no sympathy for Slavery, and no strong prejudices against us. Facts also show that argument can appease this very wrath, to which our opponents attribute such indomitable energy. When the students of Lane Seminary, under the Presidency of the Rev. Dr. Beecher, commenced a discussion of the subject of Slavery, about fifteen young men from the South, all of them slave-holders or sons of slave-holders, were not a little incensed at the faithful exposure of Slavery by their fellow-students; but at the close of the discussion, all these young men, save one, were thorough going Abolitionists; and several of them are now lecturing in the free states for the purpose of correcting our public sentiment, as a necessary and infallible means of rectifying that of the South.
We believe, therefore, that if we succeed in abolitionizing the North, we shall the South. Were the North already abolitionized, we should do all the good specified above. We should preserve our own liberties, virtue and religion, and save the South from man’s greatest curse, his own voluntarywickedness. Is it not, then, desirable that our sentiments should prevail? Do they not carry with them the clearest credentials of truth—the very best practical tendencies? Is it not the grossest hypocrisy in the North to pretend hostility to Slavery, when she refuses to do the good which she would rejoice to do, were she a convert to abolitionism? Is it not a crime in her to fight against the diffusion of these sentiments? In one word—ought not the Abolitionists to do all they can, in a constitutional and christian manner, to propagate their views?
Success at the North is certain; for she has an interest in destroying Slavery: her political principles are opposed to it; and the great mass of her citizens are intelligent and virtuous, unbought by southern patronage, and accustomed to abhor cruelty and injustice. Our success is also written in the desperate, but ineffectual endeavors of the opposition, to prevent the agitation of the subject. By their own showing, Slavery cannot endure the light of free inquiry. If northern abettors of Slavery were not convinced, that the discussion will inevitably abolitionize the mass of the people, they would rely on argument rather than on lawless violence. Our progress too, has already been astonishing. In the course of three years nearly a thousand Anti-Slavery Societies have been organized; many enemies have become friends, and many opposers, the able advocates of our cause. The prejudices of the people have been softened, and thousands are now on the eve of joining us, who lately were our most bitter antagonists. We have made all this progress notwithstanding the abuse of the political and commercial press has been heaped upon us without measure, and no man could join us but at the peril of his reputation, if not also his life and property. We are, therefore, encouraged to persevere. What have we to accomplish, which we have not in part achieved, while our powers and facilities are constantly augmenting.