44. At every step we see, however meagre may be the outline, the correctness of this historical sketch. It was, according to Ferishta, inA.H.555 (A.D.1159 [1150], or S. 1215) that the prince of Ghor conquered Ghazni, and immediately after overran Multan and Sind (see Briggs, vol. i. p. 153); and doubtless it was on this occasion that the Bhatti prince swore allegiance to Shihabu-d-din, and obtained the force which drove his nephew from Lodorva, which being sacked by his auxiliaries, he founded Jaisalmer in S. 1212. The three years’ discrepancy between the Muhammadan and Hindu dates is of little consequence; but even this could be remedied, when we recollect that the Samvat, according to Mr. Colebrooke, is liable to a variation of ten years.
44. At every step we see, however meagre may be the outline, the correctness of this historical sketch. It was, according to Ferishta, inA.H.555 (A.D.1159 [1150], or S. 1215) that the prince of Ghor conquered Ghazni, and immediately after overran Multan and Sind (see Briggs, vol. i. p. 153); and doubtless it was on this occasion that the Bhatti prince swore allegiance to Shihabu-d-din, and obtained the force which drove his nephew from Lodorva, which being sacked by his auxiliaries, he founded Jaisalmer in S. 1212. The three years’ discrepancy between the Muhammadan and Hindu dates is of little consequence; but even this could be remedied, when we recollect that the Samvat, according to Mr. Colebrooke, is liable to a variation of ten years.
45. Tatta was not then in existence. It was founded about the middle of the fifteenth century.
45. Tatta was not then in existence. It was founded about the middle of the fifteenth century.
46. If there were no better support for the assumed descent of the Bhatti founder of Jaisalmer from the Yadus of the Bharat than this prophecy, we should be confirmed in our suspicion that they are a colony of the Yuti, and that the Brahmans took advantage of the nominal resemblance to incorporate them in the Chhattis Rajkula, or Thirty-six Royal Races.
46. If there were no better support for the assumed descent of the Bhatti founder of Jaisalmer from the Yadus of the Bharat than this prophecy, we should be confirmed in our suspicion that they are a colony of the Yuti, and that the Brahmans took advantage of the nominal resemblance to incorporate them in the Chhattis Rajkula, or Thirty-six Royal Races.
47. Lodorva remains in ruins; a journey thither might afford subject-matter for the antiquary, and enable him to throw light upon the origin of the Bhatti tribe. I omitted to place it in the Map; it is ten miles N.W. of the present capital.
47. Lodorva remains in ruins; a journey thither might afford subject-matter for the antiquary, and enable him to throw light upon the origin of the Bhatti tribe. I omitted to place it in the Map; it is ten miles N.W. of the present capital.
CHAPTER 3
Having thus epitomized the Bhatti annals, from the expulsion of the tribe from the Panjab, and the establishment of Tanot in the Indian desert, inA.D.731, to the foundation of the existing capital, Jaisalmer, inA.D.1156, we shall continue the sketch to the present day, nearly in the language of the chronicle, adding explanatory notes as we proceed.
Retrospect of Bhatti History.—The interval between the erection of the castle of Tanot and the present time is exactly eleven hundred years; during which the historical narrative, whatever may be its value, is at least continuous, and the events recorded are corroborated, even in the darkest period, by numerous synchronisms in the annals of the other States; and viewed synoptically, it presents matter of deep interest to the explorer of Indian history. The period of four hundred and twenty-five years, embraced in the preceding chapter, is full of incidents. It is a record of a people who once deemed their consequence and their fame imperishable. And even were it less diversified by anecdotes descriptive of manners, it would still possess claims to interest as a simple relation of the gradual peopling of a great portion of the Indian desert. We see tribes and cities disappearing; new races and new capitals taking their place; and although not a syllable is written which [246] bears directly upon religion, we can see, incidentally, the analogy of these Indo-Scythic tribes, from Zabulistan and Salbahana, with the Hindu, confirming what Manu says, that the Sakas, Yavanas, Pahlavas, and the Khasas[1]of Central Asia, were all Chhattris or Rajputs. We now proceed with the chronicle.
Jaisal, the founder of Jaisalmer, survived the change of capital only twelve years. His elder son, Kailan, having given displeasureto the Pahu minister, was expelled, and his younger brother placed upon thegaddi.
RÄwal SÄlivÄhan I.—Salbahan, a name of celebrity in the annals, renewed in the son of Jaisal, succeeded in S. 1224 (A.D.1168). His first expedition was against the Kathi tribe, who, under their leader, Jagbhan, dwelt between the city of Jalor and the Aravalli.[2]The Kathi Rao was killed, and his horses and camels were carried to Jaisalmer. The fame of this exploit exalted the reputation of Salbahan. He had three sons, Bijar, Banar, and Haso.
Embassy from BadarinÄth.—In the mountains of Badarinath, there was a State whose princes were of the Jadon (Yadu) race, descended from the first Salbahan at the period of the expulsion from Gajni.[3]At this time, the prince of this State dying withoutissue, a deputation came to Jaisalmer to obtain a prince to fill the vacantgaddi. Haso was accordingly sent, but died just as he arrived. His wife, who was pregnant, was taken with the pains of labour on the journey, and was delivered of a son under the shade of apalastree, whence the child was called Palasia. This infant succeeding, theraj(principality) was named after him Palasia.[4]
Proposals of marriage came from Mansi Deora of Sirohi.[5]The Rawal left Jaisalmer [247] to the care of his eldest son Bijal. Soon after his departure, the foster-brother (Dhabhai) of the young prince propagated the report of the Rawal’s death in an encounter with a tiger, and prompted Bijal to assume the dignity. Salbahan, on his return, finding his seat usurped, and having in vain expostulated with his traitorous son, proceeded to Khadal, of which Derawar is the capital, where he was slain, with three hundred of his followers, in repelling an irruption of the Balochs. Bijal did not long enjoy the dignity; having in a fit of passion struck the Dhabhai, the blow was returned, upon which, stung with shame and resentment, he stabbed himself with his dagger.
RÄwal Kailan,c.A.D.1200-19.—Kailan, the elder brother of Salbahan, who was expelled by the Pahus, was now (A.D.1200) recalled, and installed at the age of fifty. He had six sons, Chachakdeo, Palhan, Jaichand, Pitamsi, Pitamchand, and Asrao. The second and third had numerous issue, who are styled Jaser and Sihana Rajputs.
Khizr Khan Baloch, with five thousand men, at this time again crossed the Mihran (Indus), and invaded the land of Khadal, which was the second irruption since he slew Salbahan. Kailan marched against him at the head of seven thousand Rajputs, and, after a severe engagement, slew the Baloch leader and fifteen hundred of his men. Kailan ruled nineteen years.
RÄwal ChÄchakdeo I.,c.A.D.1219-41.—Chachakdeo succeeded, in S. 1275 (A.D.1219). Soon after his accession, he carried on war against the Chana Rajputs (now extinct), of whom he slewtwo thousand, capturing fourteen thousand cows, and compelling the tribe to take refuge with the Johyas. Soon after, the Rawal invaded the lands of Rana Armsi, prince of the Sodhas, who, though taken by surprise, assembled four thousand horse; but was defeated, and forced to fly for shelter to the walls of his capital, Umarkot. The Puar was glad to obtain the absence of his foe by the offer of his daughter in marriage.[6]
The Rathors, recently established in the land of Kher, had become troublesome [248] neighbours; Chachak obtained the aid of the Sodha troops to chastise them, and he proceeded to Jasal and Bhalotra, where they were established; but Chhadu and his son Thida averted his wrath by giving him a daughter to wife.[7]
Rawal Chachak ruled thirty-two years. He had only one son,Tej Rao, who died at the age of forty-two, from the smallpox, leaving two sons, Jethsi and Karan. To the youngest the Rawal was much attached; and having convened the chiefs around his death-bed, he entreated they would accede to his last wish, that his youngest grandson might be his successor.
RÄwal Karan Singh I.,A.D.1241-71.—Karan having succeeded, his elder brother, Jethsi, abandoned his country, and took service with the Muhammadans in Gujarat. About this time, Muzaffar Khan, who occupied Nagor with five thousand horse, committed great outrages. There was a Bhumia of the Baraha tribe, named Bhagawatidas, who resided fifteen coss from Nagor, and was master of one thousand five hundred horse. He had an only daughter, who was demanded by the Khan, and being unwilling to comply, and unable to resist, he resolved to abandon the country. For this purpose he prepared carriages, in which he placed his family and chattels, and at night proceeded towards Jaisalmer; but the Khan, gaining intelligence of his motions, intercepted the convoy. A battle ensued, in which four hundred of the Barahas were killed, and his daughter and other females were carried off. The afflicted Baraha continued his route to Jaisalmer, and related his distress to Rawal Karan, who immediately put himself at the head of his followers, attacked the Khan, whom he slew, with three thousand of his people, and re-inducted the Bhumia in his possessions. Karan ruled twenty-eight years, and was succeeded, in S. 1327, by his son,
RÄwal LÄkhansen,A.D.1271-75.—He was so great a simpleton, that when the jackals howled at night, being told that it was from being cold, he ordered quilted dresses (daglas) to be prepared for them. As the howling still continued, although he was assured his orders had been fulfilled, he commanded houses to be built for the animals in the royal preserves (ramna), many of which yet remain. Lakhan was the contemporary of Kanirdeo Sonigira, whose life was saved by his (Lakhan’s) wife’s knowledge of omens. Lakhan was ruled by this Rani, who was of the Sodha tribe. She invited her brethren from Umarkot; but the madman, her husband, put [249] them to death, and threw their bodies over the walls. He was allowed to rule four years, and was then replaced by his son,
RÄwal PÅ«npÄl,A.D.1275-76.—This prince was of a temper so violent that the nobles dethroned him, and recalled the exiledJethsi from Gujarat. Punpal had a residence assigned him in a remote quarter of the State. He had a son, Lakamsi, who had a son called Rao Raningdeo, who by a stratagem pointed out by a Kharal[8]Rajput, took Marot from the Johyas, and Pugal from the Thoris, thieves by profession, whose chief, styled Rao, he made captive; and in Pugal he settled his family. Rao Raning had a son called Sadul, who alternately bathed in the sea of pleasure, and struggled in that of action: to their retreat the father and son conveyed the spoils seized from all around them.
RÄwal Jeth Singh I.,A.D.1276-94.—Jethsi obtained thegaddiin S. 1332 (A.D.1276). He had two sons, Mulraj and Ratansi. Deoraj, the son of Mulraj, espoused the daughter of the Sonigira chief of Jalor. Muhammad [Khuni][9]Padshah invaded the dominions of Rana Rupsi, the Parihar prince of Mandor,[10]who, when defeated, fled with his twelve daughters, and found refuge with the Rawal, who gave him Baru[11]as a residence.
AlÄu-d-din attacks Jaisalmer.—Deoraj, by his Sonigira wife, had three sons, Janghan, Sarwan, and Hamir. This Hamir was a mighty warrior, who attacked Kumpa Sen of Mewa,[12]and plundered his lands. He had issue three sons, Jetha, Lunkaran, and Mairu. At this period, Ghori Alau-d-din commenced the war against the castles of India. The tribute of Tatta and Multan, consisting of fifteen hundred horses and fifteen hundred mules laden with treasure and valuables, was at Bakhar in progress to the king at Delhi. The sons of Jethsi determined to lay an ambush and capture the tribute. Disguised as grain-merchants, with seven thousand horse and twelve hundred camels, they set out on their expedition, and on the banks of the Panjnad found the convoy, escorted by four hundred Mogul and the like number of Pathan horse. The Bhattis encamped near the convoy; and in the night they rose upon and slew the escort, carrying the treasure to Jaisalmer. The survivors carriedthe news to the king, who prepared to punish this insult. When tidings reached Rawal Jethsi that the king was encamped on the Anasagar at Ajmer, he prepared Jaisalmer for defence. He laid in immense stores of grain, and deposited all round the ramparts of the fort large round stones to hurl on the besiegers. All the aged, the infirm, and his female grandchildren were [250] removed into the interior of the desert, while the country around the capital for many miles was laid waste, and the towns made desolate. The Rawal, with his two elder sons and five thousand warriors, remained inside for the defence of the castle, while Deoraj and Hamir formed an army to act against the enemy from without. The sultan in person remained at Ajmer and sent forward an immense force of Khorasanis and Kuraishes, cased in steel armour, “who rolled on like the clouds in Bhadon.†The fifty-six bastions were manned, and three thousand seven hundred heroes distributed amongst them for their defence, while two thousand remained in reserve to succour the points attacked. During the first week that the besiegers formed their entrenchments, seven thousand Musalmans were slain, and Mir Muhabbat and Ali Khan remained on the field of battle. For two years the invaders were confined to their camp by Deoraj and Hamir, who kept the field, after cutting off their supplies, which came from Mandor, while the garrison was abundantly furnished from Khadal, Barmer, and Dhat. Eight years[13]had the siege lasted, when Rawal Jethsi died, and his body was burnt inside the fort.
During this lengthened siege, Ratansi had formed a friendship with the Nawab Mahbub Khan, and they had daily friendly meetings under a khejra[14]tree, between the advanced posts, each attended by a few followers. They played at chess together, and interchanged expressions of mutual esteem. But when duty called them to oppose each other in arms, the whole world was enamoured with their heroic courtesy. Jethsi had ruled eighteen years when he died.
RÄwal MÅ«lrÄj III.,A.D.1294-95.—Mulraj III., in S. 1350 (A.D.1294), ascended thegaddisurrounded by foes. On this occasion, the customary rejoicings on installation took place at the moment when the two friends, Ratansi and Mahbub Khan, had met, as usual, under the khejra tree. The cause of rejoicing being explained to the Nawab, he observed that the Sultan had heard of, and was offended with, these meetings, to which he attributed the protracted defence of the castle, and acquainted Ratansi that next day a general assault was commanded, which he should lead in person. The attack took place; it was fierce, but the defence was obstinate, and the assailants were beaten back with the loss of nine thousand men. But the foe obtained reinforcements, and towards the conclusion of the year the garrison was reduced to the greatest privations, and the blockade being perfect, Mulraj assembled his kinsmen and thus addressed them: “For so many years [251] we have defended our dwellings; but our supplies are expended, and there is no passage for more. What is to be done?†The chiefs, Sahar and Bikamsi, replied, “Asakhamust take place; we must sacrifice ourselvesâ€: but that same day the royal army, unaware of the distress of the besieged, retreated.
The Sati: Johar.—The friend of Ratansi had a younger brother, who, on the retreat of the royal forces, was carried inside the fort, when, seeing the real state of things, he escaped and conveyed intelligence of it, upon which the siege was renewed. Mulraj reproached his brother as the cause of this evil, and asked what was fit to be done? to which Ratansi replied, “There is but one path open: to immolate the females, to destroy by fire and water whatever is destructible, and to bury what is not; then open wide the gates, and sword in hand rush upon the foe, and thus attain Swarga.†The chiefs were assembled; all were unanimous to make Jaisalnagar resplendent by their deeds, and preserve the honour of the Jadon race. Mulraj thus replied: “You are of a warlike race, and strong are your arms in the cause of your prince; what heroes excel you, who thus tread in the Chhatri’s path? In battle, not even the elephant could stand before you. For the maintenance of my honour the sword is in your hands; let Jaisalmer be illumined by its blows upon the foe.†Having thus inspired the chiefs and men, Mulraj and Ratan repaired to the palace of their queens. They told themto take thesohag,[15]and prepare to meet in heaven, while they gave up their lives in defence of their honour and their faith. Smiling, the Sodha Rani replied, “This night we shall prepare, and by the morning’s light we shall be inhabitants of Swarga†(heaven); and thus it was with the chiefs and all their wives. The night was passed together for the last time in preparation for the awful morn. It came; ablutions and prayers were finished, and at the Rajdwara[16]were convenedbala,praurha, andbriddhu.[17]They bade a last farewell to all their kin; the Johar commenced, and twenty-four thousand females, from infancy to old age, surrendered their lives, some by the sword, others in the volcano of fire. Blood flowed in torrents, while the smoke of the pyre ascended to the heavens: not one feared to die, every valuable was consumed with them, not the worth of a straw was preserved for the foe. This work done, the brothers looked upon the spectacle with horror. Life was now a burden, and they prepared to quit it. They purified themselves with water, paid adoration to the divinity, made gifts [252] to the poor, placed a branch of the Tulsi[18]in their casques, the Salagram[18]round their neck; and having cased themselves in armour and put on the saffron robe, they bound themor[19](crown) around their heads, and embraced each other for the last time. Thus they awaited the hour of battle. Three thousand eight hundred warriors, with faces red with wrath, prepared to die with their chiefs.
Ratansi had two sons, named Gharsi and Kanar, the eldest only twelve years of age. He wished to save them from the impending havoc, and applied to his courteous foeman. The Muslim chief swore he would protect them, and sent two confidential servants to receive the trust; to whom, bidding them a last farewell, their father consigned them. When they reached the royal camp they were kindly welcomed by the Nawab, who,putting his hand upon their heads, soothed them, and appointed two Brahmans to guard, feed, and instruct them.
On the morrow, the army of the Sultan advanced to the assault. The gates were thrown wide, and the fight began. Ratan was lost in the sea of battle; but one hundred and twenty Amirs fell before his sword ere he lay in the field. Mulraj plied his lance on the bodies of the barbarians: the field swam in blood. The unclean spirits were gorged with slaughter; but at length the Jadon chief fell, with seven hundred of the choice of his kin. With his death the battle closed; the victors ascended the castle, and Mahbub Khan caused the bodies of the brothers to be carried from the field and burned. Thesakhatook place in S. 1351, orA.D.1295. Deoraj, who commanded the force in the field, was carried off by a fever. The royal garrison kept possession of the castle during two years, and at length blocked up the gateways, and dismantled and abandoned the place, which remained long deserted, for the Bhattis had neither means to repair thekunguras(battlements) nor men to defend them [253].
1. [Manu,Laws, x. 44, which does not name the Khasas.] There is a race in the desert, now Muhammadan, and called Khosas. Elphinstone mentions the Khasa-Khel. Kashgar is ‘the region of the Khasas,’ the Casia Regia of Ptolemy [?]. [The Khosas are a Muhammadan tribe, driven from Sind inA.D.1786, who lived beside the Rann of Cutch, and levied blackmail on their neighbours. They are believed to be a branch of the Rind, and it is improbable that they can be connected with the Khasas of Manu (Laws, x. 22).]
1. [Manu,Laws, x. 44, which does not name the Khasas.] There is a race in the desert, now Muhammadan, and called Khosas. Elphinstone mentions the Khasa-Khel. Kashgar is ‘the region of the Khasas,’ the Casia Regia of Ptolemy [?]. [The Khosas are a Muhammadan tribe, driven from Sind inA.D.1786, who lived beside the Rann of Cutch, and levied blackmail on their neighbours. They are believed to be a branch of the Rind, and it is improbable that they can be connected with the Khasas of Manu (Laws, x. 22).]
2. We can scarcely refuse our assent to the belief that the Kathi or Katti tribe, here mentioned, is the remnant of the nation which so manfully opposed Alexander. It was then located about Multan, at this period occupied by the Langahas. The colony attacked by the Bhatti was near the Aravalli, in all probability a predatory band from the region they peopled and gave their name to, Kathiawar, in the Surashtra peninsula. [The KÄthis were probably a nomadic Central Asian tribe, driven down the valley of the Indus by the tide of early Muhammadan invasions. Their appearance in Jaisalmer at the end of the twelfth centuryA.D.probably marks a stage in their southerly progress. Thence they seem to have moved into MÄlwa, thence to Cutch, and finally to KÄthiÄwÄr (BG, ix. Part i. 252 ff., viii. 128).]
2. We can scarcely refuse our assent to the belief that the Kathi or Katti tribe, here mentioned, is the remnant of the nation which so manfully opposed Alexander. It was then located about Multan, at this period occupied by the Langahas. The colony attacked by the Bhatti was near the Aravalli, in all probability a predatory band from the region they peopled and gave their name to, Kathiawar, in the Surashtra peninsula. [The KÄthis were probably a nomadic Central Asian tribe, driven down the valley of the Indus by the tide of early Muhammadan invasions. Their appearance in Jaisalmer at the end of the twelfth centuryA.D.probably marks a stage in their southerly progress. Thence they seem to have moved into MÄlwa, thence to Cutch, and finally to KÄthiÄwÄr (BG, ix. Part i. 252 ff., viii. 128).]
3. Mr. Elphinstone enumerates the Jadon as a subdivision of the Yusufzais, one of the great Afghan tribes, who were originally located about Kabul and Ghazni. I could not resist surmising the probability of the term Jadon, applied to a subdivision of the Afghan race, originating from the Hindu-Scythic Jadon, or Yadu; whence the boasted descent of the Afghans from Saul, king of the Jews (Yahudis). The customs of the Afghans would support this hypothesis: “The Afghans (says the Emperor Babur, p. 159), when reduced to extremities in war, come into the presence of their enemy with grass between their teeth, being as much as to say, ‘I am your ox.’†This custom is entirely Rajput, and ever recurring in inscriptions recording victories. They have their bards or poets in like manner, of whom Mr. Elphinstone gives an interesting account. In features, also, they resemble the Northern Rajputs, who have generally aquiline noses, or, as Mr. Elphinstone expresses it in the account of his journey through the desert, “Jewish featuresâ€; though this might tempt one to adopt the converse of my deduction, and say that these Yadus of Gajni were, with the Afghans, also of Yahudi origin: from the lost tribes of Israel. [The JadÅ«n, as Rose writes their name, are not YÅ«sufzais, but live S. of them, and have no connexion with the RÄjput JÄdons (Glossary, ii. 272 f., iii. 254).]
3. Mr. Elphinstone enumerates the Jadon as a subdivision of the Yusufzais, one of the great Afghan tribes, who were originally located about Kabul and Ghazni. I could not resist surmising the probability of the term Jadon, applied to a subdivision of the Afghan race, originating from the Hindu-Scythic Jadon, or Yadu; whence the boasted descent of the Afghans from Saul, king of the Jews (Yahudis). The customs of the Afghans would support this hypothesis: “The Afghans (says the Emperor Babur, p. 159), when reduced to extremities in war, come into the presence of their enemy with grass between their teeth, being as much as to say, ‘I am your ox.’†This custom is entirely Rajput, and ever recurring in inscriptions recording victories. They have their bards or poets in like manner, of whom Mr. Elphinstone gives an interesting account. In features, also, they resemble the Northern Rajputs, who have generally aquiline noses, or, as Mr. Elphinstone expresses it in the account of his journey through the desert, “Jewish featuresâ€; though this might tempt one to adopt the converse of my deduction, and say that these Yadus of Gajni were, with the Afghans, also of Yahudi origin: from the lost tribes of Israel. [The JadÅ«n, as Rose writes their name, are not YÅ«sufzais, but live S. of them, and have no connexion with the RÄjput JÄdons (Glossary, ii. 272 f., iii. 254).]
4. See Mr. Elphinstone’s map for the position of the Jadon branch of the Yusufzais at the foot of the Siwalik hills.
4. See Mr. Elphinstone’s map for the position of the Jadon branch of the Yusufzais at the foot of the Siwalik hills.
5. [“If this is correct, the date of the foundation of Jaisalmer must be wrong, for MÄn Singh’s father is known to have been alive in 1249. Moreover the Deora sept did not exist, as it took the name from MÄn Singh’s son Deoraj†(Erskine iii. A. 11).]
5. [“If this is correct, the date of the foundation of Jaisalmer must be wrong, for MÄn Singh’s father is known to have been alive in 1249. Moreover the Deora sept did not exist, as it took the name from MÄn Singh’s son Deoraj†(Erskine iii. A. 11).]
6. In this single passage we have revealed the tribe (got), race (kula), capital, and proper name of the prince of Dhat. The Sodha tribe, as before stated, is an important branch of the Pramara (Puar) race, and with the Umras and Sumras gave dynasties to the valley of Sind from the most remote period. The Sodhas, I have already observed, were probably the Sogdoi of Alexander, occupying Upper Sind when the Macedonian descended that stream. The Sumra dynasty is mentioned by Ferishta from ancient authorities, but the Muhammadan historians knew nothing, and cared nothing, about Rajput tribes. It is from such documents as these, scattered throughout the annals of these principalities, and from the ancient Hindu epic poems, that I have concentrated the “Sketches of the Rajput Tribes,†introductory to the first volume, which, however slight they appear, cost more research than the rest of the book. I write this note chiefly for the information of the patriarch of oriental lore on the Continent, the learned and ingenious De Sacy. If this mentor ask, “Where are now the Sodhas?†I reply, the ex-prince of Umarkot, with whose ancestors Humayun took refuge—in whose capital in the desert the great Akbar was born—and who could on the spur of the moment oppose four thousand horse to invasion, has only one single town, that of Chor, left to him. The Rathors, who, in the time of Armsi Rana and Rawal Chachak, were hardly known in Marudes, have their flag waving on the battlements of the ‘immortal castle’ (Amarkuta), and the Amirs of Sind have incorporated the greater part of Dhat with their State of Haidarabad. [Umarkot is not the ‘immortal castle,’ but the fort of Umar, chief of the Sūmra tribe (IGI, xxiv. 118).]
6. In this single passage we have revealed the tribe (got), race (kula), capital, and proper name of the prince of Dhat. The Sodha tribe, as before stated, is an important branch of the Pramara (Puar) race, and with the Umras and Sumras gave dynasties to the valley of Sind from the most remote period. The Sodhas, I have already observed, were probably the Sogdoi of Alexander, occupying Upper Sind when the Macedonian descended that stream. The Sumra dynasty is mentioned by Ferishta from ancient authorities, but the Muhammadan historians knew nothing, and cared nothing, about Rajput tribes. It is from such documents as these, scattered throughout the annals of these principalities, and from the ancient Hindu epic poems, that I have concentrated the “Sketches of the Rajput Tribes,†introductory to the first volume, which, however slight they appear, cost more research than the rest of the book. I write this note chiefly for the information of the patriarch of oriental lore on the Continent, the learned and ingenious De Sacy. If this mentor ask, “Where are now the Sodhas?†I reply, the ex-prince of Umarkot, with whose ancestors Humayun took refuge—in whose capital in the desert the great Akbar was born—and who could on the spur of the moment oppose four thousand horse to invasion, has only one single town, that of Chor, left to him. The Rathors, who, in the time of Armsi Rana and Rawal Chachak, were hardly known in Marudes, have their flag waving on the battlements of the ‘immortal castle’ (Amarkuta), and the Amirs of Sind have incorporated the greater part of Dhat with their State of Haidarabad. [Umarkot is not the ‘immortal castle,’ but the fort of Umar, chief of the Sūmra tribe (IGI, xxiv. 118).]
7. To those interested in the migration of these tribes, it must be gratifying to see these annals thus synchronically corroborating each other. About two centuries before this, in the reign of Dusaj, when the Bhatti capital was at Lodorva, an attack was made on the land of Kher, then occupied by the Guhilots, who were, as related in the Annals of Marwar, dispossessed by the Rathors. None but an inquirer into these annals of the desert tribes can conceive the satisfaction arising from such confirmation.
7. To those interested in the migration of these tribes, it must be gratifying to see these annals thus synchronically corroborating each other. About two centuries before this, in the reign of Dusaj, when the Bhatti capital was at Lodorva, an attack was made on the land of Kher, then occupied by the Guhilots, who were, as related in the Annals of Marwar, dispossessed by the Rathors. None but an inquirer into these annals of the desert tribes can conceive the satisfaction arising from such confirmation.
8. This tribe is unknown to Central India. [They are a branch of the ParihÄrs.]
8. This tribe is unknown to Central India. [They are a branch of the ParihÄrs.]
9. [AlÄu-d-dÄ«n.]
9. [AlÄu-d-dÄ«n.]
10. The title, tribe, and capital of this race show that the Bhattis were intimately connected with the neighbouring States.
10. The title, tribe, and capital of this race show that the Bhattis were intimately connected with the neighbouring States.
11. [About 100 miles N.N.E. of Jodhpur city.]
11. [About 100 miles N.N.E. of Jodhpur city.]
12. [In MallÄni, the ‘cradle of the RÄthors.’]
12. [In MallÄni, the ‘cradle of the RÄthors.’]
13. This can mean nothing more than that desultory attacks were carried on against the Bhatti capital. It is certain that Ala never carried his arms in person against Jaisalmer. [It is impossible to reconcile the dates, and this siege is not mentioned by Muhammadan historians. It is said to have lasted fromA.D.1286 to 1295. Balban reigned 1266-1286-7, and AlÄu-d-dÄ«n did not ascend the throne till 1296. Much of the narrative is a fiction of the Bhatti bards.]
13. This can mean nothing more than that desultory attacks were carried on against the Bhatti capital. It is certain that Ala never carried his arms in person against Jaisalmer. [It is impossible to reconcile the dates, and this siege is not mentioned by Muhammadan historians. It is said to have lasted fromA.D.1286 to 1295. Balban reigned 1266-1286-7, and AlÄu-d-dÄ«n did not ascend the throne till 1296. Much of the narrative is a fiction of the Bhatti bards.]
14. [Prosopis spicigera.]
14. [Prosopis spicigera.]
15. Sohagan, one who becomes Sati previous to her lord’s death; Duhagan, who follows him after death.
15. Sohagan, one who becomes Sati previous to her lord’s death; Duhagan, who follows him after death.
16. Literally, ‘the royal gate’; an allusion to the female apartments, or Rajloka.
16. Literally, ‘the royal gate’; an allusion to the female apartments, or Rajloka.
17.Bala, is under sixteen;praurha, middle-aged;briddhu, when forty.
17.Bala, is under sixteen;praurha, middle-aged;briddhu, when forty.
18. The funereal qualities of the tulsi plant, and the emblematic Salagram, or stone found in the Gandak River, have been often described.
18. The funereal qualities of the tulsi plant, and the emblematic Salagram, or stone found in the Gandak River, have been often described.
19. On two occasions the Rajput chieftain wears themor[maur], or ‘coronet’: on his marriage, and when going to die in battle; symbolic of his nuptials with the Apsaras, or ‘fair of heaven.’
19. On two occasions the Rajput chieftain wears themor[maur], or ‘coronet’: on his marriage, and when going to die in battle; symbolic of his nuptials with the Apsaras, or ‘fair of heaven.’
RÄthor Settlement at Jaisalmer. DÅ«da RÄwal,A.D.1295-1306.—Some years subsequent to this disastrous event in the Bhatti annals, Jagmall, son of Maloji Rathor, chief of Mewa, attempted a settlement amidst the ruins of Jaisalmer, and brought thither a large force, with seven hundred carts of provisions. On hearing this, the Bhatti chiefs, Dudu and Tilaksi, the sons of Jaisar, assembled their kinsmen, surprised the Rathors, drove them from the castle, and captured the supplies. Dudu, for this exploit, was elected Rawal, and commenced the repairs of Jaisalmer. He had five sons. Tilaksi, his brother, was renowned for his exploits. He despoiled the Baloch, the Mangalea, the Meawa, and the Deoras and Sonagiras of Abu and Jalor felt his power. He even extended his raids to Ajmer, and carried off the stud of Firoz Shah from the Anasagar (lake), where they were accustomed to be watered.[1]This indignity provoked another attack upon Jaisalmer, attended with the same disastrous results. Again thesakhawas performed, in which sixteen thousand [254] females[2]were destroyed; and Dudu, with Tilaksi and seventeen hundred of the clan, fell in battle, after he had occupied thegadditen years.
Gharsi RÄwal,A.D.1306-35. Jaisalmer restored.—On the death of Rawal Dudu, in S. 1362 (A.D.1306), the young princes, Gharsi and Kanar, by the death of their patron Mahbub, were left to the protection of his sons, Zulfikar and Ghazi Khan. Kanar went privately to Jaisalmer, and Gharsi obtained leave to proceed westward to the Mewa tract, where he married Bimaladevi, a widow, sister to the Rathor, who had been betrothed[3]to the Deora. While engaged in these nuptials, he was visited by his relation Soningdeo, a man of gigantic strength, who agreed to accompany him on his return to Delhi. The king made trial of his force, by giving him to string an iron bow sent by the king of Khorasan, which the nervous Bhatti not only bent but broke. The invasion of Delhi by Timur Shah[4]having occurred at this time, the services of Gharsi were so conspicuous that he obtained a grant of his hereditary dominions, with permission to re-establish Jaisalmer. With his own kindred, and the aid of the vassals of his friend Jagmall of Mewa, he soon.restored order, and had an efficient force at command. Hamir and his clansmen gave their allegiance to Gharsi, but the sons of Jaisar were headstrong.
The Adoption of Kehar. RÄwal Gharsi assassinated.—Deoraj, who married the daughter of Rupra, Rana of Mandor, had a son named Kehar, who, when Jaisalmer was about to be invested by the troops of the Sultan, was conveyed to Mandor with his mother. When only twelve years of age, he used to accompany the cow-herdsof the old Rao’s kine, and his favourite amusement was penning up the calves with twigs of theak, to imitate the picketing of horses. One day, tired of this occupation, young Kehar fell asleep upon the hole of a serpent, and the reptile issuing therefrom, arose and spread its hood over him as he slept. A Charan (bard, or genealogist), passing that way, reported the fact and its import immediately to the Rana, who, proceeding to the spot, found it was his own grandson whom fate had thus pointed out for sovereignty.[5]Gharsi, having no offspring by Bimaladevi, proposed to her to adopt a son. All the Bhatti youth were assembled, but none equalled Kehar, who [255] was chosen. But the sons of Jaisar were displeased, and conspired to obtain thegaddi. At this time, Rawal Gharsi was in the daily habit of visiting a tank, which he was excavating, and they seized an occasion to assassinate him; whereupon, in order to defeat their design, Bimaladevi immediately had Kehar proclaimed. The widowed queen of Gharsi, with the view of securing the completion of an object which her lord had much at heart, namely, finishing the lake Gharsisar, as well as to ensure protection to her adopted son Kehar, determined to protract the period of self-immolation; but when six months had elapsed, and both these objects were attained, she finished her days on the pyre. Bimaladevi named the children of Hamir as the adopted sons and successors of Kehar. These sons were Jetha and Lunkaran.
The coco-nut was sent by Kumbha, Rana of Chitor, to Jetha. The Bhatti prince marched for Mewar, and when within twelve coss of the Aravalli hills, was joined by the famous Sankhla Miraj, chief of Salbahni. Next morning, when about to resume the march, a partridge began to call from the right; a bad omen, which was interpreted by the brother-in-law of the Sankhla, deeply versed in the science of the Suguni and the language of birds.[6]Jetha drew the rein of his horse, and to avert the evil, halted that day. Meanwhile, the partridge was caught and found to be blind of an eye, and its ovary quite filled. The next morning, as soon as they had taken horse, a tigress began to roar, and the Suguni chieftain was again called upon to expound the omen. He replied that the secrets of great houses should not bedivulged, but he desired them to dispatch a youth, disguised as a female Nai (barber class), to Kumbhalmer, who there would learn the cause. The youth gained admission to ‘the ruby of Mewar’ (Lala Mewari), who was anointing for the nuptials. He saw things were not right, and returning made his report; upon hearing which, the Bhatti prince married Marad, the daughter of the Sankhla chief. The Rana was indignant at this insult, but a sense of shame prevented his resenting it; and instead of proclaiming the slight, he offered his daughter’s hand to the famous Khichi prince, Achaldas of Gagraun, and it was accepted.[7]Jetha met his death, together with his brother Lunkaran, and his brother-in-law, in an attempt to surprise Pugal: he fell with a hundred and twenty followers. When the old Rao, Raningdeo, discovered against whom he had thus successfully defended himself, he clad himself in black garments [256], and in atonement performed pilgrimage to all the shrines in India.[8]On his return, he was forgiven and condoled with by Kehar.
Lachhman RÄwal,c.A.D.1402.—Kehar had eight sons: (1) Somaji, who had a numerous offspring, called the Soma-Bhattis; (2) Lachhman;[9](3) Kailan, who forcibly seized Bikampur, the appanage of his elder brother Soma, who departed with all hisbasai,[10]and settled at Girab; (4) Kilkaran; (5) Satal, who gave his name to an ancient town, and called it Satalmer. The names of the rest were Bija, Tana, and Tejsi.
When the sons of Raningdeo became converts to Islam, in order to avenge their father’s feud with the Rathor prince of Nagor, they forfeited their inheritance of Pugal and Marot, and thenceforward mixed with the Aboharia Bhattis, and their descendants are termed Mumin Musalman Bhatti. On this event, Kailan, the third son of the Rawal, took possession of the forfeited lands, and besides Bikampur, regained Derawar, which had been conquered by their ancient foes, the Dahya Rajputs.
Kailan built a fort on the Bias, called, after his father, Kara, or Karor, which again brought the Bhattis into collision with the Johyas and Langahas, whose chief, Amir Khan Korai, attacked him, but was defeated. Kailan became the terror of the Chahils,[11]the Mohils,[11]and Johyas,[11]who lived in this quarter, and his authority extended as far as the Panjnad. Kailan married into the Samma family of Jam,[12]and [257] arbitrated their disputeson succession, which had caused much bloodshed. Shujaat Jam, whom he supported, accompanied him to Marot, on whose death, two years after, Kailan possessed himself of all the Samma territory, when the Sind River became the boundary of his dominion. Kailan died at the age of seventy-two, and was succeeded by[13]
ChÄchakdeo RÄwal,c.A.D.1448.—Chachakdeo made Marot his headquarters, to cover his territories from the attacks of Multan, which took umbrage at the return of the Bhattis across the Gara. The chief of Multan united in a league all the ancient foes of the Bhattis, the Langahas, the Johyas, the Khichis, and all the tribes of that region. Chachak formed an army of seventeen thousand horse and fourteen thousand foot, and crossed the Bias to meet his foes. The encounter was desperate; but the Bhattis were victorious, and returned with rich spoil to Marot. In the year following another battle took place, in which seven hundred and forty Bhattis were slain, and three thousand of the men of Multan. By this success, the conquests of Chachak were extended, and he left a garrison (thana) under his son in Asinikot, beyond the Bias, and returned to Pugal. He then attacked Maipal, chief of the Dhundis,[14]whom he defeated. After this victory he repaired to Jaisalmer, to visit his brother Lachhman, reserving the produce of the lands dependent on Asinikot[15]for his expenses at court. On his return home by Baru, he was accosted by aJanjua Rajput,[16]pasturing an immense flock of goats, who presented the best of his flock, and demanded protection against the raids of Birjang Rathor. This chief had wrested the celebrated fortress of Satalmer,[17]the abode of wealthy merchants, from a Bhatti chief, and extended his forays far into the desert, and the Janjua was one of those who had suffered by his success [258]. Not long after Rao Chachak had passed by the pastures of the Janjua, he received a visit from him, to complain of another inroad, which had carried off the identical goat, his offering. Chachak assembled his kinsmen, and formed an alliance with Shumar Khan, chief of the Seta tribe,[18]who came with three thousand horse. It was the custom of the Rathors of Satalmer to encamp their horse at a tank some distance from the city, to watch, while the chief citizens used daily to go abroad. Chachak surprised and made prisoners of the whole. The bankers and men of wealth offered large sums for their ransom; but he would not release them from bondage, except on condition of their settling in the territory of Jaisalmer. Three hundred and sixty-five heads of families embraced this alternative, and hence Jaisalmer dates the influx of her wealth. They were distributed over the principal cities, Derawar, Pugal, Marot, etc.[19]The three sons of the Rathor were also made prisoners; the two youngest were released, but Mera, the eldest, was detained as a hostage for his father’s good conduct. Chachak dismissed his ally, the Seta chief, whose granddaughter, Sonaldevi, he married. The father of the bride, Haibat Khan,[20]gave with her indaeja(dower)fifty horses, thirty-five slaves, four palkis, and two hundred female camels, and with her Chachak returned to Marot.