16. Thebirais the betel or pan-leaf folded up, containing aromatic spices, and presented on taking leave. The Kanor chieftain, being of the second grade of nobles, was not entitled to the distinction of having it from the sovereign’s own hand.
16. Thebirais the betel or pan-leaf folded up, containing aromatic spices, and presented on taking leave. The Kanor chieftain, being of the second grade of nobles, was not entitled to the distinction of having it from the sovereign’s own hand.
17.Treaty.Sri Eklinga. (a)Agreed.Sita Rama jayati. (c)Agreed.Vraj Adhis. (b)Abhai Singh. (d)1. All are united, in good and in evil, and none will withdraw therefrom, on which oaths have been made, and faith pledged, which will be lost by whoever acts contrary thereto. The honour and shame of one is that of all, and in this everything is contained.2. No one shall countenance the traitor of another.3. After the rains the affair shall commence, and the chiefs of each party assemble at Rampura; and if from any cause the head cannot come, he will send his Kunwar (heir), or some personage of weight.4. Should from inexperience such Kunwar commit error, the Rana alone shall interfere to correct it.5. In every enterprise all shall unite to effect it.(a) (b) (c). All these seals of Mewar, Marwar, and Amber bear respectively the names of the tutelary divinity of each prince and his tribe Swasti Sri! By the united chiefs the under-written has been agreed to, from which no deviation can take place. Sawan sudi 13, S. 1791 (A.D.1735), Camp Hurra.(a) Ėklinga, or Mahadeva of the Sesodias of Mewar; (b) Vraj Adhis, the lord of Vraj, the country round Mathura; the epithet of Krishna; seal of the Hara prince; (c) Victory to Sita and Rama, the demi-god, ancestor of the princes of Amber; (d) Abhai Singh, prince of Marwar.
17.
Treaty.
Treaty.
Treaty.
Sri Eklinga. (a)
Sri Eklinga. (a)
Agreed.Sita Rama jayati. (c)Agreed.Vraj Adhis. (b)Abhai Singh. (d)
Agreed.Sita Rama jayati. (c)
Agreed.
Sita Rama jayati. (c)
Sita Rama jayati. (c)
Agreed.Vraj Adhis. (b)
Agreed.
Vraj Adhis. (b)
Vraj Adhis. (b)
Abhai Singh. (d)
Abhai Singh. (d)
Abhai Singh. (d)
1. All are united, in good and in evil, and none will withdraw therefrom, on which oaths have been made, and faith pledged, which will be lost by whoever acts contrary thereto. The honour and shame of one is that of all, and in this everything is contained.
2. No one shall countenance the traitor of another.
3. After the rains the affair shall commence, and the chiefs of each party assemble at Rampura; and if from any cause the head cannot come, he will send his Kunwar (heir), or some personage of weight.
4. Should from inexperience such Kunwar commit error, the Rana alone shall interfere to correct it.
5. In every enterprise all shall unite to effect it.
(a) (b) (c). All these seals of Mewar, Marwar, and Amber bear respectively the names of the tutelary divinity of each prince and his tribe Swasti Sri! By the united chiefs the under-written has been agreed to, from which no deviation can take place. Sawan sudi 13, S. 1791 (A.D.1735), Camp Hurra.
(a) Ėklinga, or Mahadeva of the Sesodias of Mewar; (b) Vraj Adhis, the lord of Vraj, the country round Mathura; the epithet of Krishna; seal of the Hara prince; (c) Victory to Sita and Rama, the demi-god, ancestor of the princes of Amber; (d) Abhai Singh, prince of Marwar.
18. [Sūbahdār of Mālwa, killed in battle at Tala near Dhār in 1732 (Grant Duff 227).]
18. [Sūbahdār of Mālwa, killed in battle at Tala near Dhār in 1732 (Grant Duff 227).]
19. [Sarbuland Khān was superseded by Abhai Singh (ibid.226).]
19. [Sarbuland Khān was superseded by Abhai Singh (ibid.226).]
20. [Mahābat Jang, in 1740 usurped the Government of Bengal, over which he reigned for sixteen years, died April 10, 1756 N.S., buried at Murshidābād (Beale, sv.).]
20. [Mahābat Jang, in 1740 usurped the Government of Bengal, over which he reigned for sixteen years, died April 10, 1756 N.S., buried at Murshidābād (Beale, sv.).]
21. [Nephew and son-in-law of Burhānu-l-mulk, Sa’ādat Khān, was appointed Wazīr in 1748, died October 17, 1754.]
21. [Nephew and son-in-law of Burhānu-l-mulk, Sa’ādat Khān, was appointed Wazīr in 1748, died October 17, 1754.]
22. [Akbar Shāh II., King of Delhi, reigned from 1806 to 1827.] I have conversed with an aged Shaikh who recollected the splendour of Muhammad Shah’s reign before Nadir’s invasion. He was darogah (superintendent) to the Duab canal, and described to me the fête on its opening.
22. [Akbar Shāh II., King of Delhi, reigned from 1806 to 1827.] I have conversed with an aged Shaikh who recollected the splendour of Muhammad Shah’s reign before Nadir’s invasion. He was darogah (superintendent) to the Duab canal, and described to me the fête on its opening.
23. Sindhia’s family were husbandmen.
23. Sindhia’s family were husbandmen.
24. Holkar was a goat-herd.
24. Holkar was a goat-herd.
25. The ford near Dholpur still is called Bhaoghat. [Bājirāo appeared at Delhi in 1736 (Grant Duff 226).]
25. The ford near Dholpur still is called Bhaoghat. [Bājirāo appeared at Delhi in 1736 (Grant Duff 226).]
26.A.D.1740.
26.A.D.1740.
27. [Near Pānipat, February 13, 1739 (Elphinstone 717).]
27. [Near Pānipat, February 13, 1739 (Elphinstone 717).]
28. It is yet pointed out to the visitor of this famed city. [The Golden Mosque of Roshanu-d-daula (Fanshawe,Delhi Past and Present, 50).]
28. It is yet pointed out to the visitor of this famed city. [The Golden Mosque of Roshanu-d-daula (Fanshawe,Delhi Past and Present, 50).]
29. [This is not certain. Many officials committed suicide, and Sa’ādat Khān was believed to have been among these: it is certain that he died the night before the massacre (Keene,Sketch Hist. Hindustan, 324).]
29. [This is not certain. Many officials committed suicide, and Sa’ādat Khān was believed to have been among these: it is certain that he died the night before the massacre (Keene,Sketch Hist. Hindustan, 324).]
30. As the hour of departure approached, the cruelties of the ruthless invaders increased, to which the words of the narrator, an eye-witness, can alone do justice: "A type of the last day afflicted the inhabitants of this once happy city; hitherto it was a general massacre, but now came the murder of individuals. In every house was heard the cry of affliction. Basant Rae, agent for pensions, killed his family and himself; Khalik Yar Khan stabbed himself; many took poison. The venerable chief magistrate was dishonoured by stripes; sleep and rest forsook the city. The officers of the court were beaten without mercy, and a fire broke out in the imperialfarash-khana, and destroyed effects to the amount of a crore (a million sterling). There was a scarcity of grain, two seers of coarse rice sold for a rupee, and from a pestilential disorder crowds died daily in every street and lane. The inhabitants, like the affrighted animals of the desert, sought refuge in the most concealed corners. Yet four or five crores (millions) more were thus extracted." On the 5th April, Nadir’s seals were taken off the imperial repositories, and his farmans sent to all the feudatories of the empire to notify the place and to inculcate obedience ‘to his dear brother,’ which, as a specimen of eastern diplomatic phraseology, is worth insertion. It was addressed to the Rana, the Rajas of Marwar and Amber, Nagor, Satara, the Peshwa Bajirao, etc. “Between us and our dear brother, Muhammad Shah, in consideration of the regard and alliances of the two sovereigns, the connexions of regard and friendship have been renewed, so that we may be esteemed as one soul in two bodies. Now our dear brother has been replaced on the throne of this extensive empire, and we are moving to the conquest of other regions, it is incumbent that ye, like your forefathers, walk in the path of submission and obedience to our dear brother, as they did to former sovereigns of the house of Timur. God forbid it; but if accounts of your rebelling should reach our ears, we will blot you out of the pages of the book of creation” (‘Memoirs of Iradat Khan,’Scott’s History of Dekhan, vol. ii. p. 213).
30. As the hour of departure approached, the cruelties of the ruthless invaders increased, to which the words of the narrator, an eye-witness, can alone do justice: "A type of the last day afflicted the inhabitants of this once happy city; hitherto it was a general massacre, but now came the murder of individuals. In every house was heard the cry of affliction. Basant Rae, agent for pensions, killed his family and himself; Khalik Yar Khan stabbed himself; many took poison. The venerable chief magistrate was dishonoured by stripes; sleep and rest forsook the city. The officers of the court were beaten without mercy, and a fire broke out in the imperialfarash-khana, and destroyed effects to the amount of a crore (a million sterling). There was a scarcity of grain, two seers of coarse rice sold for a rupee, and from a pestilential disorder crowds died daily in every street and lane. The inhabitants, like the affrighted animals of the desert, sought refuge in the most concealed corners. Yet four or five crores (millions) more were thus extracted." On the 5th April, Nadir’s seals were taken off the imperial repositories, and his farmans sent to all the feudatories of the empire to notify the place and to inculcate obedience ‘to his dear brother,’ which, as a specimen of eastern diplomatic phraseology, is worth insertion. It was addressed to the Rana, the Rajas of Marwar and Amber, Nagor, Satara, the Peshwa Bajirao, etc. “Between us and our dear brother, Muhammad Shah, in consideration of the regard and alliances of the two sovereigns, the connexions of regard and friendship have been renewed, so that we may be esteemed as one soul in two bodies. Now our dear brother has been replaced on the throne of this extensive empire, and we are moving to the conquest of other regions, it is incumbent that ye, like your forefathers, walk in the path of submission and obedience to our dear brother, as they did to former sovereigns of the house of Timur. God forbid it; but if accounts of your rebelling should reach our ears, we will blot you out of the pages of the book of creation” (‘Memoirs of Iradat Khan,’Scott’s History of Dekhan, vol. ii. p. 213).
31. Bikaner and Kishangarh arose out of Marwar, and Macheri from Amber; to which we might add Shaikhavati, which, though not separate, is tributary to Amber (now Jaipur).
31. Bikaner and Kishangarh arose out of Marwar, and Macheri from Amber; to which we might add Shaikhavati, which, though not separate, is tributary to Amber (now Jaipur).
32.A.D.1735.
32.A.D.1735.
33. These documents are interesting, if merely showing the high respect paid by every Rajput prince to the Ranas of Mewar, and illustrating what is recorded in the reign of Partap, who abjured all intercourse with them.No. 1."From Kunwar Bijai Singh of Marwar to the Maharana Sri-Sri-Sri."Jagat Singh’s Presence—let mymujra(obedience) be known. You honoured me by sending Rawat Kesari Singh and Biharidas, and commanding a marriage connexion. Your orders are on your child’s head. You have made me a servant. To everything I am agreed, and now I am your child; while I live I am yours. If a true Rajput, my head is at your disposal. You have made 20,000 Rathors your servants. If I fail in this, the Almighty is between us. Whoever is of my blood will obey your commands, and the fruit of this marriage shall be sovereign, and if a daughter, should I bestow her on the Turkana, I am no true Rajput. She shall be married to a proper connexion, and not without your advice; and even should Sri Bavaji (an epithet of respect to his father), or others of our elders, recommend such proceeding, I swear by God I shall not agree. I am the Diwan’s, let others approve or disapprove. Asarh Sudi Punim, Full Moon, Thursday, S. 1791 (A.D.1735-36).“”N.B.—This deed was executed in the balcony of the Kishanbilas by Rawat Kesari Singh and Pancholi Biharidas, and written by Pancholi Lalji—namely, marriage-deed of Kunwar Bijai Singh, son of Bakht Singh."No. 2."From Bijai Singh to Rana Jagat Singh."Here all is well. Preserve your friendship and favour for me, and give me tidings of your welfare. That day I shall behold you will be without price (amolak). You have made me a thorough Rajput—never shall I fail in whatever service I can perform. You are the father of all the tribes, and bestow gifts on each according to his worth—the support and preservation of all around you—to your enemy destruction; great in knowledge, and wise like Brahma. May the Lord of the world keep the Rana happy. Asarh 13."No. 3."Raja Bakht Singh to the Rana."To Maharana Sri-Sri-Sri Jagat Singh, let Bakht Singh’s respects (mujra) be made known. You have made me a thorough Rajput, and by such your favour is known to the world. What service I can perform, you will never find me backward. The day I shall see you I shall be happy, my heart yearns to be with you. Asarh 11."No. 4."Sawai Jai Singh to the Rana."May the respects of Sawai Jai Singh be known to the Maharana. According to the Sri Diwan’s commands (hukm), I have entered into terms of friendship with you (Abhai Singh of Marwar). For neither Hindu nor Musalman shall I swerve therefrom. To this engagement God is between us, and the Sri Diwanji is witness. Asarh Sudi 7."No. 5."Raja Bakht Singh to the Rana."YourKhas ruqa’(note in the Rana’s own hand) I received, read, and was happy. Jai Singh’s engagement you will have received, and mine also will have reached you. At your commands I entered into friendship with him, and as to my preserving it have no doubts, for having given you as my guarantee, no deviation can occur; do you secure his. Whether you may be accounted my father, brother, or friend, I am yours; besides you I care for neither connexion nor kin. Asarh 6."No. 6."From Raja Abhai Singh to the Rana."To the Presence of Maharana Jagat Singh, Maharaja Abhai Singh writes—read his respects (mujra). God is witness to our engagement, whoever breaks it may he fare ill. In good and in evil we are joined; with one mind let us remain united, and let no selfishness disunite us. Your chiefs are witnesses, and the true Rajput will not deviate from his engagement. Asoj 3, Thursday."Abhai Singh and Bakht Singh were brothers, sons of Raja Ajit of Marwar, to whom the former succeeded, while Bakht Singh held Nagor independently. His son was Bijai Singh, with whom this marriage was contracted. He ultimately succeeded to the government of Marwar or Jodhpur. He will add another example of political expediency counteracting common gratitude, in seizing on domestic convulsions to deprive the Rana’s grandson of the province of Godwar. Zalim Singh was the fruit of this marriage, who resided during his elder brother’s (Fateh Singh) lifetime at Udaipur. He was brave, amiable, and a distinguished poet. The Yati (priest), who attended me during twelve years, my assistant in these researches, was brought up under the eye of this prince as his amanuensis, and from him he imbibed his love of history and poetry, in reading which he excelled all the bards of Rajwara.
33. These documents are interesting, if merely showing the high respect paid by every Rajput prince to the Ranas of Mewar, and illustrating what is recorded in the reign of Partap, who abjured all intercourse with them.
No. 1.
No. 1.
No. 1.
"From Kunwar Bijai Singh of Marwar to the Maharana Sri-Sri-Sri.
"From Kunwar Bijai Singh of Marwar to the Maharana Sri-Sri-Sri.
"From Kunwar Bijai Singh of Marwar to the Maharana Sri-Sri-Sri.
"Jagat Singh’s Presence—let mymujra(obedience) be known. You honoured me by sending Rawat Kesari Singh and Biharidas, and commanding a marriage connexion. Your orders are on your child’s head. You have made me a servant. To everything I am agreed, and now I am your child; while I live I am yours. If a true Rajput, my head is at your disposal. You have made 20,000 Rathors your servants. If I fail in this, the Almighty is between us. Whoever is of my blood will obey your commands, and the fruit of this marriage shall be sovereign, and if a daughter, should I bestow her on the Turkana, I am no true Rajput. She shall be married to a proper connexion, and not without your advice; and even should Sri Bavaji (an epithet of respect to his father), or others of our elders, recommend such proceeding, I swear by God I shall not agree. I am the Diwan’s, let others approve or disapprove. Asarh Sudi Punim, Full Moon, Thursday, S. 1791 (A.D.1735-36).“
”N.B.—This deed was executed in the balcony of the Kishanbilas by Rawat Kesari Singh and Pancholi Biharidas, and written by Pancholi Lalji—namely, marriage-deed of Kunwar Bijai Singh, son of Bakht Singh."
No. 2.
No. 2.
No. 2.
"From Bijai Singh to Rana Jagat Singh.
"From Bijai Singh to Rana Jagat Singh.
"From Bijai Singh to Rana Jagat Singh.
"Here all is well. Preserve your friendship and favour for me, and give me tidings of your welfare. That day I shall behold you will be without price (amolak). You have made me a thorough Rajput—never shall I fail in whatever service I can perform. You are the father of all the tribes, and bestow gifts on each according to his worth—the support and preservation of all around you—to your enemy destruction; great in knowledge, and wise like Brahma. May the Lord of the world keep the Rana happy. Asarh 13."
No. 3.
No. 3.
No. 3.
"Raja Bakht Singh to the Rana.
"Raja Bakht Singh to the Rana.
"Raja Bakht Singh to the Rana.
"To Maharana Sri-Sri-Sri Jagat Singh, let Bakht Singh’s respects (mujra) be made known. You have made me a thorough Rajput, and by such your favour is known to the world. What service I can perform, you will never find me backward. The day I shall see you I shall be happy, my heart yearns to be with you. Asarh 11."
No. 4.
No. 4.
No. 4.
"Sawai Jai Singh to the Rana.
"Sawai Jai Singh to the Rana.
"Sawai Jai Singh to the Rana.
"May the respects of Sawai Jai Singh be known to the Maharana. According to the Sri Diwan’s commands (hukm), I have entered into terms of friendship with you (Abhai Singh of Marwar). For neither Hindu nor Musalman shall I swerve therefrom. To this engagement God is between us, and the Sri Diwanji is witness. Asarh Sudi 7."
No. 5.
No. 5.
No. 5.
"Raja Bakht Singh to the Rana.
"Raja Bakht Singh to the Rana.
"Raja Bakht Singh to the Rana.
"YourKhas ruqa’(note in the Rana’s own hand) I received, read, and was happy. Jai Singh’s engagement you will have received, and mine also will have reached you. At your commands I entered into friendship with him, and as to my preserving it have no doubts, for having given you as my guarantee, no deviation can occur; do you secure his. Whether you may be accounted my father, brother, or friend, I am yours; besides you I care for neither connexion nor kin. Asarh 6."
No. 6.
No. 6.
No. 6.
"From Raja Abhai Singh to the Rana.
"From Raja Abhai Singh to the Rana.
"From Raja Abhai Singh to the Rana.
"To the Presence of Maharana Jagat Singh, Maharaja Abhai Singh writes—read his respects (mujra). God is witness to our engagement, whoever breaks it may he fare ill. In good and in evil we are joined; with one mind let us remain united, and let no selfishness disunite us. Your chiefs are witnesses, and the true Rajput will not deviate from his engagement. Asoj 3, Thursday."
Abhai Singh and Bakht Singh were brothers, sons of Raja Ajit of Marwar, to whom the former succeeded, while Bakht Singh held Nagor independently. His son was Bijai Singh, with whom this marriage was contracted. He ultimately succeeded to the government of Marwar or Jodhpur. He will add another example of political expediency counteracting common gratitude, in seizing on domestic convulsions to deprive the Rana’s grandson of the province of Godwar. Zalim Singh was the fruit of this marriage, who resided during his elder brother’s (Fateh Singh) lifetime at Udaipur. He was brave, amiable, and a distinguished poet. The Yati (priest), who attended me during twelve years, my assistant in these researches, was brought up under the eye of this prince as his amanuensis, and from him he imbibed his love of history and poetry, in reading which he excelled all the bards of Rajwara.
34.Letters from Rana Jagat Singh to Biharidas Pancholi.No. 1.“Swasti Sri, chief of ministers, Pancholiji, read my Juhar.[A]The remembrance of you never leaves me. The Deccani question you have settled well, but if a meeting is to take place,[B]let it be beyond Deolia—nearer is not advisable. Lessen the number of your troops, by God’s blessing there will be no want of funds. Settle for Rampura according to the preceding year, and let Daulat Singh know the opportunity will not occur again. The royal mother is unwell. Gararao and Gaj Manik fought nobly, and Sundar Gaj played a thousand pranks.[C]I regretted your absence. How shall I send Sobharam? Asoj 6, S. 1791 (A.D.1735).”No. 2.—To the Same."I will not credit it, therefore send witnesses and a detail of their demands. Bajirao is come, and he will derive reputation from having compelled a contribution from me, besides his demand of land. He has commenced with my country, and will take twenty times more from me than other Rajas—if a proportionate demand, it might be complied with. Malhar came last year, but this was nothing—Bajirao this, and he is powerful. But if God hears me he will not get my land. From Devichand learn particulars."Thursday. S. 1792.“At the Holi all was joy at the Jagmandir,[D]but what is food without salt? what Udaipur without Biharidas?”No. 3.—Same to the Same."With such a man as you in my house I have no fears for its stability; but why this appearance of poverty? perhaps you will ask, what fault have you committed, that you sit and move as I direct? The matter is thus: money is all in all, and the troubles on foot can only be settled by you, and all other resolutions are useless. You may say, you have got nothing, and how can you settle them—but already two or three difficulties have occurred, in getting out of which, both your pinions and mine, as to veracity, have been broken, so that neither scheming nor wisdom is any longer available. Though you have been removed from me for some time, I have always considered you at hand; but now it will be well if you approach nearer to me, that we may raise supplies, for in the act of hiding you are celebrated, and the son[E](beta) hides none: therefore your hoarding is useless, and begets suspicions. Therefore, unless you have a mind to efface all regard for your master and your own importance at my court, you will get ready some jewels and bonds under good security and bring them to me. There is no way but this to allay these troubles: but should you think you have got ever so much time, and that I will send for you at all events, then have I thrown away mine in writing you this letter. You are wise—look to the future, and be assured I shall write no second letter. S. 1792."This letter will show that the office of prime minister is not a bed of roses. The immediate descendants of Biharidas are in poverty like their prince, though some distant branches of the family are in situations of trust; his ambassador to Delhi, and who subsequently remained with me as medium of communication with the Rana, was a worthy and able man—Kishandas Pancholi.I shall subjoin another letter from the Satara prince to Rana Jagat Singh, though being without date it is doubtful whether it is not addressed to Jagat Singh the First; this is, however, unimportant, as it is merely one of compliment, but showing the high respect paid by the sovereign of the Peshwas to the house whence they originally sprung."Swasti Sri, worthy of all praise (opma), from whose actions credit results; the worshipper of the remover of troubles; the ambrosia of the ocean of the Rajput race[F](amrita ratnakara kshatriya kula); resplendent as the sun; who has made a river of tears from the eyes of the wives of your warlike foes; in deeds munificent. Sriman Maharaja dhiraj Maharana Sri Jagat Singhji, of all the princes chief, Sriman Sahu Chatarpati Raja writes, read his Ram, Ram! Here all is well; honour me by good accounts, which I am always expecting, as the source of happiness.“Your favour was received by the PanditPardhanPardhan[G]with great respect; and from the period of the arrival of Raj Sri Rawat Udai Singh to this time my goodwill has been increasing towards him: let your favour between us be enlarged: what more can I write?”
34.
Letters from Rana Jagat Singh to Biharidas Pancholi.
Letters from Rana Jagat Singh to Biharidas Pancholi.
Letters from Rana Jagat Singh to Biharidas Pancholi.
No. 1.
No. 1.
No. 1.
“Swasti Sri, chief of ministers, Pancholiji, read my Juhar.[A]The remembrance of you never leaves me. The Deccani question you have settled well, but if a meeting is to take place,[B]let it be beyond Deolia—nearer is not advisable. Lessen the number of your troops, by God’s blessing there will be no want of funds. Settle for Rampura according to the preceding year, and let Daulat Singh know the opportunity will not occur again. The royal mother is unwell. Gararao and Gaj Manik fought nobly, and Sundar Gaj played a thousand pranks.[C]I regretted your absence. How shall I send Sobharam? Asoj 6, S. 1791 (A.D.1735).”
No. 2.—To the Same.
No. 2.—To the Same.
No. 2.—To the Same.
"I will not credit it, therefore send witnesses and a detail of their demands. Bajirao is come, and he will derive reputation from having compelled a contribution from me, besides his demand of land. He has commenced with my country, and will take twenty times more from me than other Rajas—if a proportionate demand, it might be complied with. Malhar came last year, but this was nothing—Bajirao this, and he is powerful. But if God hears me he will not get my land. From Devichand learn particulars.
"Thursday. S. 1792.
“At the Holi all was joy at the Jagmandir,[D]but what is food without salt? what Udaipur without Biharidas?”
No. 3.—Same to the Same.
No. 3.—Same to the Same.
No. 3.—Same to the Same.
"With such a man as you in my house I have no fears for its stability; but why this appearance of poverty? perhaps you will ask, what fault have you committed, that you sit and move as I direct? The matter is thus: money is all in all, and the troubles on foot can only be settled by you, and all other resolutions are useless. You may say, you have got nothing, and how can you settle them—but already two or three difficulties have occurred, in getting out of which, both your pinions and mine, as to veracity, have been broken, so that neither scheming nor wisdom is any longer available. Though you have been removed from me for some time, I have always considered you at hand; but now it will be well if you approach nearer to me, that we may raise supplies, for in the act of hiding you are celebrated, and the son[E](beta) hides none: therefore your hoarding is useless, and begets suspicions. Therefore, unless you have a mind to efface all regard for your master and your own importance at my court, you will get ready some jewels and bonds under good security and bring them to me. There is no way but this to allay these troubles: but should you think you have got ever so much time, and that I will send for you at all events, then have I thrown away mine in writing you this letter. You are wise—look to the future, and be assured I shall write no second letter. S. 1792."
This letter will show that the office of prime minister is not a bed of roses. The immediate descendants of Biharidas are in poverty like their prince, though some distant branches of the family are in situations of trust; his ambassador to Delhi, and who subsequently remained with me as medium of communication with the Rana, was a worthy and able man—Kishandas Pancholi.
I shall subjoin another letter from the Satara prince to Rana Jagat Singh, though being without date it is doubtful whether it is not addressed to Jagat Singh the First; this is, however, unimportant, as it is merely one of compliment, but showing the high respect paid by the sovereign of the Peshwas to the house whence they originally sprung.
"Swasti Sri, worthy of all praise (opma), from whose actions credit results; the worshipper of the remover of troubles; the ambrosia of the ocean of the Rajput race[F](amrita ratnakara kshatriya kula); resplendent as the sun; who has made a river of tears from the eyes of the wives of your warlike foes; in deeds munificent. Sriman Maharaja dhiraj Maharana Sri Jagat Singhji, of all the princes chief, Sriman Sahu Chatarpati Raja writes, read his Ram, Ram! Here all is well; honour me by good accounts, which I am always expecting, as the source of happiness.
“Your favour was received by the PanditPardhanPardhan[G]with great respect; and from the period of the arrival of Raj Sri Rawat Udai Singh to this time my goodwill has been increasing towards him: let your favour between us be enlarged: what more can I write?”
A. A compliment used from a superior to any inferior.
A. A compliment used from a superior to any inferior.
B. To the Peshwa is the allusion.
B. To the Peshwa is the allusion.
C. As the Rana never expected his confidential notes to be translated into English, perhaps it is illiberal to be severe on them; or we might say, his elephants are mentioned morecon amorethan his sick mother or state affairs. I obtained many hundreds of these autograph notes of this prince to his prime minister.
C. As the Rana never expected his confidential notes to be translated into English, perhaps it is illiberal to be severe on them; or we might say, his elephants are mentioned morecon amorethan his sick mother or state affairs. I obtained many hundreds of these autograph notes of this prince to his prime minister.
D. The Hindu saturnalia held in the island, ‘The Minster of the world.’
D. The Hindu saturnalia held in the island, ‘The Minster of the world.’
E. The Rana always styled him ‘father.’
E. The Rana always styled him ‘father.’
F. The ocean has the poetical appellation ofratnakara, or ‘house of gems’ [‘mine of jewels’]; the fable of the churning of the ocean is well known, when were yielded many bounties, of which theamritaor ‘immortal food’ of the gods was one, to which the Rana, as head of all the Rajput tribes, is likened.
F. The ocean has the poetical appellation ofratnakara, or ‘house of gems’ [‘mine of jewels’]; the fable of the churning of the ocean is well known, when were yielded many bounties, of which theamritaor ‘immortal food’ of the gods was one, to which the Rana, as head of all the Rajput tribes, is likened.
G. This expression induces the belief that the letter is written by the Peshwa in his sovereign’s name, as they had at this time commenced their usurpation of his power. It was to the second Jagat Singh that an offer was made to fill the Satara throne by a branch of his family, then occupied by an imbecile. A younger brother of the Rana, the ancestor of the present heir presumptive, Sheodan Singh, was chosen, but intrigues prevented it, the Rana dreading a superior from his own family.
G. This expression induces the belief that the letter is written by the Peshwa in his sovereign’s name, as they had at this time commenced their usurpation of his power. It was to the second Jagat Singh that an offer was made to fill the Satara throne by a branch of his family, then occupied by an imbecile. A younger brother of the Rana, the ancestor of the present heir presumptive, Sheodan Singh, was chosen, but intrigues prevented it, the Rana dreading a superior from his own family.
35. The descendant of Bhim, son of Rana Raj Singh. The seat assigned to Bajirao was made the precedent for the position of the representative of the British Government. [The Rāwat of Banera, on succession, has the right of receiving a sword, on the arrival of which he goes to Udaipur to be installed (Erskine ii. A. 92).]
35. The descendant of Bhim, son of Rana Raj Singh. The seat assigned to Bajirao was made the precedent for the position of the representative of the British Government. [The Rāwat of Banera, on succession, has the right of receiving a sword, on the arrival of which he goes to Udaipur to be installed (Erskine ii. A. 92).]
36. The amount was 160,000 rupees, divided into three shares of 53,333 0 4½ assigned to Holkar, Sindhia, and the Puar. The management was entrusted to Holkar; subsequently Sindhia acted as receiver-general. This was the only regular tributary engagement Mewar entered into.
36. The amount was 160,000 rupees, divided into three shares of 53,333 0 4½ assigned to Holkar, Sindhia, and the Puar. The management was entrusted to Holkar; subsequently Sindhia acted as receiver-general. This was the only regular tributary engagement Mewar entered into.
37. See letter No. 2, innote, p. 492.
37. See letter No. 2, innote, p. 492.
38.A.D.1743.
38.A.D.1743.
39.A.D.1747.
39.A.D.1747.
40. The great Jai Singh built a city which he called after himself, and henceforth Jaipur will supersede the ancient appellation, Amber.
40. The great Jai Singh built a city which he called after himself, and henceforth Jaipur will supersede the ancient appellation, Amber.
41. [Āpaji was one of Sindhia’s best officers. Suffering from a painful disease, he committed suicide in 1797 by drowning himself in the Jumna (Compton,European Military Adventurers, 132).]
41. [Āpaji was one of Sindhia’s best officers. Suffering from a painful disease, he committed suicide in 1797 by drowning himself in the Jumna (Compton,European Military Adventurers, 132).]
42. See letters from Rana Jagat Singh to Biharidas, p.492.
42. See letters from Rana Jagat Singh to Biharidas, p.492.
1. The leaders of these invasions were Satwaji, Jankoji, and Raghunath Rao.
1. The leaders of these invasions were Satwaji, Jankoji, and Raghunath Rao.
2. In S. 1812, Raja Bahadur; in 1813, Malhar Rao Holkar and Vitthal Rao; in 1814, RanajiBurtia;Burtia;in 1813 three war contributions were levied, namely, by Sudasheo Rao, Govind Rao, and Kanaji Jadon.
2. In S. 1812, Raja Bahadur; in 1813, Malhar Rao Holkar and Vitthal Rao; in 1814, RanajiBurtia;Burtia;in 1813 three war contributions were levied, namely, by Sudasheo Rao, Govind Rao, and Kanaji Jadon.
3. This was in S. 1808 (A.D.1752); portions, however, remained attached to the fisc of Mewar for several years, besides a considerable part of the feudal lands of the Chandarawat chief of Amad. Of the former, the Rana retained Hinglajgarh and the Tappas of Jarda Kinjera, and Budsu. These were surrendered by Raj Singh, who rented Budsu under its new appellation of Malhargarh.
3. This was in S. 1808 (A.D.1752); portions, however, remained attached to the fisc of Mewar for several years, besides a considerable part of the feudal lands of the Chandarawat chief of Amad. Of the former, the Rana retained Hinglajgarh and the Tappas of Jarda Kinjera, and Budsu. These were surrendered by Raj Singh, who rented Budsu under its new appellation of Malhargarh.
4. Budsu, etc.
4. Budsu, etc.
5. Holkar advanced as far as Untala, where Arjun Singh of Kurabar and the Rana’s foster-brothers met him, and negotiated the payment of fifty-one lakhs of rupees.
5. Holkar advanced as far as Untala, where Arjun Singh of Kurabar and the Rana’s foster-brothers met him, and negotiated the payment of fifty-one lakhs of rupees.
6. S. 1820,A.D.1764.
6. S. 1820,A.D.1764.
7. An autograph letter of this chief’s to the minister of the day I obtained, with other public documents, from the descendant of the Pancholi:“To Jaswant Rao Pancholi, Raj Rana Raghudeo writes. After compliments. I received your letter—from old times you have been my friend, and have ever maintained faith towards me, for I am of the loyal to the Rana’s house. I conceal nothing from you, therefore I write that my heart is averse to longer service, and it is my purpose in Asarh to go to Gaya.[A]When I mentioned this to the Rana, he sarcastically told me I might go to Dwarka.[B]If I stay, the Rana will restore the villages in my fief, as during the time of Jethji. My ancestors have performed good service, and I have served since I was fourteen. If the Darbar intends me any favour, this is the time.”
7. An autograph letter of this chief’s to the minister of the day I obtained, with other public documents, from the descendant of the Pancholi:
“To Jaswant Rao Pancholi, Raj Rana Raghudeo writes. After compliments. I received your letter—from old times you have been my friend, and have ever maintained faith towards me, for I am of the loyal to the Rana’s house. I conceal nothing from you, therefore I write that my heart is averse to longer service, and it is my purpose in Asarh to go to Gaya.[A]When I mentioned this to the Rana, he sarcastically told me I might go to Dwarka.[B]If I stay, the Rana will restore the villages in my fief, as during the time of Jethji. My ancestors have performed good service, and I have served since I was fourteen. If the Darbar intends me any favour, this is the time.”
A. Gaya is esteemed the proper pilgrimage for the Rajputs.
A. Gaya is esteemed the proper pilgrimage for the Rajputs.
B. Dwarka, the resort for religious and unwarlike tribes.
B. Dwarka, the resort for religious and unwarlike tribes.
8. Salumbar (Chondawat), Bijolia, Amet, Ghanerao, and Badnor.
8. Salumbar (Chondawat), Bijolia, Amet, Ghanerao, and Badnor.
9. Bhindir (Saktawat), Deogarh, Sadri, Gogunda, Delwara, Bedla, Kotharia, and Kanor.
9. Bhindir (Saktawat), Deogarh, Sadri, Gogunda, Delwara, Bedla, Kotharia, and Kanor.
10. Agitator, or disturber.
10. Agitator, or disturber.
11. One crore and twenty-five lakhs.
11. One crore and twenty-five lakhs.
12. [The Sipra River in Mālwa, passes Ujjain, and finally joins the Chambal (IGI, xxiii. 14 f.).]
12. [The Sipra River in Mālwa, passes Ujjain, and finally joins the Chambal (IGI, xxiii. 14 f.).]
13. [Eklinggarh, two miles south of Udaipur city; 2469 feet above sea-level.]
13. [Eklinggarh, two miles south of Udaipur city; 2469 feet above sea-level.]
14. The nose-jewel, which even to mention is considered a breach of delicacy.
14. The nose-jewel, which even to mention is considered a breach of delicacy.
15. To Amra’s credit it is related, that his own brother-in-law was the first and principal sufferer, and that to his remonstrance and hope that family ties would save his grain pits, he was told, that it was a source of great satisfaction that he was enabled through him to evince his disinterestedness.
15. To Amra’s credit it is related, that his own brother-in-law was the first and principal sufferer, and that to his remonstrance and hope that family ties would save his grain pits, he was told, that it was a source of great satisfaction that he was enabled through him to evince his disinterestedness.
16. See grant to this chief’s son, p.233.
16. See grant to this chief’s son, p.233.
17.Mutasadi kharch[mutasadi, ‘a clerk, accountant’;kharch, ‘expenses’] or douceur to the officers of government, was an authorized article of every Mahrattamu’āmala, or war contribution.
17.Mutasadi kharch[mutasadi, ‘a clerk, accountant’;kharch, ‘expenses’] or douceur to the officers of government, was an authorized article of every Mahrattamu’āmala, or war contribution.
18. Little Maloni, now Gangapur, with its lands, was the only place decidedly alienated, being a voluntary gift to Sindhia, to endow the establishment of his wife, Ganga Bai, who died there.
18. Little Maloni, now Gangapur, with its lands, was the only place decidedly alienated, being a voluntary gift to Sindhia, to endow the establishment of his wife, Ganga Bai, who died there.
19. Zalim Singh of Kotah, and Lalaji Belal, both now dead.
19. Zalim Singh of Kotah, and Lalaji Belal, both now dead.
20. [In 1382 Rāna Khet Singh was murdered by Lāl Singh of Banbaoda, brother of Bar Singh, Rāo of Būndi. Rāna Ratan Singh II. and Rāo Sūrajmall killed each other while shooting at Būndi in 1531. The feud between the two houses is not yet forgotten (Erskine ii. A. 25).]
20. [In 1382 Rāna Khet Singh was murdered by Lāl Singh of Banbaoda, brother of Bar Singh, Rāo of Būndi. Rāna Ratan Singh II. and Rāo Sūrajmall killed each other while shooting at Būndi in 1531. The feud between the two houses is not yet forgotten (Erskine ii. A. 25).]
21. A heated platter used for baking bread, on which they place the culprit.
21. A heated platter used for baking bread, on which they place the culprit.
22. ‘The beloved of Rama.’
22. ‘The beloved of Rama.’
23. Amra Chand, it will be recollected, was the name of the minister.
23. Amra Chand, it will be recollected, was the name of the minister.
24. The treaty by which Sindhia holds these districts yet exists, which stipulates their surrender on the liquidation of thecontribution.contribution.The Rana still holds this as a responsible engagement, and pleaded his rights in the treaty with the British Government inA.D.1817-18. But half a century’s possession is a strong bond, which we dare not break; though the claim now registered may hereafter prove of service to the family.
24. The treaty by which Sindhia holds these districts yet exists, which stipulates their surrender on the liquidation of thecontribution.contribution.The Rana still holds this as a responsible engagement, and pleaded his rights in the treaty with the British Government inA.D.1817-18. But half a century’s possession is a strong bond, which we dare not break; though the claim now registered may hereafter prove of service to the family.
25. 1830, Mahadaji Sindhia’s contribution (mu’āmala) on account of Begun; 1831, Berji Tap’smu’āmalathrough Govind and Ganpat Rao; 1831, Ambaji Inglia, Bapu Holkar, and Daduji Pandit’s jointmu’āmala.
25. 1830, Mahadaji Sindhia’s contribution (mu’āmala) on account of Begun; 1831, Berji Tap’smu’āmalathrough Govind and Ganpat Rao; 1831, Ambaji Inglia, Bapu Holkar, and Daduji Pandit’s jointmu’āmala.
26. 1. Apaji and Makaji Getia, on Holkar’s account; 2. Tukuji Holkar’s, through Somji; 3. Ali Bahadur’s, through Somji.
26. 1. Apaji and Makaji Getia, on Holkar’s account; 2. Tukuji Holkar’s, through Somji; 3. Ali Bahadur’s, through Somji.
27. The age of eighteen.
27. The age of eighteen.
28.Namely, S.1808, by Rana Jagat Singh to HolkarLakhs661820, Partap and Arsi Rana to Holkar511826, Arsi Rana to Mahadaji Sindhia64Total.181
28.
29.S.1808, Rampura, BhanpuraLakhs91826, Jawad, Jiran, Nimach, Nimbahera4½1831, Ratangarh Kheri, Singoli, Irnia, Jath, Nadwai, etc. etc.61831, Godwar9Total28½
29.
CHAPTER 17
Rāna Bhīm Singh,A.D.1778-1828.—Rana Bhim Singh (the reigning prince), who succeeded his brother in S. 1834 (A.D.1778), was the fourth minor in the space of forty years who inherited Mewar; and the half century during which he has occupied the throne has been as fruitful in disaster as any period of her history already recorded. He was but eight years of age on his accession, and remained under his mother’s tutelage long after his minority had expired. This subjection fixed his character; naturally defective in energy, and impaired by long misfortune, he continued to be swayed by faction and intrigue. The cause of the Pretender, though weakened, was yet kept alive; but his insignificance eventually left him so unsupported, that his death is not even recorded [440].
Feud of Chondāwats and Saktāwats.—In S. 1840 (A.D.1784) the Chondawats reaped the harvest of their allegiance and made the power thus acquired subservient to the indulgence of ancient animosities against the rival clan of Saktawat. Salumbar with his relatives Arjun Singh[1]of Kurabar and Partap Singh[2]of Amet, now ruled the councils, having the Sindi mercenaries under their leaders Chandan and Sadik at their command. Mustering therefore all the strength of their kin and clans, they resolved on the prosecution of the feud, and invested Bhindar, the castle of Mohkam the chief of the Saktawats, against which they placed their batteries.
Sangram Singh, a junior branch of the Saktawats, destined to play a conspicuous part in the future events of Mewar, was then rising into notice, and had just completed a feud with his rival the Purawat, whose abode, Lawa,[3]he had carried by escalade; and now, determined to make a diversion in favour of his chief, he invaded the estate of Kurabar, engaged against Bhindar, andwas driving off the cattle, when Salim Singh the heir of Kurabar intercepted his retreat, and an action ensued in which Salim[4]was slain by the lance of Sangram. The afflicted father, on hearing the fate of his son, ‘threw the turban off his head,’ swearing never to replace it till he had tasted revenge. Feigning a misunderstanding with his own party he withdrew from the siege, taking the road to his estate, but suddenly abandoned it for Sheogarh, the residence of Lalji the father of Sangram. The castle of Sheogarh, placed amidst the mountains and deep forests of Chappan, was from its difficulty of access deemed secure against surprise; and here Sangram had placed the females and children of his family. To this point Arjun directed his revenge, and found Sheogarh destitute of defenders save the aged chief; but though seventy summers had whitened his head, he bravely met the storm, and fell in opposing the foe; when the children of Sangram were dragged [441] out and inhumanly butchered, and the widow[5]of Lalji ascended the pyre. This barbarity aggravated the hostility which separated the clans, and together with the minority of their prince and the yearly aggressions of the Mahrattas, accelerated the ruin of the country. But Bhim Singh, the Chondawat leader, was governed by insufferable vanity, and not only failed in respect to his prince, but offended the queen regent. He parcelled out the crown domain from Chitor to Udaipur amongst the Sindi bands, and whilst his sovereign was obliged to borrow money to defray his marriage at Idar, this ungrateful noble had the audacity to disburse upwards of £100,000 on the marriage of his own daughter. Such conduct determined the royal mother to supplant the Chondawats, and calling in the Saktawats to her aid, she invested with power the chiefs of Bhindar and Lawa. Aware, however, that their isolated authority was insufficient to withstand their rivals, they looked abroad for support, and made an overture to Zalim Singh of Kotah, whose political and personal resentments to the Chondawats,as well as his connexion by marriage with their opponents, made him readily listen to it. With his friend the Mahratta, Lalaji Belal, he joined the Saktawats with a body of 10,000 men. It was determined to sacrifice the Salumbar chief, who took post in the ancient capital of Chitor, where the garrison was composed chiefly of Sindis, thus effacing his claim to his prince’s gratitude, whom he defied, while the pretender still had a party in the other principal fortress, Kumbhalmer.
MAHĀRĀJA BHĪM SINGH, PRINCE OF UDAIPUR.To face page 512.
MAHĀRĀJA BHĪM SINGH, PRINCE OF UDAIPUR.To face page 512.
MAHĀRĀJA BHĪM SINGH, PRINCE OF UDAIPUR.To face page 512.
Battle of Lālsot, May 1787.—Such was the state of things, when the ascendancy of Mahadaji Sindhia received a signal check from the combined forces of Marwar and Jaipur; and the battle of Lalsot, in which the Mahratta chief was completely defeated, was the signal for the Rajputs to resume their alienated territory.[6]Nor was the Rana backward on the occasion, when there appeared a momentary gleam of the active virtue of past days. Maldas Mehta was civil minister, with Mauji Ram as his deputy, both men of talent and energy. They first effected the reduction of Nimbahera and the smaller garrisons of Mahrattas in its vicinity, who from a sense of common danger assembled their detachments in Jawad, which was also invested. Sivaji Nana, the governor, capitulated, and was allowed to march out with his [442] effects. At the same time, the ‘sons of the black cloud’[7]assembling, drove the Mahrattas from Begun, Singoli, etc., and the districts on the plateau; while the Chondawats redeemed their ancient fief of Rampura, and thus for a while the whole territory was recovered. Elated by success, the united chiefs advanced to Chardu on the banks of the Rarkia, a streamlet dividing Mewar from Malwa, preparatory to further operations. Had these been confined to the maintenance of the places they had taken, and which had been withheld in violation of treaties, complete success might have crowned their efforts; but in including Nimbahera in their capture they drew upon them the energetic Ahalya Bai, the regent-queen of the Holkar State, who unluckily for them was at hand and who coalesced with Sindhia’s partisans to checkthis reaction of the Rajputs. Tulaji Sindhia and Sri Bhai, with five thousand horse, were ordered to support the discomfited Siva Nana, who had taken refuge in Mandasor, where he rallied all the garrisons whom the Rajputs had unwisely permitted to capitulate.
Defeat of the Rājputs. Murder of Somji.—On Tuesday, the 4th of Magh S. 1844,[8]the Rana’s troops were surprised and defeated with great slaughter, the minister slain, the chiefs of Kanor and Sadri with many others severely wounded, and the latter made prisoner.[9]The newly made conquests were all rapidly lost, with the exception of Jawad, which was gallantly maintained for a month by Dip Chand, who, with his guns and rockets, effected a passage through the Mahrattas, and retired with his garrison to Mandalgarh. Thus terminated an enterprise which might have yielded far different results but for a misplaced security. All the chiefs and clans were united in this patriotic struggle except the Chondawats, against whom the queen-mother and the new minister, Somji, had much difficulty to contend for the establishment of the minor’s authority. At length overtures were made to Salumbar, when the fair Rampiyari was employed to conciliate the obdurate chief, who condescended to make his appearance at Udaipur and to pay his respects to the prince. He pretended to enter into the views of the minister and to coalesce in his plans; but this was only a web to ensnare his victim, whose talent had diminished his authority, and was a bar to the prosecution of [443] his ambitious views. Somji was seated in his bureau when Arjun Singh of Kurabar and Sardar Singh[10]of Badesar entered, and the latter, as he demanded how he dared to resume his fief, plunged his dagger into the minister’s breast. The Rana was passing the day at one of the villas in the valley called the Sahelia Bari, ‘the garden of nymphs,’ attended by Jeth Singh of Badnor, when the brothers[11]of theminister suddenly rushed into the presence to claim protection against the murderers. They were followed by Arjun of Kurabar, who had the audacity to present himself before his sovereign with his hands yet stained with the blood of Somji. The Rana, unable to punish the insolent chief, branding him as a traitor, bade him begone; when the whole of the actors in this nefarious scene, with their leader Salumbar, returned to Chitor. Sheodas and Satidas, brothers to the murdered minister, were appointed to succeed him, and with the Saktawats fought several actions against the rebels, and gained one decisive battle at Akola, in which Arjun of Kurabar commanded. This was soon balanced by the defeat of the Saktawats at Kheroda. Every triumph was attended with ruin to the country. The agriculturist, never certain of the fruits of his labour, abandoned his fields, and at length his country; mechanical industry found no recompense, and commerce was at the mercy of unlicensed spoliation. In a very few years Mewar lost half her population, her lands lay waste, her mines were unworked, and her looms, which formerly supplied all around, forsaken. The prince partook of the general penury; instead of protecting, he required protection; the bonds which united him with his subjects were snapped, and each individual or petty community provided for itself that defence which he could not give. Hence arose a train of evils: every cultivator, whether fiscal or feudal, sought out a patron, and [444] entered into engagements as the price of protection. Hence every Rajput who had a horse and lance, had his clients; and not a camel-load of merchandise could pass the abode of one of these cavaliers without paying fees. The effects of such disorderwere felt long after the cause ceased to exist, and claims difficult to adjust arose out of these licentious times, for the having prescriptive right was deemed sufficient to authorize their continuance.[12]Here were displayed the effects of a feudal association, where the powers of government were enfeebled. These feuds alone were sufficient to ruin the country; but when to such internal ills shoals of Mahratta plunderers were added, no art is required to describe the consequences.