Dog(Canis). The dog (Maya,peq) evidently played an important part in the life of the Mayas as it does with other races of men generally. On Pls. 36, 37, we have included certain figures of dogs from several manuscripts. These may represent two breeds, for it is well known that both a hairy and a hairless variety were found by the early discoverers in Mexico.359-*Hairiness is more or less clearly indicated in the following figures:—Pl. 36, figs. 1-7, 12;Pl. 37, figs. 4, 5. The figures of dogs usually agree in having a black mark about the eyes that frequently is produced as a downward curved tongue from the posterior canthus. Sometimes, as inPl. 37, figs. 1-3, 10, this tongue is not blackened. Commonly also black patches are elsewhere distributed on the body, generally on the back. These markings are probably the patches of color separated by white areas that occur frequently in dogs or other animals after long domestication.359-†We have included among the figures of dogs two in which the eye is differently represented and which are unspotted (Pl. 37, figs. 4, 6). These modifications may have some special significance, but otherwise the animals appear most closely to represent dogs.
We have already suggested that the animal attired in man’s clothing, and walking erect in Dresden 25a-28a is likewise a dog, though Stempell believes it to represent the opossum in support of which he calls attention to its prominent vibrissae and slightly curled tail.
The dog played a large part in the religion both of the Mayas and the Mexican peoples. It was connected especially with the idea of death and destruction. The Lacandones of the present time make a small figure of a dog to place on the grave (Tozzer, 1907, p. 47). This is but one of the many survivals of the ancient pre-Columbian religion found among this people. The dog was regarded as the messenger to prepare the way to the other world. Seler (1900-1901, pp. 82-83) gives an interesting parallel of the Nahua idea of the dog and his connection with death. He paraphrases Sahagun as follows: “The native Mexican dogs barked, wagged their tails, in a word, behaved in all respects like our own dogs, were kept by the Mexicans not only as house companions, but above all, for the shambles, and also in Yucatan and on the coast land for sacrifice. The importance that the dog had acquired in the funeral rites may perhaps have originated in the fact that, as the departed of both sexes were accompanied by their effects, the prince by the women and slaves in his service, so the dog was assigned to the grave as his master’s associate, friend, and guard, and that the persistence of this custom in course of time created the belief that the dog stood in some special relation to the kingdom of the dead. It may also be that, simply because it was the practice to burn the dead, the dog was looked on as the Fire God’s animal and the emblem of fire, the natives got accustomed to speak of him as the messenger to prepare the way in the kingdom of the dead, and thus eventually to regard him as such. At the time when the Spaniards made their acquaintance, it was the constant practice of the Mexicans to commit to the grave with the dead a dog who had to be of a red-yellow color, and had a string of unspun cotton round his neck, and was first killed by the thrust of a dart in his throat. The Mexicans believed that four years after death, when the soul had already passed through many dangers on its way to the underworld, it came at last to the bank of a great river, the Chicunauhapan, which encircled the underworld proper. The souls could get across this river only when they wereawaited by their little dog, who, recognizing his master on the opposite side, rushed into the water to bring him over.” (Sahagun, 3 Appendix, Chap. 1.)
As might be expected from the foregoing, there are abundant evidences in the manuscripts of the presence of the dog in the various religious rites and especially those which have to do with the other world, the Kingdom of the Dead. In Tro-Cortesianus 35b, 36b, 37a, 37b, the pages showing the rites of the four years, the dog appears in various attitudes. In 35b and 36b, it bears on his back theImixandKansigns, in 37a (Pl. 37, fig. 8) it is shown as beating a drum and singing, in 37b (Pl. 36, fig. 2) it is beside a bowl containingKansigns. In all of these places, the dogs seem to be represented among the various birds and animals which are to be sacrificed for the new years. Landa (1864, p. 216)361-*states that in theKanyear a dog was sacrificed. In theMulucyear, Landa (1864, p. 222)361-†records that they offered dogs made of clay with bread upon their backs and aperritowhich had black shoulders and was a virgin. It has already been noted that two of the dogs represented in Tro-Cortesianus 35b and 36b have aKanandImixsign fastened to the back. Moreover, we have also pointed out that theKansign frequently seems to have the meaning of maize or bread. It will be noted that in Tro-Cortesianus 36b two human feet are shown on each of which is a dog-like animal.361-‡These may indicate the dance in which dogs were carried as noted by Landa. Cogolludo (1688, p. 184)361-§also mentions a similardance. Still another reference in Landa (1864, p. 260)362-*mentions that in the monthsMuanandPaxdogs were sacrificed to the deities.
Reference has already been made to the identification of the four priests at the top of Dresden 25-28 as having the heads of dogs rather than of opossums. It may be suggested that in the rôle of the conductor to the other world the dog is represented as carrying on his back in each case the year which has just been completed and therefore is dead. This, of course, would necessitate the identification of god B, the jaguar, god E, and god A as representing in turn the four years.
The dog, according to Sahagun’s account (p. 360) was looked upon as the “Fire God’s animal,” and as an emblem of fire. This idea is seen frequently in the Maya manuscripts where the dog with firebrands in his paws or attached to his tail is coming head downward from a line of constellation signs, as in Dresden 36a (Pl. 37, fig. 3), 40b (Pl. 37, fig. 1) or is standing beneath similar signs as in Dresden 39a (Pl. 37, fig. 2) and probably in Tro-Cortesianus 13a. His tail alone has the firebrand in Tro-Cortesianus 36b. Firebrands are carried by figures which have been identified by us as dogs in Tro-Cortesianus 24c (Pl. 37, fig. 6), 25c, and 90a. Here the animal is represented as in the air holding his firebrands over a blazing altar beside which god F is seated. In two out of the four cases, F is shown as dead. The dog in these latter examples has his eye composed of theAkbalsign. This same glyph can also be made out with difficulty on the forehead of the dog shown in Dresden 36a (Pl. 37, fig. 3). As has been noted,Akbalmeans night and possibly death as well. It is certain that destruction is indicated in the preceding examples as well as in Tro-Cortesianus 87a and 88a (Pl. 37, fig. 4) where the dog is holding four human figures by the hair.
Beyer (1908, pp. 419-422) has identified the dog as thePleiades and various other suggestions have been made that the dog represents some constellation. The more common form of spotted dog is shown as a singletonalamatlfigure in Tro-Cortesianus 25d and 27d (Pl. 36, fig. 14) and an unspotted variety in Dresden 7a (Pl. 37, fig. 10). The dog is frequently shown as copulating with another animal or with a female figure. In Dresden 13c (Pl. 37, fig. 7) the second figure is a vulture, in Dresden 21b (Pl. 37, fig. 5) it is a woman and also in Tro-Cortesianus 91c (Pl. 36, fig. 12).
The same animal appears also in a number of scenes not included in the preceding. In Tro-Cortesianus 88c (Pl. 36, fig. 1) a dog is seated on a crab and seems to be connected with the idea of the north as this sign is noted above the figure; in Tro-Cortesianus 66b (Pl. 36, fig. 3) a dog and another animal (Pl. 32, fig. 3) are seated back to back under a shelter; in Tro-Cortesianus 30b a dog is seated on the right foot of the woman from whose breasts water is streaming; in Dresden 29a (Pl. 37, fig. 12) god B is shown seated on a dog; and, finally, in Dresden 30a (Pl. 37, fig. 9) god B holds the bound dog by the tail over an altar.
The dog appears from numerous references to be used in connection with a prayer for rain. Comargo (1843) in his history of Tlaxcallan states that when rain failed, a procession was held in which a number of hairless dogs were carried on decorated litters to a place devoted to their use. There they were sacrificed to the god of water and the bodies were eaten.
The glyphs associated with the dog are interesting as we have, as in the case with the deer, one showing a realistic drawing of a dog’s head in Tro-Cortesianus 91d (Pl. 37, fig. 13) and several others far more difficult of interpretation.Pl. 37, fig. 11, seems to stand for the dog as it is found in several places where the dog appears below, Dresden 21b, 40b. It is thought by some to represent the ribs of a dog which appear in somewhat similar fashion inPl. 37, fig. 8. Some of theglyphs in the codices for the monthKankinshow the same element (textfigs. 8-10).
Figs. 8, 9, 10. GLYPHS FOR MAYA MONTH KANKIN (RIBS OF DOG).Figs. 8, 9, 10.GLYPHS FOR MAYA MONTH KANKIN (RIBS OF DOG).
The Nahua day signItzcuintlisignifies dog and corresponds to the Maya Oc (Pl. 36, figs. 9-11). This in turn is considered by many to stand for the dog as the animal of death and signifies the end. The sore, cropped ears of the domesticated dog are supposed to be represented in this sign, Oc. Nahua and other day signs forItzcuintli(dog) are shown inPl. 36, figs. 4, 6, 13.
Bear(Ursus machetes;U. horriaeus). In northern Mexico, in Chihuahua and Sonora, occur a black bear (Ursus machetes) and the Sonoran grizzly (U. horriaeus). It is unlikely that the Mayas had much acquaintance with these animals since they range more to the northward than the area of Maya occupation. Stempell has identified as a bear, a figure in Dresden 37a (Pl. 35, fig. 3). This represents a creature with the body of a man walking erect but with the head apparently of some carnivorous mammal, as shown by the prominent canine tooth. This appears as atonalamatlfigure. The resemblance to a bear is not very clear. Less doubt attaches to the figure shown inPl. 35, fig. 4, which seems almost certainly to depict a bear. The stout body, absence of a tail, the plantigrade hind feet, and stout claws, all seem to proclaim it a bear of one of the two species above mentioned. This picture is found in connection with one of the warriors shown in the bas-relief of the Lower Chamber of the Temple of the Tigers at Chichen Itza. It seems clearly to designate the figure in much the same way as figures arenamed in the Mexican writings,i.e., by having a glyph showing this nearby. Attention has already been called to the fact that here at Chichen Itza, and, especially on this bas-relief, there is much which shows a strong influence from the north. The two figures in Tro-Cortesianus 43a are probably bears. Förstemann (1902, p. 68) considers that they are men masked asChacsorBacabs.
Leaf-nosed Bat(Vampyrus spectrum;Artibeus jamaicensis; orPhyllostomus hastatus panamensis). Several remarkably diabolical representations of bats (Maya,soɔ, usually writtenzotz) occur among the Maya remains. These all show the prominent nose leaf distinguishing the familyPhyllostomatidaeand, as the Mayas probably used the largest and most conspicuous of the native species for artistic representation, it is likely that some one of the three species above mentioned is the one here shown.
Figs. 11, 12, 13, 14. GLYPHS FOR MAYA MONTH ZOTZ (BATS).Figs. 11, 12, 13, 14.GLYPHS FOR MAYA MONTH ZOTZ (BATS).
The bat had a place in the Maya pantheon. One of the months of the Maya year (Zotz) was named after this animal and the glyph for this month shows the characteristic nasal appendage. This is to be seen more clearly in the glyphs selected from the stone inscriptions (Pl. 38, figs. 1, 2, 4-6) than in those from the codices (textfigs. 11-14) although the nose leaf is still visible in the latter. The day signAkbal(night) occurs as the eye in the figures from the manuscripts. A carving showing the whole body of the bat is used as a glyph in Stela D from Copan (Pl. 38, fig. 3). This may also represent the Bat god who is associated with the underworld, “the god of the caverns.” This god is pictured on the “Vase of Chama” (Pl. 38, fig. 7) figured by Dieseldorff (1904, pp.665-666) and by Gordon (1898, Pl. III). Seler (1904a) has discussed the presence of this god among the Mayas, the Zapotecs, and the Nahuas. The bat does not seem to occur in the Maya manuscripts as a god, although there are glyphs which seem to refer to this god (Dresden 17b), as pointed out by Seler, when there is no other representation of this deity.
No doubt in the times of the Maya civilization, these bats haunted the temples by day as they do now, and thus became readily endowed with a religious significance.
Fig. 15. POTTERY WHISTLE, APE. FROM ULOA VALLEY, HONDURAS.Fig. 15.POTTERY WHISTLE, APE. FROM ULOA VALLEY, HONDURAS.
Capuchin Monkey(Cebus capucinus,—C. hypoleucusAuct.)With the possible exception of one or two figures, monkeys (Maya,maašorbaaɔ) are not represented in the Maya codices examined. In Tro-Cortesianus 88c (Pl. 39, fig. 4) occurs a curious nondescript animal with what seem to be hoofs on the forefeet, a somewhat bushy tail of moderate length, and a head that appears to be distinctly bonneted, somewhat as in the representations of the capuchin. Stempell regards this as a monkey, though recognizing that the short bushy tail is unlike that of any Central American species. The figure seems quite as likely a peccary or possibly a combination of a deer with some other animal. A glyph (Pl. 39, fig. 5) found directly above the figure just referredto, suggests a monkey, though it cannot be surely identified. A pottery whistle from the Uloa Valley (textfig. 15) shows two monkeys standing side by side with a posterior extension for the mouth piece. Their heads are shaped as in other representations of this monkey with a distinct cap or bonnet and facial discs. A pottery stamp from the same locality shows a monkey with a long tail (Gordon, 1898, Pl. 11, fig. f). It recalls the drawings of monkeys given by Strebel (1899, Pls. 1-4).
In the Nuttall Codex are numerous heads and a few other figures of a monkey, which from the erect hair of the crown, curling tail, and distinctly indicated facial area must be the common bonneted or capuchin monkey of Central America. This species does not occur in Yucatan. What is undoubtedly the same animal is shown as a head glyph inPl. 39, fig. 8, from the Aubin manuscript. The identifications of the head-forming glyphs in the Nuttall and the Aubin manuscripts are certainly correct as the Nahua day sign (Oçomatli) means ape.
Figs. 16, 17, 18, 19. GLYPHS FOR MAYA DAY CHUEN.Figs. 16, 17, 18, 19.GLYPHS FOR MAYA DAY CHUEN.
Textfigs. 16-19, show some of the signs for the dayChuenfrom the Maya codices. This is the day corresponding to the day Oçomatli of the Nahuas. There is little resembling an ape in the Maya signs although it has been remarked that the sign may show the open jaws and teeth of this animal.
Förstemann (1897) as noted by Schellhas (1904, p. 21) alludes to the fact that the figure of god C, which occurs also in the sign for the north, in thetonalamatlin Dresden 4a-10a occurs in the dayChuenof the Maya calendar, and this corresponds to the dayOçomatli, the ape, in the Nahua calendar. This would suggest a connection between god C and the ape and this may be seen in the glyphs for god C (textfigs. 20-24). Förstemann sees “an ape whose lateral nasal cavity (peculiar to the American ape or monkey) is occasionally represented plainly in the hieroglyph picture.” He also associates god C with the constellation of Ursa Minor.
Figs. 20, 21, 22, 23, 24. GLYPHS OF GOD C.Figs. 20, 21, 22, 23, 24.GLYPHS OF GOD C.
It will be seen from the detailed examination of the fauna shown in the codices that after all a comparatively small part of the animal life of the country occupied by the Maya speaking peoples is represented. The drawings in some cases are fairly accurate, so that there is little difficulty in determining the species intended by the artist. At other times, it is hazardous to state the exact species to which the animal belongs. It is only in a comparatively small number of cases, however, that there is any great doubt attached to the identification. It will be noted that the drawings of the Dresden manuscript are much more carefully and accurately done than those of the Tro-Cortesianus. A greater delicacy and a more minute regard for detail characterize the Dresden drawings in general.
In the animals selected for reproduction by the Mayas, only those were taken which were used either in a purely religious significance for their mythological character (and here naturally there is to be noted an anthropomorphic tendency) or animals were chosen which were employed as offerings to the many different gods of the Maya pantheon. The religious character of the whole portrayal of animal life in the codices is clearly manifest, and it is this side of the subject which will come out more clearly as the manuscripts are better known.
300-*Quoted in Thomas, 1882, pp. 115, 116.300-†“En el mes deTzozse aparejavan los señores de las colmenares para celebrar su fiesta enTzec.”301-*“En este mes (Mol) tornavan los colmenares a hazer otra fiesta como la que hizieron enTzec, para que los dioses proveessen de flores a las avejas.”303-*Strebel (1899, Pl. 11) gives several realistic reproductions of the centipede from pottery fragments.309-*Attention is also called to two whistles representing frogs in theMemoirs of the Peabody Museum, I,No.4 (Gordon, 1898), Pl. 9, figs, i, j.311-*We have added here a Spanish description from theRelacion de la Ciudad de Mérida(1900, pp. 66, 67) of the varieties of serpent found in the country. “Ay una suerte de culebra que llaman los naturales taxinchan, de una tercia de largo, que para andar hinca la cabeza en el suelo y da un salto, y de aquella suerte dando saltos anda, la espalda y la cabeza tiene dorada y la punta dela cola este se cria en los montes, y quando pica a alguna persona le haze reventar sangre por todos los poros del cuerpo que pareze que suda sangre y si no es le haze algun rremedio muere dentro de un dia natural y para la mordedura desta culebra tienen por rremedio los naturales dar a bever ala tal persona chile y hoja de piciete molido junto y desleido en agua, y con esto guarecen e sanan—ay biboras muy grandes y ponzoñosas de una vara e mas de largo, y tan gruesa como un brazo, que tienen cascabeles en la punta de la cola, y si muerden matan sino se rremedio con brebedad, y tienen los naturales por rremedio beber chile e piciete como para la mordedura del taxinchan—ay otras suertes de culebras que se llaman cocob, de tres y cuatro varas de largo y tan gruesas como una lanza gineta, que tanbien son muy ponzoñosas, y al que pican haze salir sangre por todo el cuerpo y por los ojos, como el taxinchan, ... procuraban guarecerse desta ponzoña con juros y encantamentos, que avia grandes en cantadores y tenian sus libros para conjurarlas y encantarlas, y estos encantadores, con pocas palabras que dezian, encantaban y amansaban las culebras ponzoñosas, las cojian y tomaban con las manos sin que les hiziese mal ninguno—tanbien ay culebras bobas sin ponzoñas, de dos varas y mas de largo y tan gruesas como el brazo, y suelen ponerse sobre arboles juntos alos caminos, y quando pasa alguna persona se deja caer encima y se le enrosça y rebuelve al cuerpo y a la garganta, y apretando le procura ahogarle y matarle, a sucedido matar algunos yndios caçadores yendo descuidados—tanbien tienen estas culebras distinto natural para comer y sustentarse.”313-*Pl. 9, figs. 5, 9, show drawings of the rattlesnake which occur on the fresco.316-*The reader is also referred to the bas-relief of the Lower Chamber of the Temple of the Tigers at Chichen Itza where a serpent is shown behind a low altar.317-*Förstemann (1906, p. 15) agrees with Schellhas that this may be a rebus for the nameQuetzalcoatlorKukulcan. As the bird is a vulture rather than a quetzal this could hardly be the case.317-†“Y con isopo en el mano de un palo corto muy labrado, y por barbas o pelos del isopo ciertas colas de unas culebras que son como caxcavales.”318-*Brinton (1893, p. 25) notes that the equivalent ofKanin the Nahuatl of Miztitlan isxilotlwhich means ear of corn. This seems to show the correctness of the usual identification of theKansign as meaning maize or bread (pan).318-†“Y les ofrecían dos pellas de una leche o resina de un arbol que llamankik, para quemar y ciertas iguanas y pan y una mitra y un manojo de flores y una piedra preciosa de las suyas.”319-*“Y pintaban un largarto que significaba el Diluvio—y la tierra e sobre este largarto hazian un gran monton de leña y ponianle fuego.”323-*See in this connection Seler, 1904.327-*“Y ofrecerle cabeças de pavos y pan y bevidas de maiz.”327-†(Kan year) “Sahumavan la imagen, degollavan una gallina y se la presentavan o offrecian ... y assi le hazian muchas offrendas de comidas y bevidas de carne y pescado, y estas offrendas repartian a los estrangeros que alli se hallavan.”(Muluc year) “Y despues degollavanle la gallina como al passado.”(Ix year) “Y degollavan la gallina ... a la estatua deKac-u-Uayeyabofrescian una cabeça de un pavo, y empanados de codornices y otrascoasay su bevida.”(Cauac year) “Coma solian y degollavanle la gallina ... un hombre muerto y en cima un paxaro cenicero llamadkuch, en señal de mortandad grande, ca por muy mal año tenian este.”330-*Förstemann identifies this bird as a black eagle.333-*“Este año en que la letra eraCauacy reynava elBacab-Hozanektenian, allende de la pronosticada mortandad, por ruyn, por que dezian les avian los muchos soles de matar los maizales, y comer las muchas hormigas lo que sembrassen y los paxaros, y porque esto no seria en todas partes avria en algunos comida, la qual avrian con gran trabajo.”338-*Brinton (1895, p. 74), according to our interpretation, makes a mistake when he considers the crested falcon as the Moan, “in Mayamuanormuyan.” He adds, “Some writers have thought the moan bird was a mythical animal but Dr. C. H. Berendt found the name still applied to the falcon. In the formmuyan, it is akin in sound tomuyal, cloud,muan, cloudy, which may account for its adoption as a symbol of the rains, etc.”341-*“Crian paxaros para su recreacion y para las plumas para hazer sus ropas galanas.”349-*Relacion hecha por el Licenciado Palacio al Rey. D. Felipe II(1866, p. 31). “Lo que hacian en los sacrificios de la pesca y caza, era que tomaban un venado vivo y llevábanlo al patio del cu é iglesia que tenian fuera del pueblo y allí lo ahogaban y lo desollaban y le salaban toda la sangre en una olla, y el hígado y bofes y buches los hacian pedazos muy pequeños y apartaban el corazon, cabeza y pies, y mandaban cocer el venado por si, la sangreforsí, y mientras esto se cocia, hacian su baile. Tomaban el Papa y sábio la cabeza del venado por las orejas, y los cuatro sacerdotes los cuatro pies, y el mayordomo llevaba un brasero, do se quemaba el corazon con ulí y copa, é incensaban al ídolo que tenian puesto y señalado para la caza y pesca. Acabado el mitote, ofrecian la cabeza y piés al ídolo y chamuscábanla, y despues de chamuscada, la llevaban á casa del Papa y se la comia y el venado y su sangre comian los demás sacerdotes delante del ídolo; á los pescados les sacaban las tripas y los quemaban ante el dicho ídolo. Lo propio era con los demás animales.”Relacion de Cotuta y Tibolon(1898, p. 105). “Un dios que dezian que eran benados en matando un yndio un benado benia luego a su dios y con el coraçon le untaba la cara de sangre y sino mataba algo aquel dia ybase a su casa aquel yndio le quebraba y dabale de cozes diziendo que no era buen dios.”Cogolludo (1688, Book I, Chap. VII, p. 43) “Correan tan poco los venados, y tan sin espantarse de la gente, que los soldados de á cavallo del exercito los alcancavan, y alançeavan, muy á su placer, y de esta suerte mataron muchos de ellos, con que comieron algunos dias despues ... Que en que consistia aquella novedad, de aver tanta maquina de venados, y estar tan mansos? Les dieron por respuesta; Que en aquellos Pueblos los tenian por sus Dioses á los venador; porque su Idolo Mayor se les avia aparecido en aquella figura.”350-*“Y con su devocion invocavan los caçadores a los dioses de la caça, ... sacava cada uno una flecha y una calabera de venado, las quales loschacesuntavan con el betun azul; y untados, vailavan con ellas en las manos unos.”350-†In theMulucyears, he states “davan al sacredote una pierna de venado” and also in the same month, “Ofrecian a la imagen pan hecho como yemas de uevos y otros como coraçones de venados, y otro hecho con su pimienta desleida.”351-*Förstemann (1902, p. 20) identifies this animal as a rabbit!351-†Förstemann identifies this animal as a dog.352-*This animal has been identified by Stempell as an agouti notwithstanding the hoofs and tusks.352-†Förstemann (1906, p. 228) suggests that this animal is a bear.353-*Attention is called to the curious half-human, half-animal figure in Tro-Cortesianus 2a which may suggest the figures in Dresden 44a, 45a and which are here identified as peccaries. Both are descending from the band of constellation signs and the heads of each are not greatly dissimilar.354-*Förstemann (1906, p. 229) suggests that fig. 8 is a walrus!358-*Seler (1904) gives an interesting explanation of the reason why the puma and the other corresponding figures are shown hit with a spear.359-*Relacion de la Ciudad de Merida(1898, p. 63): “Ay perros naturales dela tierra que no tienen pelo ninguno, y no ladran, que tienen los dientes ralos e agudos, las orejas pequeñas, tiesas y levantadas—a estos engordan los yndios para comer y los tienen por gran rregalo—estos se juntan con los perros de españa y enjendran y los mestizos que dellos proceden ladran y tienen pelo y tambien los comen los yndios cano alos demas, y tambien los yndios tienen otra suerte de perros que tienen pelo pero tan poco ladran y son del mesmo tamaño que los demas.”359-†Brinton (1895, p. 72) regards these spots as representing stars.361-*“Y que le sacrificassen un perro o un hombre ... porque hazian en el patio del templo un gran monton de piedras y ponian al hombre o perro que avian de sacrificiar en alguna cosa mas alta que el.”361-†“Avian de ofrescerle perros hechos de barro con pan en las espaldas, y avian de vailar con ellos en las manos las viejas y sacrificarle un perrito que tuviesse las espaldas negras y fuesse virgen.”361-‡These might quite as well be rabbits as dogs.361-§“De los Indios de Cozumèl dize, que aun en su tiempo eran grandes Idolatras, y usaban un bayle de su gentilidad, en el qual flechaban un perroq with circumflexauian de sacrificar.”362-*“Donde sacrificavan un perro, manchado por la color del cacao ... y ofrecianles yguanas de las azules y ciertas plumas de un paxaro.”
300-*Quoted in Thomas, 1882, pp. 115, 116.
300-†“En el mes deTzozse aparejavan los señores de las colmenares para celebrar su fiesta enTzec.”
301-*“En este mes (Mol) tornavan los colmenares a hazer otra fiesta como la que hizieron enTzec, para que los dioses proveessen de flores a las avejas.”
303-*Strebel (1899, Pl. 11) gives several realistic reproductions of the centipede from pottery fragments.
309-*Attention is also called to two whistles representing frogs in theMemoirs of the Peabody Museum, I,No.4 (Gordon, 1898), Pl. 9, figs, i, j.
311-*We have added here a Spanish description from theRelacion de la Ciudad de Mérida(1900, pp. 66, 67) of the varieties of serpent found in the country. “Ay una suerte de culebra que llaman los naturales taxinchan, de una tercia de largo, que para andar hinca la cabeza en el suelo y da un salto, y de aquella suerte dando saltos anda, la espalda y la cabeza tiene dorada y la punta dela cola este se cria en los montes, y quando pica a alguna persona le haze reventar sangre por todos los poros del cuerpo que pareze que suda sangre y si no es le haze algun rremedio muere dentro de un dia natural y para la mordedura desta culebra tienen por rremedio los naturales dar a bever ala tal persona chile y hoja de piciete molido junto y desleido en agua, y con esto guarecen e sanan—ay biboras muy grandes y ponzoñosas de una vara e mas de largo, y tan gruesa como un brazo, que tienen cascabeles en la punta de la cola, y si muerden matan sino se rremedio con brebedad, y tienen los naturales por rremedio beber chile e piciete como para la mordedura del taxinchan—ay otras suertes de culebras que se llaman cocob, de tres y cuatro varas de largo y tan gruesas como una lanza gineta, que tanbien son muy ponzoñosas, y al que pican haze salir sangre por todo el cuerpo y por los ojos, como el taxinchan, ... procuraban guarecerse desta ponzoña con juros y encantamentos, que avia grandes en cantadores y tenian sus libros para conjurarlas y encantarlas, y estos encantadores, con pocas palabras que dezian, encantaban y amansaban las culebras ponzoñosas, las cojian y tomaban con las manos sin que les hiziese mal ninguno—tanbien ay culebras bobas sin ponzoñas, de dos varas y mas de largo y tan gruesas como el brazo, y suelen ponerse sobre arboles juntos alos caminos, y quando pasa alguna persona se deja caer encima y se le enrosça y rebuelve al cuerpo y a la garganta, y apretando le procura ahogarle y matarle, a sucedido matar algunos yndios caçadores yendo descuidados—tanbien tienen estas culebras distinto natural para comer y sustentarse.”
313-*Pl. 9, figs. 5, 9, show drawings of the rattlesnake which occur on the fresco.
316-*The reader is also referred to the bas-relief of the Lower Chamber of the Temple of the Tigers at Chichen Itza where a serpent is shown behind a low altar.
317-*Förstemann (1906, p. 15) agrees with Schellhas that this may be a rebus for the nameQuetzalcoatlorKukulcan. As the bird is a vulture rather than a quetzal this could hardly be the case.
317-†“Y con isopo en el mano de un palo corto muy labrado, y por barbas o pelos del isopo ciertas colas de unas culebras que son como caxcavales.”
318-*Brinton (1893, p. 25) notes that the equivalent ofKanin the Nahuatl of Miztitlan isxilotlwhich means ear of corn. This seems to show the correctness of the usual identification of theKansign as meaning maize or bread (pan).
318-†“Y les ofrecían dos pellas de una leche o resina de un arbol que llamankik, para quemar y ciertas iguanas y pan y una mitra y un manojo de flores y una piedra preciosa de las suyas.”
319-*“Y pintaban un largarto que significaba el Diluvio—y la tierra e sobre este largarto hazian un gran monton de leña y ponianle fuego.”
323-*See in this connection Seler, 1904.
327-*“Y ofrecerle cabeças de pavos y pan y bevidas de maiz.”
327-†(Kan year) “Sahumavan la imagen, degollavan una gallina y se la presentavan o offrecian ... y assi le hazian muchas offrendas de comidas y bevidas de carne y pescado, y estas offrendas repartian a los estrangeros que alli se hallavan.”
(Muluc year) “Y despues degollavanle la gallina como al passado.”
(Ix year) “Y degollavan la gallina ... a la estatua deKac-u-Uayeyabofrescian una cabeça de un pavo, y empanados de codornices y otrascoasay su bevida.”
(Cauac year) “Coma solian y degollavanle la gallina ... un hombre muerto y en cima un paxaro cenicero llamadkuch, en señal de mortandad grande, ca por muy mal año tenian este.”
330-*Förstemann identifies this bird as a black eagle.
333-*“Este año en que la letra eraCauacy reynava elBacab-Hozanektenian, allende de la pronosticada mortandad, por ruyn, por que dezian les avian los muchos soles de matar los maizales, y comer las muchas hormigas lo que sembrassen y los paxaros, y porque esto no seria en todas partes avria en algunos comida, la qual avrian con gran trabajo.”
338-*Brinton (1895, p. 74), according to our interpretation, makes a mistake when he considers the crested falcon as the Moan, “in Mayamuanormuyan.” He adds, “Some writers have thought the moan bird was a mythical animal but Dr. C. H. Berendt found the name still applied to the falcon. In the formmuyan, it is akin in sound tomuyal, cloud,muan, cloudy, which may account for its adoption as a symbol of the rains, etc.”
341-*“Crian paxaros para su recreacion y para las plumas para hazer sus ropas galanas.”
349-*Relacion hecha por el Licenciado Palacio al Rey. D. Felipe II(1866, p. 31). “Lo que hacian en los sacrificios de la pesca y caza, era que tomaban un venado vivo y llevábanlo al patio del cu é iglesia que tenian fuera del pueblo y allí lo ahogaban y lo desollaban y le salaban toda la sangre en una olla, y el hígado y bofes y buches los hacian pedazos muy pequeños y apartaban el corazon, cabeza y pies, y mandaban cocer el venado por si, la sangreforsí, y mientras esto se cocia, hacian su baile. Tomaban el Papa y sábio la cabeza del venado por las orejas, y los cuatro sacerdotes los cuatro pies, y el mayordomo llevaba un brasero, do se quemaba el corazon con ulí y copa, é incensaban al ídolo que tenian puesto y señalado para la caza y pesca. Acabado el mitote, ofrecian la cabeza y piés al ídolo y chamuscábanla, y despues de chamuscada, la llevaban á casa del Papa y se la comia y el venado y su sangre comian los demás sacerdotes delante del ídolo; á los pescados les sacaban las tripas y los quemaban ante el dicho ídolo. Lo propio era con los demás animales.”
Relacion de Cotuta y Tibolon(1898, p. 105). “Un dios que dezian que eran benados en matando un yndio un benado benia luego a su dios y con el coraçon le untaba la cara de sangre y sino mataba algo aquel dia ybase a su casa aquel yndio le quebraba y dabale de cozes diziendo que no era buen dios.”
Cogolludo (1688, Book I, Chap. VII, p. 43) “Correan tan poco los venados, y tan sin espantarse de la gente, que los soldados de á cavallo del exercito los alcancavan, y alançeavan, muy á su placer, y de esta suerte mataron muchos de ellos, con que comieron algunos dias despues ... Que en que consistia aquella novedad, de aver tanta maquina de venados, y estar tan mansos? Les dieron por respuesta; Que en aquellos Pueblos los tenian por sus Dioses á los venador; porque su Idolo Mayor se les avia aparecido en aquella figura.”
350-*“Y con su devocion invocavan los caçadores a los dioses de la caça, ... sacava cada uno una flecha y una calabera de venado, las quales loschacesuntavan con el betun azul; y untados, vailavan con ellas en las manos unos.”
350-†In theMulucyears, he states “davan al sacredote una pierna de venado” and also in the same month, “Ofrecian a la imagen pan hecho como yemas de uevos y otros como coraçones de venados, y otro hecho con su pimienta desleida.”
351-*Förstemann (1902, p. 20) identifies this animal as a rabbit!
351-†Förstemann identifies this animal as a dog.
352-*This animal has been identified by Stempell as an agouti notwithstanding the hoofs and tusks.
352-†Förstemann (1906, p. 228) suggests that this animal is a bear.
353-*Attention is called to the curious half-human, half-animal figure in Tro-Cortesianus 2a which may suggest the figures in Dresden 44a, 45a and which are here identified as peccaries. Both are descending from the band of constellation signs and the heads of each are not greatly dissimilar.
354-*Förstemann (1906, p. 229) suggests that fig. 8 is a walrus!
358-*Seler (1904) gives an interesting explanation of the reason why the puma and the other corresponding figures are shown hit with a spear.
359-*Relacion de la Ciudad de Merida(1898, p. 63): “Ay perros naturales dela tierra que no tienen pelo ninguno, y no ladran, que tienen los dientes ralos e agudos, las orejas pequeñas, tiesas y levantadas—a estos engordan los yndios para comer y los tienen por gran rregalo—estos se juntan con los perros de españa y enjendran y los mestizos que dellos proceden ladran y tienen pelo y tambien los comen los yndios cano alos demas, y tambien los yndios tienen otra suerte de perros que tienen pelo pero tan poco ladran y son del mesmo tamaño que los demas.”
359-†Brinton (1895, p. 72) regards these spots as representing stars.
361-*“Y que le sacrificassen un perro o un hombre ... porque hazian en el patio del templo un gran monton de piedras y ponian al hombre o perro que avian de sacrificiar en alguna cosa mas alta que el.”
361-†“Avian de ofrescerle perros hechos de barro con pan en las espaldas, y avian de vailar con ellos en las manos las viejas y sacrificarle un perrito que tuviesse las espaldas negras y fuesse virgen.”
361-‡These might quite as well be rabbits as dogs.
361-§“De los Indios de Cozumèl dize, que aun en su tiempo eran grandes Idolatras, y usaban un bayle de su gentilidad, en el qual flechaban un perroq with circumflexauian de sacrificar.”
362-*“Donde sacrificavan un perro, manchado por la color del cacao ... y ofrecianles yguanas de las azules y ciertas plumas de un paxaro.”
Aubin Manuscript, See Seler 1900-1901.
Beyer, Herman.
1908, The symbolic meaning of the dog in ancient Mexico; inAmerican Anthropologist(N. S.), Vol. X, pp. 419-422, Washington.
Bologna Codex, See Cospiano Codex.
Borbonicus Codex, See Hamy, 1899.
Borgia Codex, See Seler, 1904-1906.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Charles Etienne.
1869-1870, Manuscrit Troano. Etudes sur le système graphique et la langue des Mayas; 2 vols., 4oParis.
Brinton, Daniel Garrison.
1893, The native calendar of Central America and Mexico; inProceedings of the American Philosophical Society; Vol. XXXI, pp. 258-314, Philadelphia.
1895, A primer of Mayan hieroglyphics; inPublications of the University of Pennsylvania, Series in Philosophy, Literature, and Archaeology, Vol. III, No. 2, pp. 152, Boston.
Camargo, Domingo Muñoz.
1843, Histoire de la République de Tlaxcallan; inNouvelles Annales des Voyages et des Sciences Géographique; IV Série, Tome 3, Paris. (Spanish edition published by Chavero, Mexico, 1892.)
Cogolludo, Diego Lopez.
1688, Historia de Yucatan; 4o, pp. 791, Madrid.
Cortesianus Codex, See Rada y Delgado, 1893.
Cospiano Codex (formerly Bologna).
1899, Published in facsimile, Paris. (Loubat edition.)
Dieseldorff, Erwin P.
1904, A clay vessel with a picture of a vampire-headed deity; inBureau of Ethnology, Bulletin 28, pp. 665-666, Washington. (Translation of German edition published inZeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1894, pp. 576-577.)
Dresden Codex, See Förstemann, 1880 and 1892.
Fejérváry-Mayer Codex, See Seler, 1901.
Fewkes, J. Walter.
1892, The Mam-zraú-ti; a Tusayan ceremony; inAmerican Anthropologist, Vol. V, pp. 217-246.
1894, A study of certain figures in a Maya codex; inAmerican Anthropologist, Vol. VII, pp. 260-274.
Förstemann, Ernst.
1880, Die Maya-Handschrift der königlichen öffentlichen Bibliothek zu Dresden; 4o, Preface pp. xvii, 74 colored plates, Leipzig.
1892, Second edition of 1880, Dresden.
1902, Commentar zur Madrider Mayahandschrift (Codex Tro-Cortesianus); 8o, pp. 160, Danzig.
1903, Commentar zur Pariser Mayahandschrift (Codex Peresianus); 8o, pp. 32, Danzig.
1904, Tortoise and shell in Maya literature; inBureau of Ethnology, Bulletin28, pp. 423-430, Washington. (Translation of German edition of 1892. Dresden.)
1904a, The Pleiades among the Mayas; inBureau of Ethnology, Bulletin28, pp. 523-524, Washington. (Translation of German edition published inGlobus, Vol. XVI, No. 15, p. 246, 1894.)
1904b, The Day Gods of the Mayas; inBureau of Ethnology, Bulletin28, pp. 557-572, Washington. (Translation of German edition published inGlobus, Vol. LXIII, Nos. 9, 10, 1898.)
1906, Commentary of the Maya manuscript in the Royal Public Library of Dresden; inPapers of the Peabody Museum, Vol. IV, No. 2, pp. 48-266. Cambridge. (Translation, revised by the author, of the German edition of 1901.)
Gann, Thomas.
1897-1898, Mounds in Northern Honduras; inBureau of Ethnology, 19th annual report, part 2, pp. 661-691, Washington.
Gordon, George Byron.
1898, Researches in the Uloa Valley, Honduras; inMemoirs of the Peabody Museum, Vol. I, No. 4, pp. 44, Cambridge.
Hamy, Ernest T.
1899, Codex Borbonicus. Manuscrit Mexicain de la Bibliothèque der Palais Bourbon; Text and plates, Paris.
Holmes, William Henry.
1895-1897, Archaeological studies among the ancient cities of Mexico;Field Museum of Natural History, Publications8 and 16,Anthropological Series, Vol. I, No. I, Chicago.
Hough, Walter.
1908, The pulque of Mexico; inProceedings of the United States National Museum, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 577-592, Washington.
Landa, Diego de.
1864, Relación de las cosas de Yucatan; Spanish text with French translation published by Brasseur de Bourbourg; 8o, pp. 516, Paris. (The references in the text are to this edition). Spanish edition published by Juan de Dios de la Rada y Delgado, Madrid, 1884, as an appendix to his translation of Leon de Rosny’s article, Essai sur le déchiffrement de l’écriture hiératique de l’Amérique Centrale. Second Spanish edition in Colección de Documentos inéditos (2d Series); Madrid, 1900, Vol. XIII, pp. 265-411.
1900, See second Spanish edition under 1864. (This contains much that is not given in the 1864 edition.)
Maler, Teoberto.
1901-1903, Researches in the Usumatsintla Valley; inMemoirs of the Peabody Museum, Vol. II, Cambridge.
1908, Explorations of the Upper Usumatsintla and adjacent region; inMemoirs of the Peabody Museum, Vol. IV, No. 1, Cambridge.
Maudslay, Alfred P.
1889-1902, Biologia Centrali-Americana, or Contributions to the knowledge of the flora and fauna of Mexico and Central America. Archaeology; Text and 4 vols. plates, London.
Nuttall Codex.
1902, Reproduced in facsimile by the Peabody Museum, Cambridge.
Palacio.
1686, Relacion hecha por el Licentiado Palacio al Rey. D. Felipe II en la que describe la Provincia de Guatemala, las costumbres de los Indios y otras casas notables; inColección de Documentos inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y organizacion de las antiguas posesionesEspañalesde América y Oceania; Tomo VI, pp. 7-40, Madrid.
Peresianus Codex, See Rosny, 1887.
Perez, Juan Pio.
1866-1877, Diccionario de la lengua Maya; sm. 4o, pp. 437, Merida.
Rada y Delgado, Juan de Dios de la.
1893, Codice Maya denominado Cortesianus que se conserva en el Museo Arqueologio Nacional; 42 colored plates, Madrid.
Relacion de la Ciudad de Merida.
1900, inColección de Documentos inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y organizacion de las antiguas posesiones Españolas de Ultra mar(Segunda serie), Tomo XI, pp. 37-75, Madrid.
Relación de Cotuta y Tibolon.
1900, inColección de Documentos inéditos etc., (Segunda serie), Tomo XI, pp. 93-103, Madrid.
Rosny, Leon de.
1876, Essai sur le dechiffrement de l’écriture hiératique de l’Amérique Centrale, Paris.
1887, Codex Peresianus, Manuscrit hiératique des anciens Indiens del’AméirqueCentrale conservé à laBibliothéqueNational de Paris, Paris.
Schellhas, Paul.
1904, Representations of deities of the Maya manuscripts; inPapers of the Peabody Museum, Vol. IV, No. 1, pp. 1-47, Cambridge. (Revised translation of second German edition of 1904.)
Seler, Eduard.
1900-1901, The Tonalamatl of the Aubin Collection, (English edition), pp. 147, plates 19, Berlin and London. (Loubat edition.)
1901, Codex Fejérváry-Mayer. Manuscrit Mexicain précolombien du Free Public Museum de Liverpool (M 12014). Text and plates, Paris. (Loubat edition.)
1902-1903, Codex Vaticanus 3773, Text and plates, Berlin. (Loubat ed.)
1904, Venus period in the picture writings of the Borgia Codex group; inBureau of Ethnology, Bulletin28, pp. 355-391, Washington. (Translation of German edition of 1898.)
1904a, The Bat god of the Maya race; inBureau of Ethnology, Bulletin28, pp. 231-242, Washington. (Translation of the German edition of 1894.)
1904b, Antiquities from Guatemala: inBureau of Ethnology, Bulletin28, pp. 75-121, Washington. (Translation of the German edition of 1895.republishedin his collected works, Vol. III, pp. 578-640.)
1904-1906, Codex Borgia. Eine altmexikanische Bilderschrift der Bibliothek der Congregatio de Propaganda Fide; 4o, 2 vols. plates, Berlin (Loubat edition.)
1909, Die Tierbilder der mexikanischen undMaya-Handschriften:inZeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1909, pp. 209-257, 381-457 (not completed).
Stempell, W.
1908, Die Tierbilder der Mayahandschriften; inZeitschrift für Ethnologie, 40 Jahrgang, Vol. V, pp. 704-743.
Strebel, Hermann.
1899, Uber Tierornamente auf Thongefässen aus Alt-Mexico; inVeröffentlichen aus dem Konig. Mus. für Völkerkunde, Vol. VI, part 1, pp. 1-33, Berlin.
Thomas, Cyrus.
1882, A study of the Manuscript Troana; inContributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. V, pp. 234, Washington.
1884-1885, Aids to the study of the Maya codices; inBureau of Ethnology, 6th annual report, pp. 253-371, Washington.
Tozzer, Alfred M.
1907, A comparative study of the Mayas and the Lacandones. Report of the Fellow in American Archaeology, 1902-1905; Archaeological Institute of America, 8o, pp. 195, plates 29, New York.
Troano Codex, See Brasseur de Bourbourg, 1867-1870.
Villagutierre Soto Mayor, Juan.
1701, Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza; 4o, pp. 660, Madrid.
Vaticanus 3773, See Seler, 1902.