CHAPTER VI.

A writer in theOld Stat. Account(vol. xv. p. 484) referring to moss in the parish of Kilbarchan, Renfrewshire, from 7 to 9 feet deep, says:—

"The soil below is a deep white clay, where has formerly been a forest. The oak is perfectly fresh; the other kinds of timber are rotten. The stumps in general are standing in their original position. The trees are all broken over at about the height of 3 feet, and are lying from south-west to north-east. So, wherever you see a stump, you are sure to find a tree to the north-east. How an oak-tree could break over at that particular place, I never could understand. But we may be allowed to form a conjecture, that before the tree fell, the moss had advanced along its stem and rotted it there."

Mr. Aiton, in an excellent introduction to his treatise on Moss Earth, thus writes:[44]—

"Trees of enormous dimensions have grown spontaneously in many parts of Britain, where it would baffle the ingenuity of man to rear a tree to the tenth part of the size. The mosses in all parts of the island abound with trees of much greater dimensions than any now to be found growing in this country. The late Mr. Browning found an oak-tree under a moss in his lands of Benthall, in East Kilbride, of such size and preservation as to floor a garret 20 feet long by 16 wide. The boards, more than an inch in thickness, may still be seen at Benthall. Another oak-tree may be seen there upwards of 60 feet in length. It has evidently been broken at both ends, and the lower end not being completely covered with moss, has rotted so much that the dimensions of the tree cannot now be ascertained, but the upper end is more than 4 feet in circumference."At Thriepwood, in Dalserf parish, and county of Lanark, the trunk of an oak-tree 65 feet in length was a few years ago dug from under moss. It was as straight as the mast of a ship, and so equal in thickness at both ends, that it was not easy to say which was the root. Both these trees had grown at 500 feet of altitude above the level of the sea, and on ground on which it would be difficult to rear an oak to the twentieth part of the size."Many fir-trees 100 feet in length have been found under moss. But, what is still more surprising, oak-trees 100 feet long were found on draining Hartfield Moss in Yorkshire. They were as black as ebony, and some of them sold one hundred and fifty years ago as high as £15 for one tree. One oak-tree was dug from under that moss, which measured 120 feet in length, 12 feet in diameter at the root, and 6 feet diameter at the top! Twenty pounds sterling was then offered for that single tree. One of the same dimensions, with its bark, would sell now at £300, but no such tree at present exists in Europe...."But the climate was then also more congenial to the growth of fruits, grapes, etc., as we have seen, and also of grain, than it is now. The records of the Religious Houses show that wheat was paid as a tithe from lands on which human industry could not now raise that species of grain. Wheat was paid annually as a tithe to the Priory of Lesmahagow from lands in that parish, on which that species of grain has not been sown for several centuries past, and where it could not now be raised; where, under the present economy, oats can scarcely be brought to perfection.The minister of Glenluce, in the Statistical Account of his parish, mentions a farm that paid to the monastery of Glenluce twelve bolls of wheat and the same quantity of barley as a tithe. But such is the melancholy alteration that, about thirty years ago, that very farm was set at £12 of yearly rent. Similar instances might be pointed out in many parts of Scotland."

"At Thriepwood, in Dalserf parish, and county of Lanark, the trunk of an oak-tree 65 feet in length was a few years ago dug from under moss. It was as straight as the mast of a ship, and so equal in thickness at both ends, that it was not easy to say which was the root. Both these trees had grown at 500 feet of altitude above the level of the sea, and on ground on which it would be difficult to rear an oak to the twentieth part of the size.

"Many fir-trees 100 feet in length have been found under moss. But, what is still more surprising, oak-trees 100 feet long were found on draining Hartfield Moss in Yorkshire. They were as black as ebony, and some of them sold one hundred and fifty years ago as high as £15 for one tree. One oak-tree was dug from under that moss, which measured 120 feet in length, 12 feet in diameter at the root, and 6 feet diameter at the top! Twenty pounds sterling was then offered for that single tree. One of the same dimensions, with its bark, would sell now at £300, but no such tree at present exists in Europe....

"But the climate was then also more congenial to the growth of fruits, grapes, etc., as we have seen, and also of grain, than it is now. The records of the Religious Houses show that wheat was paid as a tithe from lands on which human industry could not now raise that species of grain. Wheat was paid annually as a tithe to the Priory of Lesmahagow from lands in that parish, on which that species of grain has not been sown for several centuries past, and where it could not now be raised; where, under the present economy, oats can scarcely be brought to perfection.The minister of Glenluce, in the Statistical Account of his parish, mentions a farm that paid to the monastery of Glenluce twelve bolls of wheat and the same quantity of barley as a tithe. But such is the melancholy alteration that, about thirty years ago, that very farm was set at £12 of yearly rent. Similar instances might be pointed out in many parts of Scotland."

The inferences derived from these and similar observations made on the phenomena of peat bogs and their buried forests in many other parts of Scotland, are somewhat conflicting. There can be no doubt that the climatal conditions that permitted oaks to grow on the higher slopes of the hills in the north of Scotland, as well as trees of considerable size in the Orkney and Shetland Islands, where scarcely a stunted shrub is now to be seen growing in a wild state, were more favourable to the growth of forest trees than those which now prevail. On the other hand, the large pines found in some of the Lowland mosses would seem to indicate a colder climate. The probable explanation of this is, that the pines and oaks belong to different periods of time, that the former preceded the latter and flourished when Scotland stood higher above the level of the sea, and, being thus more extensive, was under a colder climate, somewhat analogous to that which now prevails in Norway. These conditions gradually gave place to a more genial climate, which also induced a corresponding change in its flora. This apparently more temperate climate appears to have been succeeded by another change in the climatal conditions, this time of a less genial character, and not so favourable to the growth of the oaks, and to which they, in their turn, gradually yielded in point of luxuriance, and ultimately succumbed to the encroachment of the bogs and peat-mosses.

To discuss at greater length the climatal changes which may have occurred since the great oaks and pines of ourmoss-covered forests flourished, would be a digression from the main object of this work. In geological and astronomical causes some scientists believe they have a sufficient explanation of the strange, and sometimes severe, oscillations that are known to have taken place in post-Tertiary times, so that the disappearance of the ancient forests from the country, and the subsequent increase of the peat bogs, may be looked upon as the effect rather than the cause of our altered climate. There can hardly be any doubt, however, that during prehistoric times, and towards the dawn of European history, North Britain was extensively covered with forests which were characterised by a luxuriance of growth which is not now attained in the same latitudes. Hence the statements made by Roman historians to the effect that the natives painted their bodies and roamed about in a semi-nude condition must not necessarily be stigmatised as fables. That the inhabitants themselves greatly contributed to the clearance of the woods and jungles, as they became practically acquainted with the advantages of systematic tillage of the ground, is also probable. But this change was not produced all at once, as it is proved by such numerous place-names as Woodlands, Woodend, Woodside, Linwood, Fulwood, Oakshaw-side, Oakshaw-head, Walkingshaw, Lainshaw, etc. etc., that the south-west of Scotland was well wooded after the Celtic language had been superseded by the Saxon dialects. Cosmo Innes thus alludes to the subject: "At the earliest period illustrated by the Melrose charters there is sufficient evidence that the southern division of Scotland was not a well-wooded country. On the contrary, the right of cutting wood was carefully reserved when pasturage or arable land was granted; and when that right was conceded for some particular purpose, such as for fuel for a salt-work, or for building, the use was limited inexpress terms. The high grounds of Ayrshire may be an exception, where there seems to have existed an extensive forest; but elsewhere wood was a scarce and valuable commodity."[45]

Though the gradual extinction of our primeval forests, the growth of peat bogs, and many other topographical phenomena, are thus distinctly traceable in the long vista which extends backwards to prehistoric, if not, indeed, to geological times, there are no definite landmarks, beyond a certain chronological sequence, by means of which these physical changes can be more directly measured on the scale of time.

Amidst the abundant traces of struggling humanity, by which the whole line of this hazy vista is characterised, we see the remains of these lake-dwellings. The topographical features and environments of Loch Buston, when the crannog-builders commenced their structural operations, were totally different from what they are now. Then a stagnant lake, deeply encroached upon by a marginal zone of aquatic plants, and surrounded by a forest of oaks[46]and other indigenous trees, occupied the site of the present fertile basin; now the whole country-side is laid out into regular and well-cultivated fields, with encircling hedges, and scarcely a tree to mark the once wooded locality, part of which is still significantly known as the Shaws. For upwards of half a century the present farmer has been raising splendid crops of grain, not only from the whole area of the dried-up lake, but over the very site of the crannog. And as for the size of the trees which formerly grew here, I question if there is an oak now growing in the whole of Ayrshire from which a dug-out canoe, having dimensions as large as the one found at Loch Buston, could be made. The scene strongly reminds me ofa visit to Ephesus, when, after inspecting the ruins of its once busy harbour, I penned the following words:—

"This (the famous Panormus) consists of a stone-built quay, overlooking what used to be the harbour, having behind it a series of vaults and passages, which must have been used as stores. Now, however, instead of gazing on the sea, studded with ships from all nations, and a crowded harbour, as St. Paul did when he landed at Ephesus, we had before us a rich green field of wheat just coming into ear, dotted here and there with some ugly-looking fig-trees. As for the sea, it was nowhere to be seen, being distant some four or five miles. The alluvial deposits of fifteen centuries have thus not only raised the general level of the valley, and covered it with débris to the thickness of about 12 feet, but also very considerably enlarged its area, and converted it now into an unhealthy and marshy wilderness."[47]

Increase of Lake Silt.—But is there nothing in the local phenomena of these lake-dwellings to indicate, even approximately, the period of their existence, or the changes that have taken place since, by submergence, they have disappeared from the gaze of mankind? Dame Nature retains many agents in her service who faithfully keep tally of many passing events, though not always by days or years. The woody rings of a tree, water-worn channels, strata in rocks, and accumulated mud, are some of the piles of records which she freely places at our disposal—though often only to baffle our limited and feeble efforts to decipher them. Can we therefore elicit any reliable data from an examination of the accumulated silt from which the remains of the lake-dwellings are now and again disentombed? Let us see. A few yards from the Buston crannog, where the canoe was found, the upper stratum of the lake sediment, for about the thickness of 2 feet, consisted of a brown clayey substance, but, underneath this, the stuff had assumed a more peaty character, being softer, darker in colour, andnot so heavy. The line of demarcation between these layers was so well marked, that Mrs. Anstruther, in taking a sketch of the canoe while still lying in its original bed, shows this feature on the exposed wall of the trench (Fig. 191). The lowest portion of the canoe was exactly 6 feet below the surface, so that, since its final abandonment, 4 feet of this dark substance gradually accumulated around it. Then however, some sudden change appears to have taken place in its composition, and under the altered circumstances another two feet were added.

It is strange that this phenomenon is identical with what has been observed and recorded at Lochlee. In making a large trench, so as to expose the deeper structures of the gangway, the following particulars were noted (see page 100):—

(1.) The uppermost portion was a bed of fine clay rather more than 2 feet thick.(2.) Below this was a soft dark substance, formed of decomposed vegetable matters.(3.) At a depth of 7 feet the first horizontal beams of the gangway were encountered.(4.) At 10 feet deep the base of the gangway was supposed to be reached.

(1.) The uppermost portion was a bed of fine clay rather more than 2 feet thick.

(2.) Below this was a soft dark substance, formed of decomposed vegetable matters.

(3.) At a depth of 7 feet the first horizontal beams of the gangway were encountered.

(4.) At 10 feet deep the base of the gangway was supposed to be reached.

The canoe found at Lochlee, though in a different part of the lake-bed, was also buried to a depth of from 5 to 6 feet.

Regarding the marked change in the upper portion of the sedimentary deposits in both these lakes, perhaps no better explanation can be offered than that already suggested at page 151, viz., that it is due to the disappearance of the primeval forests which formerly covered their drainage areas, and the conversion of the land to agricultural purposes, when part of the broken-up soil and clay would be washed down into the lake-basin, and so become mixed with ordinary silt. Another possible explanation may be found in the gradualfilling up of the lakes, and their entire conversion into marshes, covered with rank grasses and other aquatic plants whose decomposition would henceforth take the place of their former mossy sediment.

The proximity of Buston and Lochlee, as well as the topographical similarity in the surrounding landscapes, would indicate that this great change took place about the same time in both these localities. Long before this, however, both canoes were finally sunk or abandoned, the interval of time being measured by no less than 4 feet of a deposit. Again the entire time that has elapsed since the gangway at Lochlee was laid down till the lake was drained, and tally ceased to be kept, is represented by 10 feet.

Subsidence of the Crannogs.—Before quitting this somewhat speculative line of research, one other subject remains to be discussed, viz., the submergence of the Lake-Dwellings. This phenomenon is a uniform feature in all those hitherto examined, and though the causes of it have not been much inquired into by previous writers, they will, I think, be found of sufficient importance to merit the attention of both the antiquary and the geologist. There are just two immediate causes to which this result can be assigned: viz., either a subsidence of the surface of the island, or a rising of the waters of the surrounding lake; or, as may happen sometimes, a combination of both causes. The physical agencies that are likely to operate in producing a subsidence of the island may be categorically stated thus:—

(1.) A compression of the island due to consolidation or decay of its structural materials.(2.) A sinking of the whole mass of these materials in soft mud as a direct result of weight.(3.) A general compressing and sinking of the sedimentary strata of the lake-bed.

(1.) A compression of the island due to consolidation or decay of its structural materials.

(2.) A sinking of the whole mass of these materials in soft mud as a direct result of weight.

(3.) A general compressing and sinking of the sedimentary strata of the lake-bed.

When the deeper structures of the Lochlee crannog wereexamined, it was particularly noted that there was no flattening of any of the large logs, as if they had been subjected to great pressure. At Lochspouts and Buston, so far as the water permitted of similar explorations being made, this observation was equally applicable to them. Though quite soft, the logs always preserved their original shape and contour. One day, at Lochspouts, I was greatly puzzled by finding what was evidently portion of a birch-tree, from 6 to 9 inches in diameter, quite flat, and with scarcely any wood left inside the thick bark. In no instance previously had I seen the evidence of pressure on logs of this size; but after carefully considering the point, it was ascertained that such effects occurred only in the upper portion of the mound, and above the log pavement, where the wood had been exposed to atmospheric influences, so that when the woody fibres rotted away, the flattening of the bark was easily produced. All the logs found buried in water or mud retained their original dimensions, and showed no traces of having yielded to superincumbent pressure.

In calculating the pressure of the entire crannog on the lake bottom, it is only necessary to take into account the weight of the materials above the surface of the island, as the greater density of the displaced water would act as an upward pressure sufficient, before the mass attained its equilibrium, to allow the surface of the island to project a few feet above the level of the water, the amount varying according to the depth of the lake. After the island grounded, if constructed on the principles suggested at page 262, any additional structures would act as a direct weight on the bed of the lake; but in estimating the final and total submergence due to this element, we must consider the weight of rubbish gradually accumulated during the period of occupancy. As the base of the island at Lochlee was only 4 feet below the level of that of the gangway, it follows therefore that themaximum result due to the weight of the island could not exceed this amount.

But the most important cause of submergence is the gradual compression or consolidation of the lake-bed due to the increase of its sediment. The depth of this increase at Lochlee, at least since the gangway was laid, was found to be not less than 10 feet. Independent altogether of any chemical changes going on in the sediment, however gradually formed, its own weight must have acted very considerably in pressing the lower strata into less bulk. Its accumulated depth, however, is far from giving a correct indication of the rise in the bed of the lake; in fact, 10 feet of silt might not raise the latter to half this extent. Another thing, which must not be forgotten in this discussion, is the subsidence which takes place after bogs and marshes are drained. This is a fact well known to those conversant with the effects of drainage. In theOld Statistical Account of Scotland, vol. xi. p. 163, I find it stated that in three years after the drainage of Kinordy Moss, its surface sank 3 feet; and Sir George Grant Suttie, writing of a drained marsh at Balgone, says that after drainage its level sank from 3 to 4 feet (see footnote, page 249). Bogs are in fact like sponges saturated with water, swollen to such an extent that they occupy a much larger space than their solid materials would otherwise do. It will also be remembered (page 191) that, after the last and more careful drainage of Loch Buston, some five years ago, the subsidence of theKnowewas sufficiently noticeable to attract the attention of the farmer.

To assign more accurately to these agencies the respective amount of subsidence due to each is impossible, but that their combined effect is sufficient to account for the total submergence of the principal lake-dwellings hitherto examined is proved by the measurements and observations made at Lochspouts (page 168), which show a minimum result of 10 feet.

If the above reasoning be correct, little importance remains to be attached to the rising of the waters as a cause of submergence, even in the exceptional circumstances where the agencies that produce this effect, such as the destruction of the forests and the increase of peat bogs, are known to have been in operation. It occurs in localities where the outlet is level and the flow of water sluggish. Those of the Irish writers who have taken notice of the phenomenon generally assign it to this cause. Sir W. R. Wilde thus refers to it: "We likewise learn from their recent submerged condition how much water had accumulated on the face of the country since their construction, probably owing to the great decrease of forest timber and the increased growth of bog. From the additions made to the height of the stockades, and also from the traces of fire discovered at different elevations in the sections made of these islands, it may be inferred that the rise of the waters commenced during the period of their occupation."—(Wilde'sCatalogue, p. 221.)

The observations made at Lochlee led me to ascribe an exceptionally large share to this element as a cause of the submergence of the crannog, but since then further investigations have proved that the phenomenon takes place to a similar, if not greater, extent in localities where no rising of the surface of the waters could have occurred.

Section V.

Chronological, Social, and other Indications derived from the Relics.

Having thus glanced over the collateral phenomena bearing on the age or period of the Scottish Lake-Dwellings, it only remains to say a few words on the general evidence supplied by the relics themselves. We have already seenthat the scattered remains of the artificial islands brought to light in modern times extended over a large area, embracing nearly the whole of Scotland, with the exception of its two northernmost counties and a few others lying on its south-eastern extremity. So far, however, as the discovery of actual remains illustrative of the civilisation and social condition of their occupiers is concerned, we are almost entirely limited to the results of the investigations made at Dowalton, Lochlee, Lochspouts, and Buston, all of which are within the counties of Ayr and Wigtown. In instituting a comparison between the contents of these four groups, their analogy, not only as regards the structure and local distribution of the islands, but as regards the general character of the relics, is so wonderfully alike that we have no difficulty in assuming that originally these lake-dwellings within this area were erected by one and the same people for a special purpose, and about the same time, or at least within a comparatively limited period. It is true that a considerable diversity exists as regards the number and character of the relics found in some of these localities; thus neither Samian ware nor implements of bone or horn have been found at Dowalton, though these are amongst the relics from all the Ayrshire examples. Such negative evidence, however, does not amount to much, more especially in this case, as the absence of Samian ware is more than compensated for by the presence of other articles presumably of Roman origin; and, moreover, I believe that a more careful search would have greatly increased the number of relics from Dowalton.

This uniform similarity in these remains, though not entitling us to extend the above generalisation beyond a certain geographical area in the south-west of Scotland, is however sufficiently marked to enable us to dispense with any further necessity of discussing the merits of each group separately; so that whatever inferences can be legitimatelyderived from a critical examination of any one group may be safely applied to the whole.

If these observations are really trustworthy, we may at once proceed to examine the remarkable series of implements, weapons, ornaments, and nondescript objects here presented to us, with the view of abstracting from them some scraps of information regarding their original owners. Fragments of Samian ware (Fig. 180), bronze dishes (one with Roman letters, Fig. 13), harp-shaped fibulæ of peculiar type (Figs. 140 to 143), together with a large assortment of beads, bronze and bone pins, bone combs, jet ornaments, etc. etc., are so similar to the class of remains found on the excavated sites of Romano-British towns that there can hardly be any doubt that Roman civilisation had come in contact with the lake-dwellers and partially moulded their habits. The Celtic element is however strongly developed, not only in the general character of many of the industrial implements of stone, bone, and iron, but also in the style of art manifested in some of the ornamental objects included in the collection. Thus the piece of wood (Figs. 149, 150) with its carved spiral patterns, the combs, especially the one represented by Fig. 30, showing a series of concentric circles connected by a running scroll design, the table-man carved with similar circles and an open interlaced knot-work; and the bronze brooch (Fig. 26), present a style of ornamentation which is considered peculiar to early Celtic art. The spiral finger-rings seem also to have been of native origin, and the probability is that they were manufactured where they were found, as several crucibles are amongst the relics from the same lake-dwelling, one of which, from the fact that it still contains particles of gold, unmistakeably demonstrates that it had been used in melting this metal.

On the other hand, the forged gold coin (Fig. 246) is the only relic that can with certainty be said to have emanatedfrom a Saxon source; at least, that cannot otherwise be accounted for.

Fig. 255.—Bone Comb, from Ballinderry Crannog, Ireland (21⁄2inches long).

Fig. 256.—Bone Comb from the Knowe of Saverough, Orkney (1⁄2).

But if, from internal evidence, a presumptive case is made out in favour of the Celtic origin and occupation of these lake-dwellings, it is greatly strengthened when we consider that the neighbouring Celtic races in Scotland and Ireland were in the habit of erecting similar island abodes, while there is not a particle of evidence in favour of the idea that such structures originated with the Roman conquerors of Britain or its Saxon invaders.

Fig. 257.—Comb of Bone found in the Broch of Burrian, Orkney (1⁄2).

Fig. 258.—Bone Comb from the Broch of Burrian, Orkney (1⁄2).

The resemblance between the remains found in the Scottish and Irish lake-dwellings, as well as in many other antiquarian finds of Celtic character, must also not be overlooked. Combs, similar in structure and ornamentation tothose from Buston, have been found in several of the Irish crannogs (Fig. 255);[48]in the Brochs and other antiquities of the north of Scotland, as at the Knowe of Saverough, Orkney (Fig. 256); the Broch of Burrian (Figs. 257 and 258); and in many of the ruins of the Romano-British towns, as at York and Uriconium (Fig. 259).[49]Iron knives and shears, variegated beads of impure glass, with grooves and spiral marks, ornaments of jet and bronze, implements of stone, bone, and horn, besides querns, whetstones, etc., are all common to Celtic antiquities wherever found.

Fig. 259.—Bone Comb from Uriconium (2⁄3).

Canoes are so invariably found associated with crannogs, that their discovery in lakes and bogs has been consideredby Dr. Stuart as an indication of the existence of the latter. This may be true in some cases, but in others, such as Closeburn, Lochwinnoch, and Loch Doon, three of the examples cited by him, it is more probable that the canoes were used by the occupiers of the mediæval castles in the vicinity of which they were found. From these and many other instances that have come under my notice, I have come to the conclusion that dug-out canoes do not indicate such great antiquity as is commonly attributed to them, nor do they therefore necessarily carry us back to prehistoric times.

While some fragments of the pottery collected on the Ayrshire crannogs (all of which include Samian ware) are undoubtedly Romano-British, others as certainly point to a different period and source. I am informed on the best authority that all the portions showing any appearance of glaze, such as those represented by Figs. 181 to 184, were manufactured in mediæval times; but on the other hand that others (Fig. 186) may belong to the same class of fictile ware as was used for mortuary purposes in Pagan times. My own knowledge of the subject is too slender to guide me in forming an opinion on these points; but, considering how little is actually known of the pottery of the transitional period between that of the sepulchral urns and mediæval times, any conflicting inferences that may be deduced from such a line of discussion need not, at least in the meantime, interfere with the chronological conclusions pointed at elsewhere. The statement made by Grose (see page 155), that the monks of the monastery at Friars' Carse used to lodge their valuable effects on the artificial island in the loch when the English made inroads into Strathnith, suggests a possible, and perhaps probable, escape from any difficulty of this sort.

Again, while it is evident from the parallel striation onsome of the fragments, on which the traces of glaze still remain, that they were manufactured on the wheel, an inspection of Figs. 160, 161, and 181, proves that hand-wrought vessels were also manufactured after the introduction of glaze. That sepulchral urns were all made by hand is not a sufficient proof that the wheel was not simultaneously in use among the same people. The extraordinary conservatism, as regards changes in religious ceremonies, displayed by all nations and in all ages, is a sufficient explanation of the persistency with which the hand-wrought vessels have continued in use for sepulchral purposes. Hence, I can conceive that to substitute for the latter others made on the wheel, though at the same time largely used for domestic purposes, would have been an intolerable innovation on the religious customs of the people.

The Rev. Canon Greenwell, F.R.S., in discussing the question whether the various early sepulchral vessels were especially made for the purposes of burial, or were originally manufactured for domestic use, thus writes:—

"But perhaps the strongest objection to their having fulfilled a purpose in the household, is the fact that they possess but little in common with the pottery which, without much doubt, is domestic. It is true that not very much of this has been discovered, but quite enough has been found to enable us to judge pretty accurately of its character. It has not, indeed, been proved conclusively that the people who occupied the hut-circles and pit-dwellings were those who erected the barrows so often met with in close proximity to them; but if we may judge, as I think we fairly may, from the identity of the flint implements found in each, there can be little doubt that they were, the one the dwelling-place, the other the burial-place, of the same people. Now, the pottery which has been discovered on the site of dwelling-places is a dark-coloured, hard-baked, perfectly plain ware, without ornament of any kind, is in fact just what we would expect domestic pottery to be, and has nothing in which it resembles the sepulchral vessels. And more than this, so faras I know of my own experience, or can learn from that of others, no whole vessel, or even fragments, of the ordinary sepulchral pottery of the barrows or other places of sepulture has ever been met with in connection with places of habitation."—(British Barrows, p. 106.)

That many of these relics were the products of a refined civilisation, is not more remarkable than the unexpected and strangely discordant circumstances in which they have been found. For this reason it might be supposed that the crannogs were the headquarters of thieves and robbers, where the proceeds of their marauding excursions among the surrounding Roman provincials were stored up. The inferences derived from a careful consideration of all the facts do not appear to me to support this view, nor do they uphold another view, sometimes propounded, viz., that they were fortified islands occupied by the guardian soldiers of the people. Indeed, amongst the relics military remains are only feebly represented by a few iron daggers and spear-heads, one or two doubtful arrow-points, and a quantity of round pebbles and so-called sling-stones. On the other hand, a very large percentage of the articles consists of querns, hammer-stones, polishers, flint-flakes, and scrapers; stone and clay spindle-whorls, pins, needles, and bodkins; knife-handles of red-deer horn, together with many other implements of the same material; bowls, ladles, and other vessels of wood, some of which were turned on the lathe; knives, axes, saws, hammers, chisels, and gouges of iron; several crucibles, lumps of iron slag, and other remains of metals, etc. From all these, not to mention the great variety of ornaments, there can be no ambiguity as to the testimony they afford of the peaceful prosecution of various arts and industries by the lake-dwellers.

Proofs of a prolonged but occasionally interrupted occupancy are also manifested by the great accumulationof débris over the wooden pavements, the size and contents of the kitchen-middens, and the superimposed hearths so well observed at Lochlee.

From the respective reports of Professors Owen, Rolleston, and Cleland, on a selection of osseous remains taken from the lake-dwellings at Dowalton, Lochlee, and Buston (see pp. 50, 139-143, 236-239), we can form a fair idea of the food of the occupiers. The Celtic short-horn (Bos longifrons), the so-called goat-horned sheep (Ovis aries, varietybrachyura), and a domestic breed of pigs, were largely consumed. The horse was only scantily used. The number of bones and horns of the red-deer and roebuck showed that venison was by no means a rare addition to the list of their dietary. Among birds, only the goose has been identified, but this is no criterion of the extent of their encroachment on the feathered tribe, as only the larger bones were collected and reported upon. To this bill of fare the occupiers of Lochspouts crannog, being comparatively near the sea, added several kinds of shell-fish. In all the lake-dwellings that have come under my own observation, the broken shells of hazel-nuts were in profuse abundance.

From the number of querns and the great preponderance of the bones of domestic over those of wild animals, it may be inferred that, for subsistence, they depended more on the cultivation of the soil and the rearing of cattle, sheep, and pigs, than on the produce of the chase.

There is, in my opinion, only one hypothesis that can satisfactorily account for all the facts and phenomena here adduced, viz., that the lake-dwellings in the south-west of Scotland were constructed by the Celtic inhabitants as a means of protecting their lives and movable property when, upon the frequent withdrawal of the Roman soldiers from the district, they were left, single-handed, to contend against the Angles on the east, and the Picts and Scots on thenorth. It is not likely that these rich provincials, so long accustomed to the comforts and luxury of Roman civilisation, or their descendants in the subsequent kingdom of Strathclyde, would become the assailants of such fierce and lawless enemies, from whom, even if conquered, they could derive no benefit. Hence their military tactics and operations would assume more the character of defence than aggression, and in order to defeat the object of the frequent and sudden inroads of the northern tribes, which was to plunder the inhabitants rather than to conquer the country, experience taught them the necessity of being prepared for emergencies by having certain places of more than ordinary security where they could deposit their wealth, or to which they could retire as a last resource when hard pressed. These retreats might be caves, fortified camps, or inaccessible islands, but in localities where no such natural strongholds existed, the military genius of the Celtic inhabitants, prompted perhaps by inherited notions, led them to construct these wooden islands. Since the final departure of the Romans till the conquest of the kingdom of Strathclyde by the Northumbrian Angles, a period of several centuries, this unfortunate people had few intervals of peace (see pp. 249 to 259), and, with their complete subjugation, ended the special function of the Lake-Dwellings as a national system of protection. No doubt some of them, as well as caves and such hiding-places, would continue to afford a refuge to straggling remnants of natives rendered desperate by the relentless persecution of their enemies, but, ultimately, all of them would fall into the hands of the Saxon conquerors, when, henceforth, they would be allowed to subside into mud or crumble into decay.

Amongst extraneous antiquarian discoveries with which we may profitably compare the remains from the lake-dwellings, there are two remarkable groups recently broughtto light by the exploration of two caves, both of which, singularly enough, are within the confines of the ancient kingdom of Strathclyde. These are a collection of relics from the Victoria Cave near Settle, Yorkshire,[50]and another from the Borness Cave, Kirkcudbrightshire.[51]Though the objects indicative of high-class art found in the latter are not so numerous as those from the former, yet they are, as a whole, of a similar character and type. They consist of fragments of Samian ware, bronze fibulæ, and other ornaments of bronze and horn, spindle-whorls, and a large quantity of implements and weapons made of stone, bone, and horn, etc., all of which bear a striking resemblance to the corresponding objects from the Lake-Dwellings. It would exceed my limits to enter upon a minute and critical comparison of the important results obtained from these two independent sources, viz., the Caves and the Lake-Dwellings; I cannot, however, resist quoting the following remarks by Professor Boyd Dawkins, regarding the date of habitation of the Victoria Cave, which might, with equal appropriateness, be applied to the latter:—

"There can be no doubt but that this strange collection of objects was formed during the sojourn of a family for some length of time in the cave; we have to account for the presence of so many articles of luxury in so strange and wild a place. The personal ornaments, and the Samian ware, are such as would have graced the villa of a wealthy Roman, rather than the abode of men who lived by choice in recesses in the rock. In the coins we have a key which explains the difficulty. Some belonged to Trajan and Constantine, others to Tetricus (A.D.267-273), while others are barbarous imitations of Roman coins, which are assigned by numismatists to the period just about the time of the Roman evacuation of Britain. These objects, therefore, could not have been introduced into the cave before the end of the fourth century, or just that time when the historicalrecord shows us that the province of Roman Britain was suffering from the anarchy consequent on the withdrawal of the Roman troops. In the year 360, the savage Picts and Scots, pent up in the north by the Roman walls, broke in upon the unarmed and rich provincials, and carried fire and sword as far south as London. Their ravages were repeated from time to time, until the Northumbrian Angles finally conquered the Celtic kingdom of Strathclyde. It must nevertheless be admitted that, so long as the Celts of Strathclyde held their ground against the Angles, they would certainly follow the mode of life and the manners and customs handed down to them by their forefathers, the Roman provincials. And therefore, it is very probable that these objects of Roman culture may have been used in that district which was the Northumbrian border, long after they had ceased to be used in the regions conquered by the English. To say the least, there are two extremes between which the date must lie—the fourth and fifth centuries, as shown by the barbaric coins, and the year 756, when Eadberht finally conquered Strathclyde. It cannot be later, because of the presence of Roman, and the absence of all English cultus. The cave, situated in a lonely spot, and surrounded by the gnarled and tangled growth of stunted yews, oaks, and hazel, which still survive in one or two places in the neighbourhood, as samples of the primeval forest, would afford that shelter from an invader of which a native would certainly take advantage. We can hardly doubt that it was used by unfortunate provincials who fled from their homes, with some of their cattle and other property, and were compelled to exchange the luxuries of civilised life for a hard struggle for common necessaries. In no other way can the association of works of art of a very high order with rude and rough instruments of daily use be accounted for. In that respect, therefore, the Victoria Cave affords as true and vivid a picture of the troublous times of the fourth and fifth centuries as the innumerable burned Roman villas and cities; in the one case, you get a place of refuge to which the provincials fled; and in the other, their homes which have been ruthlessly destroyed."—(Journal of Anthrop. Inst.vol. i. p. 64.)

The presence of a Saxon coin in one of the Ayrshire examples is in no way inconsistent with the general views here advocated, as we have undoubted evidence that thecountry had been occupied, at least temporarily, by the Saxons as early as the date to which Mr. Evans assigns this coin.

Turning now to the Celtic area beyond the limits of the Scottish portion of the kingdom of Strathclyde, I may at once state that there are no data derived from an examination of its artificial islands, nor any relics of their occupiers, which can give even an approximate notion of their chronological range.

In localities where the Celtic races were not supplanted by foreigners, it would be strange indeed, and altogether at variance with archæological experience, as propounded by the learned author ofThe Past in the Present,[52]if the habit of resorting to isolated and inaccessible islands for safety would be all at once abandoned whenever the greater security afforded by stone buildings became known. Hence, in the Irish annals we find frequent mention made of crannogs down even to the middle of the seventeenth century, and Dr. Joseph Robertson has quoted several historical passages to prove that certain crannogs in Scotland—as, for example, those of the Loch of Forfar, Lochindorb, Loch Canmor, and Loch-an-eilan, etc.—survived to the middle ages. Many of these, however, were strong mediæval castles built for a different purpose, and had nothing in common with the crannogs proper beyond the fact of their insular situation.

From an etymological analysis of the earliest topographical nomenclature of Britain, as well as from other sources, there is abundant proof that in former times a Celtic population occupied nearly the whole of the island. Ultimately, however, these Celts were driven by successive waves of immigrants to the far north and west, and it becomes an important inquiry to determine if, in these localities from which they were expelled, there still exist anytraces of lake-dwellings. I have already remarked that no remains of wooden islands have been found in the south-east of Scotland. This, however, may be due to want of research on the part of antiquaries, and other causes, which so long kept us altogether in the dark regarding the phenomena of lake-dwellings in this country; and, indeed, some curious indications have already been supplied by independent observers as to their existence, not only in the south-east of Scotland, as at Balgone in East Lothian (see footnote, page 249), but in several parts of England and Wales.

SUPPLEMENTARY.

REMAINS OF LAKE-DWELLINGS IN ENGLAND.

As indicated by the title, the special object and scope of this work is to illustrate the phenomena of lake-dwellings as explored in Scotland. This limitation has been adopted, not with the intention of implying that there is any necessary identity between the area marked out by the general distribution of lake-dwellings and that included within the geographical limits of the kingdom of Scotland, but because, hitherto, their recorded remains south of the Scottish border were so few and undecided in character that there could hardly be any justification in deviating from the commonly entertained opinion that these structures were not to be found in England. But after finishing my labours under this impression, some additional facts have come under my cognisance which greatly strengthen the idea, rather hesitatingly expressed at the conclusion of my last chapter, viz., the probability of the lake-dwelling district being found to coincide with the former extension of the Celtic area in Britain. Partly to support this theory, but more particularly to make this work more complete by including the actual materials that could be supplied were it to appear under the more comprehensive title which the substitution of the wordBritishinstead ofScottishwould give to it, I have collected together, in the form of this supplementarychapter, all the scattered notices of such trustworthy observations as can now be fairly construed to indicate the sites of lacustrine abodes in England. It will be noticed that some of the recorded observations here reproduced were actually made before antiquaries had time to realise the magnitude of the Continental lake-dwellings, or the subsequent promulgation of Dr. Robertson's views on the Scottish crannogs, and consequently at a time when their real importance was apt to be overlooked; otherwise, it is impossible to conceive how such highly suggestive facts did not at once lead to more definite information.

Wretham Mere, Norfolk.

Sir Charles J. F. Bunbury, as early as 1856, noticed some appearances in a drainedmerenear Wretham Hall, Norfolk, which clearly point to being the remains of a lake-dwelling. In a communication on the subject to the Geological Society,[53]he says:—"About Wretham there are severalmeres, or small natural sheets of water, without any outlet. The one to which my attention was particularly called by Mr. Birch occupied about forty-eight acres, and was situated in a slight natural depression, the ground sloping gently to it from all sides. The water has been drawn off by machinery, for the purpose of making use, as manure, of the black peaty mud which formed the bottom....

"Numerous horns of red-deer have been found in the peaty mud, generally (as I was informed) at 5 or 6 feet below the surface, seldom deeper; many attached to the skull, others separate, and with the appearance of having been shed naturally. What is most remarkable, several of those which were found with the skulls attached had beensawn offjust above the brow antlers—not broken, but cut off clean and smoothly, evidently by human agency. Some of these horns are of large size, measuring 9 inches round immediately below the brow antler....

"Numerous posts of oak-wood, shaped and pointed by human art, were found standing erect, entirely buried in the peat."

Pile Structures at London Wall.

On December 18th, 1866, General Lane Fox, F.S.A., read a paper at the Anthropological Society, entitled "A Description of certain Piles found near London Wall and Southwark, possibly the remains of Pile-Buildings."

The author commenced by observing that his attention was directed to this locality by a short paragraph in theTimesof the 20th October 1866, stating that upwards of twenty cart-loads of bones had been dug out of the excavations which were being made for the foundations of a wool warehouse near London Wall.

The excavation in question commenced at 40 yards south of the street pavement; therefore, in all probability, at about 70 or 80 yards from the site of the old wall. The area excavated at the time of General Lane Fox's visit was of an irregular oblong form, 61 yards in length, running north and south, and 23 yards wide.

A section of the soil consisted of—

"1. Gravel similar to Thames ballast at a depth of 17 feet towards the north, inclining to 22 feet towards the south end.

"2. Above this, peat of unequal thickness, varying from 7 to 9 feet.

"3. Modern remains of London earth, composed of the accumulated rubbish of the city."

Regarding the remains of piles, the author makes the following important observations:—

"Upon looking over the ground, my attention was at once attracted by a number of piles, the decayed tops of which appeared above the unexcavated portions of the peat, dotted here and there over the whole of the space cleared. I noted down the positions of all that were above ground at the time; and as the excavations continued during the last two months, I have marked from time to time the positions of all the others as they became exposed to view.

"Commencing on the south, a row of them ran north and south on the west side, to the right of these a curved row, as if forming part of a ring. Higher up and running obliquely across the ground was a row of piles, having a plank about an inch and a half thick and a foot broad placed along the south face, as if binding the piles together. To the left of these another row of piles ran east and west; to the north-east again were several circular clusters of piles; these were not in rings but grouped in clusters, and the piles were from eight to sixteen inches apart. To the left of this another row of piles and a plank two inches thick ran north and south. There were two other rows north of this and several detached piles, but no doubt several towards the north end had been removed before I arrived.

"The piles averaged six to eight inches square; others of smaller size measured four inches by three; and one or two were as much as a foot square. They appeared to be roughly cut, as if with an axe, and pointed square; there was no trace of iron shoeing on any of them, nor was there any appearance of metal fastenings in its planks; they may have been tied to the piles, but if so, the binding material had decayed. The grain of the wood was still visible in some of them, and they appear to be of oak. The planks averaged from one to two inches thick. The points of the piles wereinserted from one to two feet in the gravel, and were, for the most part, well preserved, but all the tops had rotted off at about two feet above the gravel, which I conclude must have been the surface of the ground, or of the water at the time these structures were in existence."

The relics were exclusively found in the peat or middle layer (which varied from 7 to 9 feet in thickness), but "interspersed at different levels from top to bottom throughout it." According to the author the vast majority of them belonged to the Roman era. He says: "Amongst them are quantities of broken red Samian pottery, mostly plain, but some of it depicting men and animals in relief; one specimen is stamped with the name of Macrinus. All this pottery, in the opinion of Mr. Franks, to whom I showed it, is of foreign manufacture. Other samples are of the kind supposed to have been manufactured in the Upchurch Marshes in Kent, and upon the site of St. Paul's Churchyard. Bronze and copper pins, iron knives, iron and bronze stylus, tweezers, iron shears, a piece of polished metal mirror, so bright that you may see your face in it (this Dr. Percy has pronounced to be of iron pyrites, white sulphuret of iron without alloy), an iron double-edged hatchet, an iron implement, apparently for dressing leather, a piece of bronze vessel, and other bronze and iron implements, which, thanks to the preserving properties of the peat, are all in excellent preservation. Amongst these were also a quantity of leather soles of shoes or sandals, some apparently much worn, and others, being thickly studded with hobnails, may be recognised as the caliga of the Roman legions; also a piece of a tile with the lettersP · PR · BR ·stamped upon it. Specimens of these are on the table. The coins found are those of Nerva, Vespasian, Trajan, Adrian, and Antoninus Pius....

"In addition to the Roman relics above mentioned, others of ruder construction remain to be described. They consistof what, in the absence of any evidence respecting their uses, may be called handles and points of bone. The former are composed of the metacarpal bones of the red-deer andBos longifronscut through in the middle, and roughly squared at the small end; the others, which are called by the workmen spear-heads, are pointed at one end and hollowed out at the other, as if to receive a shaft. Both Professor Owen and Mr. Blake concur in thinking these implements may possibly have been formed with flint, but I cannot ascertain that they were found at a lower level than the Roman remains, nor have any flint implements, to my knowledge, been found in the place. With them were also found the two bone skates on the table; they are of the metacarpal bone of a small horse or ass, one of which has been much used on the ice. Exactly similar skates also of the metacarpal of the horse or ass have been found in a tumulus of the stone period at Oosterend in Friesland; a drawing of them is given in Lindenschmit's Catalogue of the Museum at Mayence, etc. Others have also been found in Zeeland, at Utrecht, and in Guelderland, and there is a specimen in the Museum at Hanover. Professor Lindenschmit attributes all these to the stone period, but the specimens on the table are evidently of the iron age, the holes in the back having been formed for the insertion of an iron staple. Similar skates have been found in the Thames, but they have not hitherto been considered to date so early in England as in Roman times."

Throughout the peat were several kitchen-middens. One deposited a foot and a half above the gravel is thus described: "A layer of oyster and mussel shells about a foot thick, with a filtration of carbonate of lime permeating through the moss. In this kitchen-midden Roman pottery and a Roman caliga were found. Close by, the point of a pile, part of which is exhibited, was found upright in thepeat; it had been driven in in such a manner that the point descends to the level of the kitchen-midden and no further. Now, as a pile, in order to obtain a holding, must have been driven at least two feet in the ground, it is evident the peat must have grown at least one foot above the summit of the kitchen-midden before this pile was driven in."

A second kitchen-midden is noted at a height of 31⁄2feet above the gravel, "composed of oyster, cockle, and mussel shells, and periwinkles, with Roman pottery and bones of the goat andBos longifrons, etc., split lengthwise as if to extract the marrow, with the skulls broken and the horns cut off. It is about a foot and a half thick in the centre, thinning out towards the ends as a heap of refuse would naturally do, and from 12 to 14 feet long; above this is peat for about a foot or a foot and a half, and above the peat another kitchen-midden of the same kind as the preceding. Lastly, the soles of shoes and Roman pottery of the same kind as that found lower down have been taken out at the very top of the peat."

The author being subsequently anxious to obtain further evidence as to the thickness of the stratum in which the Roman remains were found, states that he determined to watch the workmen for four or five hours together during several successive days, while they dug from top to bottom, commencing with the superficial earth, and passing through the peat to the gravel below. The result was as follows: "Roman red Samian ware is found as high as 13 feet from the surface, but very rarely, and in small quantities. At 15 feet it is frequently found, and from that depth it increases in quantity till the gravel is reached at 18 to 21 feet. The chief region of Roman remains is within 2 to 3 feet of the gravel."

Amongst the animal remains were, according to Professor Owen, those "of the horse or ass, the red deer, the wild boar, the wild goat (bouquetin), the dog, theBos longifrons,and the roebuck. The horns of the roebuck, I afterwards ascertained, were all found at a higher level. These, and also the horse and goat, entered the superficial earth, in which glazed pottery was also found; but the remainder, including the red deer, wild boar, andBos longifrons, appeared, so far as my observations enabled me to judge, to be confined to the peat."

Subsequently Mr. Carter Blake identified amongst these remains no less than four different kinds of the genusBos, viz.,primigenius,trochoceros,longifrons, andfrontosus; as also a specimen of the ibex of the Pyrenees.

Some human skulls were also found in the lowest formation of the peat, or immediately over the gravel. Along with the skulls only three human bones were found; but this, according to the author, was not the result of an oversight, as both the Celts and the Romans were known to have practised decapitation.

The piles at the south end were identified as elm, the remainder were oak (Quercus robur).

General Lane Fox stated that recently similar piles with large horizontal beams and Roman pottery were discovered in New Southwark Street.

I find it impossible, even with the above large extracts, to give more than a very general idea of this most interesting and highly suggestive paper, and the important discussion to which it gave rise in the Society.

Crannog in Llangorse Lake, near Brecon, South Wales.

In Keller's book on Lake-Dwellings,[54]there is a notice of a "crannoge, or stockaded island, in Llangorse Lake, near Brecon (South Wales)," by the Rev. E. Dumbleton, M.A., in which the author describes an island 90 yards in circumference, the highest part of which is 5 feet above the level of the water, on which "some small trees and brushwood have fastened," and around which numerous cleft oak-beams have been detected. In examining the interior by perpendicular openings, they invariably led down to the shell-marl, "showing first a stratum of large, loose stones, with vegetable mould and sand, next (about 18 inches above the marl) peat, black and compact; and beneath this, the remains of reeds and small wood. This fagot-like wood presented itself abundantly all round the edges of the island, and in the same relative position, namely, immediately upon the soft marl; the object of it being, of course, to save the stones from sinking." Pieces of charcoal, broken bones, "a piece of leather pierced with several holes, in some of which, when discovered, the remains of a thong might be observed," three or four scraps of pottery, and a stone that seemed to have been ground, are the only indications of human occupancy recorded. Remains of log platforms, which were observed, are also described in this article. Some of the bones were sent to Professor Rolleston, of Oxford, who wrote that "the chief points of interest respecting these were: first, the presence of two varieties of horse—one small, such as a Welsh pony is; and the other large (as I am informed large horses appear to have existed, as well as mere Galloways, in the very earliest human periods in this country); and, secondly, the smallness of the then ordinarily eaten mammals,Sus,Bos,Ovis. The horse was eaten formerly, especially by the Pagans, and it may have been eaten by the inhabitants of your crannoge; but there is no evidence, from splitting or burning, that they did so." "Some other bones, found subsequently, were exhibited at the meeting of the British Association at Exeter, and were examined by Mr. W. Boyd Dawkins, who pronounced them to be those of the red deer, the wild boar, and theBos longifrons. He stated that the group altogether, from thegreater percentage of wild than domestic animals, indicated a remote period."

Barton Mere, near Bury St. Edmunds.

Professor Boyd Dawkins, under the headingHabitations in Britain in the Bronze Age, writes as follows:—"Sometimes, for the sake of protection, houses were built upon piles driven into a morass or bottom of a lake, as for example in Barton Mere (explored by Rev. Harry Jones in 1867,—Suffolk Inst. of Archæology and Natural History, June 1869), near Bury St. Edmunds, where bronze spear-heads have been discovered, one 18 inches long, in and around piles and large blocks of stone, as in some of the lakes in Switzerland. Along with them were vast quantities of the broken bones of the stag, roe, wild boar, and hare, to which must also be added the urus, an animal proved to be wild by its large bones, with strongly-marked ridges for the attachment of muscles. The inhabitants also fed upon domestic animals—the horse, short-horned ox, and domestic hog, and in all probability the dog, the bones of the last-named animal being in the same fractured state as those of the rest. Fragments of pottery were also found. The accumulation may be inferred to belong to the late rather than the early Bronze Age, from the discovery of a socketed spear-head. This discovery is of considerable zoological value, since it proves that the urus was living in Britain in a wild state as late as the Bronze Age. It must, however, have been very rare, since this is the only case of its occurrence at this period in Britain with which I am acquainted."—(Early Man in Britain, p. 352.)

Professor T. Rupert Jones on English Lake-Dwellings.

In 1878, Professor T. Rupert Jones, F.R.S., communicated toNaturea short notice on "English Lake-Dwellingsand Pile Structures," in which, after drawing attention to the previously published articles of General Lane Fox and Sir Charles Bunbury, he writes as follows:—

"Since writing the above I have been informed that Mr. W. M. Wylie, F.S.A., referred to this fact in 'Archæologia,' vol. xxxviii. in a note to his excellent memoir on lake-dwellings. I can add, however, that remains ofCervus elaphus(red deer),C. dama?(fallow-deer),Ovis(sheep),Bos longifrons(small ox),Sus scrofa(hog), andCanis(dog), were found here, according to information given me by the late C. B. Rose, F.G.S., of Swaffham, who also stated in a letter dated August 11th, 1856, that in adjoining meres, or sites of ancient meres, as at Saham, Towey, Carbrook, Old Buckenham, and Hargham, cervine remains have been met with; thus at Saham and ToweyCervus elaphus(red deer), at BuckenhamBos(ox) andCervus capreolus(roebuck); at HarghamCervus tarandas(reindeer).

"The occurrence of flint implements and flakes in great numbers on the site of a drained lake between Sandhurst and Frimley, described by Captain C. Cooper King in theJournal of the Anthropological Institute, January 1873, p. 365, etc., points also in all probability to some kind of lake-dwelling, though timbers were not discovered.

"Lastly, the late Dr. S. Palmer, F.S.A., of Newbury, reported to the 'Wiltshire Archæological Society' in 1869 that oaken piles and planks had been dug out of boggy ground on Cold Ash Common, near Faircross Pond, not far from Hermitage, Berks."—(Nature, vol. xvii. p. 424.)

Holderness, York.

A few weeks ago my attention was directed by Mr. Joseph Anderson to a communication which he had just received from a gentleman near Bridlington anent some antiquarian remains indicating lake-dwellings in that district,of which, at my request, the discoverer has kindly favoured me with the following interesting notice:—"Ulrome Grange,Lowthorpe, Hull,Feb. 28, 1882.

"Dear Sir,—This part of the county of York (Holderness) appears formerly to have been intersected by numerous irregular lakes, which were drained about eighty years ago."In the spring of the year 1880 the Commissioners of the Beverley and Barmston Drainage found it necessary to deepen one of these drains (the branch called the Skipsea drain)."A short time after this was done I was walking in one of my fields adjoining, and picked up some perforated bone implements. I shortly afterwards had the earth, which had been excavated at this place, turned over, and found more implements of the same class. Also two made from the antlers of the red deer, and a small piece of red ochre, with several stones which bear traces of having been utilised."In the month of May 1881, the water in the drain at that time being very low, and having obtained the services of half a dozen men accustomed to similar work, I had the water dammed, and dug through the peat to a bed of gravel, 9 ft. 6 in. from the surface."We found three more perforated bone implements, all in the side of the drain, and at the depth of seven feet, also several stakes and piles with remains of brushwood."I then determined, when opportunity offered, to excavate in the field, and proceeded to do so in December last."We commenced by digging a trench parallel with the drain and sixty feet in length. This trench and the drain formed two sides of a square, running north and south. Commencing at the south end, we came upon a layer of gravel at the depth of two feet, which dips to the north, and is overlaid by a bed of peat, six feet in thickness, at the north end of the trench."As this trench filled with water, we began at the same point and dug a similar one on the south side, running east and west, and connected the first trench with the drain. The gravel slopes also to the west, and dips quite abruptly when at a distance of forty feet from the drain. When the trenches were dug a gravel slope at the south-east corner of the square prevented the water from running out of the first trench. I therefore had the earthturned over on this slope, when we found great numbers of stakes, with some brushwood, the earth being a peaty marl."When clear of the slope there is a decided layer of brushwood about two feet thick, also studded with stakes, and along the inner side of the south trench we found a number of piles from five inches to seven inches in diameter, in a line, and mostly upright. One of these we got out quite perfect. It is of oak wood, four feet in length, six inches in diameter, and has a forked top which has apparently been intended for carrying a horizontal beam or support. The piles are about four feet apart. One had given way and been replaced."As the trench is not exactly in a line with the piles, several are now left standing and partially exposed. In this portion of the digging, we found several bones of animals, a peculiar grinding-stone of whinstone or granite, almost semicircular in shape, 12 inches long by 7 broad, a flint core, a stone with the centre hollowed, a pounding or hammer stone, and two fragments of rude pottery, evidently British."Hazel nuts are numerous; several I have picked out appear to have been opened by squirrels."After making these discoveries I suspended work, as I felt that I should like some one acquainted with similar explorations to give an opinion with respect to the course I ought to adopt."Whether the place is a lake-dwelling or not, further research will determine. It is undoubtedly a pile structure, and of a very early date."At this season the spring-tides tend to impede further investigation, the water having risen to the height of 7 feet in the trenches on the 19th inst. And as we may hope for warmer weather with longer days, I shall probably defer further exploration until April. I believe I have discovered another similar place, but on a larger scale, and the timbers appear much larger. The two are not more than half a mile apart, and are situated on the same lake as the earthworks and mound at Skipsea (described in Poulson'sHolderness). In the meantime, any suggestions you may favour me with will be gladly received by yours very faithfully,"Thomas Boynton."Dr. Munro,Kilmarnock."

"Dear Sir,—This part of the county of York (Holderness) appears formerly to have been intersected by numerous irregular lakes, which were drained about eighty years ago.

"In the spring of the year 1880 the Commissioners of the Beverley and Barmston Drainage found it necessary to deepen one of these drains (the branch called the Skipsea drain).

"A short time after this was done I was walking in one of my fields adjoining, and picked up some perforated bone implements. I shortly afterwards had the earth, which had been excavated at this place, turned over, and found more implements of the same class. Also two made from the antlers of the red deer, and a small piece of red ochre, with several stones which bear traces of having been utilised.

"In the month of May 1881, the water in the drain at that time being very low, and having obtained the services of half a dozen men accustomed to similar work, I had the water dammed, and dug through the peat to a bed of gravel, 9 ft. 6 in. from the surface.

"We found three more perforated bone implements, all in the side of the drain, and at the depth of seven feet, also several stakes and piles with remains of brushwood.

"I then determined, when opportunity offered, to excavate in the field, and proceeded to do so in December last.

"We commenced by digging a trench parallel with the drain and sixty feet in length. This trench and the drain formed two sides of a square, running north and south. Commencing at the south end, we came upon a layer of gravel at the depth of two feet, which dips to the north, and is overlaid by a bed of peat, six feet in thickness, at the north end of the trench.

"As this trench filled with water, we began at the same point and dug a similar one on the south side, running east and west, and connected the first trench with the drain. The gravel slopes also to the west, and dips quite abruptly when at a distance of forty feet from the drain. When the trenches were dug a gravel slope at the south-east corner of the square prevented the water from running out of the first trench. I therefore had the earthturned over on this slope, when we found great numbers of stakes, with some brushwood, the earth being a peaty marl.

"When clear of the slope there is a decided layer of brushwood about two feet thick, also studded with stakes, and along the inner side of the south trench we found a number of piles from five inches to seven inches in diameter, in a line, and mostly upright. One of these we got out quite perfect. It is of oak wood, four feet in length, six inches in diameter, and has a forked top which has apparently been intended for carrying a horizontal beam or support. The piles are about four feet apart. One had given way and been replaced.

"As the trench is not exactly in a line with the piles, several are now left standing and partially exposed. In this portion of the digging, we found several bones of animals, a peculiar grinding-stone of whinstone or granite, almost semicircular in shape, 12 inches long by 7 broad, a flint core, a stone with the centre hollowed, a pounding or hammer stone, and two fragments of rude pottery, evidently British.

"Hazel nuts are numerous; several I have picked out appear to have been opened by squirrels.

"After making these discoveries I suspended work, as I felt that I should like some one acquainted with similar explorations to give an opinion with respect to the course I ought to adopt.

"Whether the place is a lake-dwelling or not, further research will determine. It is undoubtedly a pile structure, and of a very early date.

"At this season the spring-tides tend to impede further investigation, the water having risen to the height of 7 feet in the trenches on the 19th inst. And as we may hope for warmer weather with longer days, I shall probably defer further exploration until April. I believe I have discovered another similar place, but on a larger scale, and the timbers appear much larger. The two are not more than half a mile apart, and are situated on the same lake as the earthworks and mound at Skipsea (described in Poulson'sHolderness). In the meantime, any suggestions you may favour me with will be gladly received by yours very faithfully,"Thomas Boynton.

"Dr. Munro,Kilmarnock."

Concluding Remarks.

It may be some time yet before further research will throw much additional light on the appearances and discoveries above recorded, but should they turn out to be the genuine remains of ancient lake habitations, it is more than probable that they will be found to be no exceptional instances, but remnants of a more widely distributed custom. Meantime, however, they appear to me sufficiently suggestive, especially when taken together with the evidence I have already produced as to the prevalence of such structures amongst the Celtic races in Scotland and Ireland, and the distinct statement made by Julius Cæsar that the Britons made use of wooden piles and marshes in their mode of entrenchment (sylvis paludibusque munitum), to entertain the hypothesis that the original British Celts, from whom in all probability have descended the modern Gaels, were an offshoot of the founders of the Swiss Lake-Dwellings, that they emigrated to Britain when these lacustrine abodes were in full vogue, and that, as they spread northwards and westwards over Scotland and Ireland, they retained, and probably practised, the habit of resorting to insular protection long after the custom had fallen into desuetude in Europe. As, however, the lake-dwelling mania subsided and gradually came to a close on the Continent, subsequent immigrants into Britain, such as the Belgæ, Angles, etc., being no longer acquainted with the subject, cultivated new principles of defensive warfare, or, at any rate, ceased to resort to the protection afforded by the artificial construction of lake-dwellings, whilst the first Celtic invaders, still imbued with their primary civilisation, when harassed by enemies and obliged to act on the defensive, had recourse to their peculiar and inherited system of protection, with such variations and improvements as better implements and the topographicalrequirements of the country suggested to them. Hence it would follow that the range of the British Lake-Dwellings, both in space and time, would vary according to circumstances and the vicissitudes of their founders; but, speaking generally, it is only reasonable to suppose that its limitation first commenced in those districts most accessible to fresh swarms of Continental immigrants. But this problem, as well as many other subsidiary questions which follow in the same line of inquiry, must be solved by further researches; and should these remarks in any way lead to renewed application in this department, they will serve a good end, whatever may be the result of the hypothesis thus broached regarding the primary sources of the ideas that led to the development of British Lake-Dwellings.

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