Assistance given by the Bhattis.—The year 1739 was one of perpetual conflict, of captures and recaptures, in which many parties of twenty and thirty on each side fell. They afford numerous examples of heroic patriotism, in which Rathor blood was lavishly shed; but while to them each warrior was a loss not to be replaced, the despot continued to feed the war with fresh troops. The Bhattis of Jaisalmer came forward this year, and nobly shed their blood in seconding the efforts of the Rathors in this patriotic warfare.
“In S. 1740, Azam and Asad Khan joined the emperor in the Deccan, and Inayat Khan was left in command at Ajmer—being enjoined not to relax the war in Marwar, even with the setting in of the rains. Merwara afforded a place of rendezvous for the Rathors, and security for their families. Here eleven thousand of the best troops of Inayat invaded the hills to attack the united Jodhas and Champawats, who retaliated on Pali, Sojat, and Godwar. The ancient Mandor, which was occupied by a garrison under Khwaja Salah, was attacked by the Mandecha Bhatti and driven out. At Bagri, a desperate encounter took place in the month of Baisakh, when Ram Singh and Samant Singh, both Bhatti chiefs, fell, with two hundred of their vassals, slaying one thousand of the Moguls. The Karamsots and Kumpawats, under Anup Singh, scoured the banks of the Luni, and put to the sword the garrisons of Ustara and Gangani. Mohkam, with his Mertias, made a descent on his patrimonial lands, and drew upon him the whole force of its [71] governor, Muhammad Ali. The Mertias met him on their own native plains. The Yavan proposed a truce, and at the interview assassinated the head of the Mertias, tidings of whose death rejoiced the Shah in the Deccan.
“At the beginning of 1741, neither strife nor fear had abated. Sujan Singh led the Rathors in the south, while Lakha Champawat and Kesar Kumpawat, aided by the Bhattis and Chauhans, kept the garrison of Jodhpur in alarm. When Sujan was slain, the bard was sent to Sangram, who held a mansab and lands from the king; he was implored to join his brethren; he obeyed, and all collected around Sangram.[41]Siwancha[42]was attacked, and with Bhalotra and Panchbhadra were plundered; while theblockaded garrisons were unable to aid. An hour before sunset every gate of Maru was shut. The Asurs had the strongholds in their power; but the plains resounded with the An[43]of Ajit. Udaibhan, with his Jodhawats, appeared before Bhadrajun; he assaulted the foe and captured his guns and treasure. An attempt from Jodhpur made to recapture the trophies, added to the triumph of the Jodha.
Abduction of the Asāni Girls.—“Purdil Khan[44]held Siwana; and Nahar Khan Mewati, Kunari. To attack them, the Champawats convened at Mokalsar. Their thirst for vengeance redoubled at the tidings that Nur Ali had abducted two young women of the tribe of Asani. Ratna led the Rathors; they reached Kunari and engaged Purdil Khan, who was put to the sword with six hundred of his men. The Rathors left one hundred in the field that day, the ninth of Chait. The Mirza[45]no sooner heard of this defeat than he fled towards Toda, with the Asani damsels, gazing on the mangoes as they ripened, and having reached Kuchal, he encamped. Subhal Singh, the son of Askaran, heard it; he took his opium, and though the Mirza was surrounded by pillars, the dagger of Askaran’s son reached his heart; but the Bhatti[46]was cut in pieces. The roads were now impassable; the Thanas[47]of the Yavans were reduced to great straits [72].
“The year 1742 commenced with the slaughter of the king’s garrison at Sambhar by the Lakhawats and Asawats;[48]while from Godwar the chiefs made incursions to the gates of Ajmer. A battle took place at Merta, where the Rathors were defeated and dispersed; but in revenge Sangram burned the suburbs of Jodhpur, and then came to Dunara, where once more the clans assembled. They marched, invested Jalor, when Bihari, left without succour, was compelled to capitulate, and the gate of honour (dharmadwara) was left open to him. And thus ended 1742.”
1. [Erskine (iii. A, 62) gives the story from local sources; also see Elliot-Dowson vii. 297 f.]
1. [Erskine (iii. A, 62) gives the story from local sources; also see Elliot-Dowson vii. 297 f.]
2. A delicate mode of naming the female part of Jaswant’s family; the ‘royal abode’ included his young daughters, sent to inhabit heaven (swarga).
2. A delicate mode of naming the female part of Jaswant’s family; the ‘royal abode’ included his young daughters, sent to inhabit heaven (swarga).
3. Pluto.
3. Pluto.
4. ‘The lord of the shell,’ an epithet of Siva, as the god of war; his war-trump being a shell (sankh); his chaplet (mala), which the Rathor bard says was incomplete until this fight, being of human skulls. [Sankara, a title of Siva, means ‘causing happiness,’ and has no connexion withsankh, ‘a shell.’]
4. ‘The lord of the shell,’ an epithet of Siva, as the god of war; his war-trump being a shell (sankh); his chaplet (mala), which the Rathor bard says was incomplete until this fight, being of human skulls. [Sankara, a title of Siva, means ‘causing happiness,’ and has no connexion withsankh, ‘a shell.’]
5. Queen of the Apsaras, or celestial nymphs.
5. Queen of the Apsaras, or celestial nymphs.
6. Pope makes Sarpedon say:“The life that others pay, let us bestow,And give to fame what we to nature owe.”
6. Pope makes Sarpedon say:
“The life that others pay, let us bestow,And give to fame what we to nature owe.”
“The life that others pay, let us bestow,And give to fame what we to nature owe.”
“The life that others pay, let us bestow,And give to fame what we to nature owe.”
“The life that others pay, let us bestow,
And give to fame what we to nature owe.”
7.I.e.blood.
7.I.e.blood.
8. “The city of the moon.”
8. “The city of the moon.”
9. The lunar abode seems that allotted for all bards, who never mention Bhanloka, or the ‘mansion of the sun,’ as a place of reward for them. Doubtless they could assign a reason for such a distinction.
9. The lunar abode seems that allotted for all bards, who never mention Bhanloka, or the ‘mansion of the sun,’ as a place of reward for them. Doubtless they could assign a reason for such a distinction.
10. This is but a short transcript of the poetic account of this battle, in which the deeds, name, and tribe of every warrior who fell are related. The heroes of Thermopylae had not a more brilliant theme for the bard. [Compare the more matter-of-fact accounts of Khāfi Khān, Elliot-Dowson (vii. 296 f.), and of Manucci (ii. 233 f.).]
10. This is but a short transcript of the poetic account of this battle, in which the deeds, name, and tribe of every warrior who fell are related. The heroes of Thermopylae had not a more brilliant theme for the bard. [Compare the more matter-of-fact accounts of Khāfi Khān, Elliot-Dowson (vii. 296 f.), and of Manucci (ii. 233 f.).]
11. Here is another instance of the ancient patronymic being brought in by the bards, and it is thus they preserve the names and deeds of the worthies of past days. Rao Duhar was one of the earliest Rathor kings of Marwar.
11. Here is another instance of the ancient patronymic being brought in by the bards, and it is thus they preserve the names and deeds of the worthies of past days. Rao Duhar was one of the earliest Rathor kings of Marwar.
12. [According to Musalmān authorities, the name of the son of Amar Singh was Indar Singh, not Ratan Singh (Jadunath Sarkar,Life of Aurangzib, iii. 369).]
12. [According to Musalmān authorities, the name of the son of Amar Singh was Indar Singh, not Ratan Singh (Jadunath Sarkar,Life of Aurangzib, iii. 369).]
13. [In 1679 Khān Jahān arrived from Jodhpur, bringing several cartloads of idols pillaged from Hindu temples. It was ordered that some should be cast away into the out-offices, and the remainder to be placed beneath the steps of the Great Mosque, there to be trampled under foot (Elliot-Dowson vii. 187; Jadunath Sarkar iii. 323).]
13. [In 1679 Khān Jahān arrived from Jodhpur, bringing several cartloads of idols pillaged from Hindu temples. It was ordered that some should be cast away into the out-offices, and the remainder to be placed beneath the steps of the Great Mosque, there to be trampled under foot (Elliot-Dowson vii. 187; Jadunath Sarkar iii. 323).]
14. Vol. I. p.442.
14. Vol. I. p.442.
15. It may be well to exhibit the manner in which the poetic annalist of Rajputana narrates such events, and to give them in his own language rather than in an epitome, by which not only the pith of the original would be lost, but the events themselves deprived of half their interest. The character of historic fidelity will thus be preserved from suspicion, which could scarcely be withheld if the narrative were exhibited in any but its native garb. This will also serve to sustain the Annals of Marwar, formed from a combination of such materials, and dispose the reader to acknowledge the impossibility of reducing such animated chronicles to the severe style of history. But more than all, it is with the design to prove what, in the preface of this work, the reader was compelled to take on credit; that the Rajput kingdoms were in no ages without such chronicles: and if we may not compare them with Froissart, or with Monstrelet, they may be allowed to compete with the Anglo-Saxon chronicles, and they certainly surpass those of Ulster. But we have stronger motives than even legitimate curiosity, in allowing the bard to tell his own tale of the thirty years’ war of Rajputana; the desire which has animated this task from its commencement, to give a correct idea of the importance of these events, and to hold them up as a beacon to the present governors of these brave men. How well that elegant historian, Orme, appreciates their importance, as bearing on our own conduct in power, the reader will perceive by reference to hisFragments[ed. 1782, note i.], where he says, “There are no states or powers on the continent of India, with whom our nation has either connexion or concern, which do not owe the origin of their present condition to the reign of Aurangzebe, or to its influence on the reigns of his successors.” It behoves us, therefore, to make ourselves acquainted with the causes as well as the characters of those who occasioned the downfall of our predecessors in the sovereignty of India. With this object in view, the bard shall tell his own tale from the birth of Ajit, in S. 1737, to 1767, when he had vanquished all opposition to Aurangzeb, and regained the throne of Maru.
15. It may be well to exhibit the manner in which the poetic annalist of Rajputana narrates such events, and to give them in his own language rather than in an epitome, by which not only the pith of the original would be lost, but the events themselves deprived of half their interest. The character of historic fidelity will thus be preserved from suspicion, which could scarcely be withheld if the narrative were exhibited in any but its native garb. This will also serve to sustain the Annals of Marwar, formed from a combination of such materials, and dispose the reader to acknowledge the impossibility of reducing such animated chronicles to the severe style of history. But more than all, it is with the design to prove what, in the preface of this work, the reader was compelled to take on credit; that the Rajput kingdoms were in no ages without such chronicles: and if we may not compare them with Froissart, or with Monstrelet, they may be allowed to compete with the Anglo-Saxon chronicles, and they certainly surpass those of Ulster. But we have stronger motives than even legitimate curiosity, in allowing the bard to tell his own tale of the thirty years’ war of Rajputana; the desire which has animated this task from its commencement, to give a correct idea of the importance of these events, and to hold them up as a beacon to the present governors of these brave men. How well that elegant historian, Orme, appreciates their importance, as bearing on our own conduct in power, the reader will perceive by reference to hisFragments[ed. 1782, note i.], where he says, “There are no states or powers on the continent of India, with whom our nation has either connexion or concern, which do not owe the origin of their present condition to the reign of Aurangzebe, or to its influence on the reigns of his successors.” It behoves us, therefore, to make ourselves acquainted with the causes as well as the characters of those who occasioned the downfall of our predecessors in the sovereignty of India. With this object in view, the bard shall tell his own tale from the birth of Ajit, in S. 1737, to 1767, when he had vanquished all opposition to Aurangzeb, and regained the throne of Maru.
16. The cenotaph of these warriors still marks the spot where they fell, on the right on entering the portals.
16. The cenotaph of these warriors still marks the spot where they fell, on the right on entering the portals.
17. The heaps of grain thrashed in the open field, preparatory to being divided and housed, are termedkhallas.
17. The heaps of grain thrashed in the open field, preparatory to being divided and housed, are termedkhallas.
18. Oath of allegiance.
18. Oath of allegiance.
19. The Mewar chronicle claims a victory for the combined Rajput army, and relates a singular stratagem by which they gained it; but either I have overlooked it, or the Raj Vilas does not specify that Prince Bhim, son of the heroic Rana Raj, fell on this day, so glorious in the annals of both States. See Vol. I. p.448. [According to Manucci (ii. 234) the Rāja “was obliged to cede to Aurangzeb a province and the town of Mairtha.” According to another story, Aurangzeb offered the succession to Ajīt Singh on condition that he was converted to Islām. The Emperor kept a counterfeit Ajīt Singh in ward, and brought him up as a Musalmān, called him Muhammadi Rāj, and on his death he was buried as a Musalmān (Jadunath Sarkar iii. 374).]
19. The Mewar chronicle claims a victory for the combined Rajput army, and relates a singular stratagem by which they gained it; but either I have overlooked it, or the Raj Vilas does not specify that Prince Bhim, son of the heroic Rana Raj, fell on this day, so glorious in the annals of both States. See Vol. I. p.448. [According to Manucci (ii. 234) the Rāja “was obliged to cede to Aurangzeb a province and the town of Mairtha.” According to another story, Aurangzeb offered the succession to Ajīt Singh on condition that he was converted to Islām. The Emperor kept a counterfeit Ajīt Singh in ward, and brought him up as a Musalmān, called him Muhammadi Rāj, and on his death he was buried as a Musalmān (Jadunath Sarkar iii. 374).]
20. On Akbar’s rebellion see Jadunath Sarkar iii. 402 ff.]
20. On Akbar’s rebellion see Jadunath Sarkar iii. 402 ff.]
21. Krishna.
21. Krishna.
22. [Orme,Fragments, ed. 1782, 142 ff.; Khāfi Khān in Elliot-Dowson vii. 298 ff.]
22. [Orme,Fragments, ed. 1782, 142 ff.; Khāfi Khān in Elliot-Dowson vii. 298 ff.]
23. [The reading in the text is that of Dr. Tessitori. Major Luard’s Pandit, questioning the Author’s translation, says that the wordsBand Murdharā ra rakhyomean ‘governed Mārwār well,’ and thatbin thāmbh ākās, ‘the heavens without a prop,’ refers to the ruler who was a minor.]
23. [The reading in the text is that of Dr. Tessitori. Major Luard’s Pandit, questioning the Author’s translation, says that the wordsBand Murdharā ra rakhyomean ‘governed Mārwār well,’ and thatbin thāmbh ākās, ‘the heavens without a prop,’ refers to the ruler who was a minor.]
24. The Mewar chronicle says forty thousand.
24. The Mewar chronicle says forty thousand.
25. [The hill tract about Siwāna, in S. Mewār.]
25. [The hill tract about Siwāna, in S. Mewār.]
26. That is, dropped all schemes against it at that moment.
26. That is, dropped all schemes against it at that moment.
27. The Kamdhuj; epithet of the Rathors.
27. The Kamdhuj; epithet of the Rathors.
28. Charms and incantations, with music, are had recourse to, in order to cause the flight of these destructive insects from the fields they light on.
28. Charms and incantations, with music, are had recourse to, in order to cause the flight of these destructive insects from the fields they light on.
29. [The physician of the gods, born at the churning of the ocean.]
29. [The physician of the gods, born at the churning of the ocean.]
30. The number of towns and villages formerly constituting the arrondissement of each State.
30. The number of towns and villages formerly constituting the arrondissement of each State.
31. [Meru, the sacred mountain.]
31. [Meru, the sacred mountain.]
32.Mari, or ‘death’ personified, is the name for that fearful scourge the spasmodic cholera morbus, which has caused the loss of so many lives for the last thirteen years throughout India. It appears to have visited India often, of which we have given a frightful record in the Annals of Mewar in the reign of Rana Raj Singh (see Vol. I. p.454), in S. 1717 orA.D.1661 (twenty years prior to the period we treat of); and Orme [Fragments, ed. 1782, p. 200] describes it as raging in the Deccan inA.D.1684. They had likewise a visitation of it within the memory of many individuals now living.Regarding the nature of this disease, whether endemic, epidemic, or contagious, and its cure, we are as ignorant now as the first day of our experience. There have been hundreds of conflicting opinions and hypotheses, but none satisfactory. In India, nine medical men out of ten, as well as those not professional, deny its being contagious. At Udaipur, the Rana’s only son, hermetically sealed in the palace against contact, was the first seized with the disorder; a pretty strong proof that it was from atmospheric communication. He was also the last man in his father’s dominions likely, from predisposition, to be attacked, being one of the most athletic and prudent of his subjects. I saw him through the disorder. We were afraid to administer remedies to the last heir of Bappa Rawal, but I hinted to Amarji, who was both bard and doctor, that strong doses of musk (12 grs. each) might be beneficial. These he had, and I prevented his having cold water to drink, and also checking the insensible perspiration by throwing off the bedclothes. Nothing but his robust frame and youth made him resist this tremendous assailant.
32.Mari, or ‘death’ personified, is the name for that fearful scourge the spasmodic cholera morbus, which has caused the loss of so many lives for the last thirteen years throughout India. It appears to have visited India often, of which we have given a frightful record in the Annals of Mewar in the reign of Rana Raj Singh (see Vol. I. p.454), in S. 1717 orA.D.1661 (twenty years prior to the period we treat of); and Orme [Fragments, ed. 1782, p. 200] describes it as raging in the Deccan inA.D.1684. They had likewise a visitation of it within the memory of many individuals now living.
Regarding the nature of this disease, whether endemic, epidemic, or contagious, and its cure, we are as ignorant now as the first day of our experience. There have been hundreds of conflicting opinions and hypotheses, but none satisfactory. In India, nine medical men out of ten, as well as those not professional, deny its being contagious. At Udaipur, the Rana’s only son, hermetically sealed in the palace against contact, was the first seized with the disorder; a pretty strong proof that it was from atmospheric communication. He was also the last man in his father’s dominions likely, from predisposition, to be attacked, being one of the most athletic and prudent of his subjects. I saw him through the disorder. We were afraid to administer remedies to the last heir of Bappa Rawal, but I hinted to Amarji, who was both bard and doctor, that strong doses of musk (12 grs. each) might be beneficial. These he had, and I prevented his having cold water to drink, and also checking the insensible perspiration by throwing off the bedclothes. Nothing but his robust frame and youth made him resist this tremendous assailant.
33. [A command of 7000 troops.]
33. [A command of 7000 troops.]
34. See Vol. I. p.419, for an explanation of thepanja—and the treaty which preceded this, made by Rana Raj Singh, the fourth article of which stipulates for terms to the minor son of Jaswant.
34. See Vol. I. p.419, for an explanation of thepanja—and the treaty which preceded this, made by Rana Raj Singh, the fourth article of which stipulates for terms to the minor son of Jaswant.
35. I know not what officer is meant by the Aremdi, sent to swear to the good faith of the king.
35. I know not what officer is meant by the Aremdi, sent to swear to the good faith of the king.
36. His death was said to be effected by incantations, most probably poison.]
36. His death was said to be effected by incantations, most probably poison.]
37. Many were enumerated by the bardic chronicler, who would deem it sacrilege to omit a single name in the page of fame.
37. Many were enumerated by the bardic chronicler, who would deem it sacrilege to omit a single name in the page of fame.
38. [Akhāra, ‘a place of wrestling,’ rhyming withnakkāra, ‘a kettle-drum.’]
38. [Akhāra, ‘a place of wrestling,’ rhyming withnakkāra, ‘a kettle-drum.’]
39. [In Baroda State, about 63 miles N. of Ahmadābād.]
39. [In Baroda State, about 63 miles N. of Ahmadābād.]
40. He was one of the gallant chiefs who, with Durga, conveyed prince Akbar to the sanctuary with the Mahrattas.
40. He was one of the gallant chiefs who, with Durga, conveyed prince Akbar to the sanctuary with the Mahrattas.
41. We are not informed of what clan he was, or his rank, which must have been high.
41. We are not informed of what clan he was, or his rank, which must have been high.
42. The tract so called, of which Siwana is the capital [in S. Mewār].
42. The tract so called, of which Siwana is the capital [in S. Mewār].
43. Oath of allegiance.
43. Oath of allegiance.
44. It is almost superfluous to remark, even to the mere English reader, that whenever he meets the title Khan, it indicates a Muhammadan [and a Pathān]; and that of Singh (lion) a Rajput.
44. It is almost superfluous to remark, even to the mere English reader, that whenever he meets the title Khan, it indicates a Muhammadan [and a Pathān]; and that of Singh (lion) a Rajput.
45. Nur Ali. Mirza is a title only applied to a Mogul.
45. Nur Ali. Mirza is a title only applied to a Mogul.
46. As a Bhatti revenged this disgrace, it is probable the Asani damsels, thus abducted by the Mirza, were of his own race.
46. As a Bhatti revenged this disgrace, it is probable the Asani damsels, thus abducted by the Mirza, were of his own race.
47. Garrisons and military posts.
47. Garrisons and military posts.
48. These are of the most ancient vassalage of Maru.
48. These are of the most ancient vassalage of Maru.
CHAPTER 8
Ajīt Singh produced to the Rāthors,A.D.1686.—“In the year 1743, the Champawats, Kumpawats, Udawats, Mertias, Jodhas, Karamsots, and all the assembled clans of Maru, became impatient to see their sovereign. They sent for the Khichi Mukund, and prayed that they might but [73] behold him; but the faithful to his trust replied: ‘He,[1]who confided him to me, is yet in the Deccan.’—‘Without the sight of our Lord, bread and water have no flavour.’ Mukund could not withstand their suit. The Hara prince Durjan Sal, having come to their aid with one thousand horse from Kotah,[2]they repaired to the hill of Abu, when on the last day of Chait 1743 they saw their prince. As the lotus expands at the sunbeam, so did the heart of each Rathor at the sight of their infant sovereign; they drank his looks, even as the papiha in the month Asoj sips drops of amrita (ambrosia) from the Champa.[3]There were present, Udai Singh, Sangram Singh, Bijaipal, Tej Singh, Mukund Singh, and Nahar son of Hari, all Champawats; Raj Singh, Jagat Singh, Jeth Singh, Samant Singh, of the Udawats; Ram Singh, Fateh Singh, and Kesari, Kumpawats. There was also the Uhar chief of pure descent,[4]besides the Khichi Mukund, the Purohit, the Parihar, and the Jain priest, Yati Gyan, Bijai. In a fortunate hour, Ajit became known to the world. The Hara Rao first made his salutation; he was followed by all Marwar with offerings of gold, pearls, and horses.
“Inayat conveyed the tidings to Aurang Shah; the Asur chief said to the king, ‘If without a head so long they had combated him, what could now be expected?’ He demanded reinforcements.
Ajīt Singh installed.—“In triumph they conveyed the young Raja to Awa, whose chief made thebadhava[5]with pearls, and presented him with horses; here he was entertained, and here they prepared thetika daur.[6]Thence, taking Raepur, Bilara, and Barunda in his way, and receiving the homage and nazars of their chiefs, he repaired to Asop, where he was entertained by the head of the Kumpawats. From Asop he went to the Bhatti fief of Lawera; thence to Rian, the chief abode of the Mertias; thence to Khinwasar, of the Karamsots. Each chief entertained their young lord, around whom all the clans gathered. Then he repaired to Kalu, the abode of Pabhu Rao Dhandal,[7]who came forth with all his bands; and at length [74] he reached Pokaran, where he was joined by Durgadas from the Deccan, the 10th of Bhadon 1744.
“Inayat Khan was alarmed. He assembled a numerous array to quell this fresh tumult, but death pounced upon him. The king was afflicted thereat. He tried another stratagem, and set up a pretended son of Jaswant, styled Muhammad Shah, and offered Ajit the mansab of five thousand to submit to his authority.[8]The pretender also died as he set out for Jodhpur, and Shujaat Khan[9]was made the governor of Marwar in place of Inayat. Now the Rathors and Haras united, having cleared Maru of their foes, attacked them in a foreign land. The garrisons of Malpura and Pur Mandal were put to the sword, and here the Hara prince was killed by a cannon shot in leading the storm. Here they levied eight thousand mohurs in contribution and returned to Marwar, while the civil officers and Purohits made collections in his country; and thus passed 1744.
“The year 1745 commenced with proposals from Shujaat Khan to hold Marwar in farm; he promised one-fourth of all transit duties if the Rathors would respect foreign commerce: to this they agreed. The son of Inayat left Jodhpur for Delhi; he had reached Renwal, but was overtaken by the Jodha Harnath,who released him both of wives and wealth. The Khan fled to the Kachhwahas for shelter. Suja Beg, who left Ajmer to release him, fared no better: he was attacked, defeated, and plundered by Mukunddas Champawat.
War with the Mughals.—“In 1747, Safi Khan was Hakim of Ajmer: Durga determined to attack him. The Hakim took post in the pass which defends the road; there Durga assailed him, and made him fly to Ajmer. The tidings reached the king; he wrote to the Khan, if he discomfited Durgadas, he would raise him over all the Khans of the empire; if he failed, he should send him bracelets,[10]and order Shujaat from Jodhpur to supersede him. Safi, before abandoning his trust, tried to retain his honours by the circumvention of Ajit. He addressed a letter to him, saying he held the imperial sanad for the restoration of his paternal domains, but that, as the king’s representative, he must come and receive it. Ajit marched at the head of twenty thousand Rathors, sending in advance Mukund Champawat to observe whether any treachery was contemplated. The snare was discovered and reported to Ajit, as he arrived at the foot of the pass beyond the mountains. ‘Let us, however, have [75] a sight of Ajaidurg as we are so near,’ said the young prince, ‘and receive the compliments of the Khan.’ They moved on towards the city, and Safi Khan had no alternative but to pay his obeisance to Ajit. To enjoy his distress, one said, ‘Let us fire the city.’ The Hakim sat trembling for its safety and his own; he brought forth jewels and horses which he presented to Ajit.
“In 1748, the troubles recommenced in Mewar. Prince Amra rebelled against his father, Rana Jai Singh, and was joined by all his chiefs. The Rana fled to Godwar, and at Ghanerao collected a force, which Amra prepared to attack. The Rana demanded succour of the Rathors, and all the Mertias hastened to relieve him; and soon after Ajit sent Durgadas and Bhagwan, with Ranmall Jodha, and ‘the eight ranks of Rathors,’ to espouse the father’s cause. But the Chondawats and Saktawats, the Jhalas and Chauhans, rather than admit foreign interference in their quarrel, thought it better to effect a reconciliation between father and son; and thus the Rana was indebted to Marwar for the support of his throne.
Aurangzeb negotiates about Akbar’s Daughter.—“The year1749 passed in negotiation to obtain the daughter of prince Akbar, left in charge of Durgadas, for whose honour Aurangzeb was alarmed, as Ajit was reaching manhood; Narayandas Kulumbi was the medium of negotiation, and Safi Khan caused all hostilities to cease while it lasted.
“In 1750, the Muslim governors of Jodhpur, Jalor, and Siwana combined their forces against Ajit, who was again compelled to retreat to the mountains. Akha, the Bala, received their attack, but was defeated in the month of Magh. Another combat was hastened by the wanton slaughter of asand,[11]when the Hakim of Chank, with all his train, were made prisoners at Mokalsar by the Champawat Mukanddas.
“To such straits were the Muslims put in 1751, that many districts paid chauth, others tribute, and many, tired of this incessant warfare, and unable to conquer their bread, took service with the Rathors. This year, Kasim Khan and Lashkar Khan marched against Ajit, who took post at Bijaipur. Durga’s son led the onset, and the Khan was defeated. With each year of Ajit grew the hopes of the Rathors; while Aurangzeb was afflicted at each month’s growth of his granddaughter. He wrote to Shujaat, the Hakim of Jodhpur, to secure his honour at whatever cost; his applications for Akbar’s daughter were unwearied [76].
Ajīt Singh marries a Princess of Mewar.—“This year the coco-nut studded with gems,[12]two elephants and ten steeds, all richly caparisoned, were sent by the Rana to affiance the daughter of his younger brother, Gaj Singh, to Ajit. The present was accepted, and in the month of Jeth, the prince of the Rathors repaired to Udaipur, where the nuptials were solemnized. In Asarh he again married at Deolia.[13]
“In 1753, negotiations were renewed through Durgadas, and the protracted restoration of the Sultani obtained the seat of his ancestors for the Jodhani. Durga was offered for himself the mansab of five thousand, which he refused; he preferred that Jalor, Siwanchi, Sanchor, and Tharad[14]should revert to hiscountry. Even Aurang admired the honourable and distinguished treatment of his granddaughter.
“In Pus 1757,[15]Ajit regained possession of his ancestral abode: on his reaching Jodhpur he slew a buffalo at each of its five gates.[16]The Shahzada Sultan led the way, Shujaat being dead.[17]
“In 1759, Azam Shah again seized on Jodhpur, and Ajit made Jalor his abode. Some of his chiefs now served the foe, some the Rana whose hopes were on Eklinga alone; while the lord of Amber served the king in the Deccan. The enormities of the Asurs had reached their height; the sacred kine were sacrificed even at Mathura, Prayag, and Okhamandal; the Jogis and Bairagis invoked heaven for protection, but iniquity prevailed as the Hindu strength decayed. Prayers were everywhere offered up to heaven to cleanse the land from the iniquities of the barbarians.[18]In this year, the month of Magh 1759, the Mithun Lagan (the ‘sun in Gemini’), a son was born of the Chauhani, who was called Abhai Singh. (See end of this chapter, p.1019, for the Horoscope of Abhai Singh.)
“In 1761, Yusuf was superseded by Murshid Kuli as Hakim of Jodhpur. On his arrival he presented the royal sanad for the restoration of Merta to Ajit. Kusal Singh, the Mertia Sarmor, with the Dhandhal Govinddas, were ordered to [77] take the charge, which incensed the son of Indar (Mohkam Singh), who deemed his faithful service during his minority overlooked by this preference. He wrote to the king to nominate him to the command of Marwar, and that he would fulfil his charge to the satisfaction both of Hindu and Muslim.
“In 1761 the star of the foe began to decline. Murshid Kuli, the Mogul, was relieved by Jaafar Khan. Mohkam’s letter was intercepted. He had turned traitor to his prince, and joinedthe king’s troops. Ajit marched against them; he fought them at Dunara; the king’s troops were defeated, and the rebel Indhawat was slain. This was in 1762.
Death of Aurangzeb, March 3, 1707.—“In 1763, Ibrahim Khan, the king’s lieutenant[19]at Lahore, passed through Marwar to relieve Azam in the vice-royalty of Gujarat. On the second day of Chait, the obscure half of the moon, the joyful tidings arrived of the death of the king.[20]On the fifth, Ajit took to horse; he reached the town of Jodha, and sacrificed to the gates, but the Asurs feared to face him. Some hid their faces in fear, while others fled. The Mirza came down, and Ajit ascended to the halls of his ancestors. The wretched Yavans, now abandoned to the infuriated Rajputs smarting under twenty-six years of misery, found no mercy. In hopeless despair they fled, and the wealth which they had amassed by extortion and oppression returned to enrich the proprietor. The barbarians, in turn, were made captive; they fought, were slaughtered and dispersed. Some soughtsaran(sanctuary), and found it; even the barbarian leader himself threw fear to the winds in the unconcealed sanctuary of the Kumpawat. But the triumph of the Hindu was complete, when, to escape from perdition, their flying foes invoked Sitaram and Hargovind, begging their bread in the day, and taking to their heels at night. The chaplet of the Mulla served to count the name of Rama, and a handful of gold was given to have their beards removed.[21]Nothing but the despair and flight of the Mlechchha was heard throughout Murdhar. Merta was evacuated, and the wounded Mohkam fled to Nagor. Sojat and Pali were regained, and the land returned to the Jodhani. Jodhgarh was purified from the contaminations of the barbarian with the water of the Ganges and the sacred Tulasi, and Ajit received the tilak of sovereignty.
“Then Azam marched from the south and Muazzam from the north. At Agra a [78] mighty battle for empire took placebetween the two Asurs, but Alam[22]prevailed and got the throne. The tidings soon reached the king, that Ajit had plundered his armies in Maru and taken possession of the ‘cushion’ of his fathers.
Campaign of Bahādur Shāh.—“The rainy season of 1764 had vanished, the king had no repose; he formed an army and came to Ajmer. Then Haridas, the son of Bhagwan, with the Uhar and Mangalia chiefs,[23]and Ratna the leader of the Udawats, with eight hundred of their clan, entered the castle and swore to Ajit, that whatever might be his intentions, they were resolved to maintain the castle to the death. The royal army encamped at Bhavi Bilara, and Ajit prepared for the storm; but the king was advised to try peaceful arts, and an overture was made, and the messenger was sent back to the king accompanied by Nahar Khan. The embassy returned bearing the royal farman to Ajit; but before he would accept it, he said he would view the royal army, and on the first day of Phalgun he left the hill of Jodha and reached Bisalpur. Here he was received by a deputation from the king, headed by Shujaat Khan, son of the Khankhanan accompanied by the Raja of the Bhadaurias and Rao Budh Singh of Bundi—the place of meeting was Pipar. That night passed in adjusting the terms of the treaty.[24]The ensuing morn he marched forward at the head of all the men of Maru; and at Anandpur the eyes of the king of the barbarians (Mlechchha) fell on those of the lord of the earth. He gave him the title of Tegh Bahadur.[25]But fate decreed that the city of Jodha was coveted by the king; by stealth he sent Mahrab Khan to take possession, accompanied by the traitor Mohkam. Ajit burned with rage when he heard of this treachery, but he was compelled to dissimulate and accompany Alam to the Deccan, and to serveunder Kambakhsh. Jai Singh of Amber[26]was also with the king, and had a like cause for discontent, a royal garrison being placed in Amber, and thegaddiof the Raja bestowed on his younger brother, Bijai Singh. Now the army rolled on like a sea overflowing its bounds. As soon as the king crossed the Nerbudda,[27]the Rajas executed their designs, and, without saying a word, at the head of their vassals retrograded to Rajwara. They repaired to Udaipur, and were received by Rana Amra with rejoicing and distinction [79], who advanced to conduct them to his capital. Seated together, thechaunriwaving over their heads, they appeared like the Trianga,[28]Brahma, Vishnu and Mahesa. From this hour the fortunes of the Asurs sunk, and virtue again began to show herself.[29]From Udaipur the two Rajas passed to Marwar. They reached Awa, and here the Champawat Sangram, son of Udaibhan, spread the foot-carpet (pagmanda) for his lord.
“The month of Sawan 1765 set in, and the hopes of the Asur expired. Mahrab was in consternation when he heard that Ajit had returned to his native land. On the 7th the hall of Jodha was surrounded by thirty thousand Rathors. On the 12th the gate of honour was thrown open to Mahrab; he had to thank the son of Askaran[30]for his life. He was allowed an honourable retreat, and Ajit once more entered the capital of Maru.
“Jai Singh encamped upon the banks of the Sur Sagar; but a prince without a country, he was unhappy. But as soon as the rains were passed, Ajmall, the sanctuary of the Kachhwaha, proposed to reinstate him in Amber. When conjoined they had reached Merta, Agra and Delhi trembled. When they arrived at Ajmer its governor soughtsaranwith the saint,[31]and paid the contributions demanded. Then, like the falcon, Ajit darted uponSambhar; and here the vassals of Amber repaired from all quarters to the standard of their lord. With twelve thousand men, the Sayyid advanced along the edge of the salt lake, to encounter Ajmall. The Kumpawat led the charge; a desperate battle ensued; Husain, with six thousand men, lay on the field, while the rest took to flight and sought refuge in the castle.[32]His lieutenant, the Parihar, chief Pandu,[33]here fell into the hands of Ajit; he then felt he had recovered Mandor. On intelligence of this history, the Asurs abandoned Amber, and having placed a garrison in Sambhar, in the month of Margsir, Ajit restored Jai Singh to Amber, and prepared to attack Bikaner. Ajit committed the administration of all civil affairs to the faithful Raghunath Bhandari, with the [80] title of Diwan. He was well qualified, both from his experience in civil affairs and from his valour as a soldier.
Death of Prince Kāmbakhsh.—“In Bhadon of the year 1766, Aurangzeb put to death Kambakhsh,[34]and Jai Singh entered into negotiations with the king. Ajit now went against Nagor; but Indar Singh being without resource, came forth and embraced Ajit’s feet, who bestowed Ladnun upon him as a heritage. But this satisfied not him who had been the lord of Nagor, and Indar carried his complaints to Delhi.[35]The king was enraged—his threats reached the Rajas, who deemed it safe again to reunite. They met at Kolia near Didwana, and the king soon after reached Ajmer. Thence he sent his firmans and the panja as terms of friendship to the Rajas: Nahar Khan, Chela of the king, was the bearer. They were accepted, and on the 1st Asarh both the Rajas repaired to Ajmer. Here the king received themgraciously, in the face of the world; to Ajit he presented the sanad of the Nine Castles of Maru, and to Jai Singh that of Amber. Having taken leave of the king, the two Rajas went on theparab[36]to the sacred lake of Pushkar. Here they separated for their respective domains, and Ajit reached Jodhpur in Sawan 1767. In this year he married a Gaur Rani, and thus quenched the feud caused by Arjun, who slew Amra Singh in the Ammkhass.[37]Then he went on a pilgrimage to Kurukshetra, the field of battle of the Mahabharata, and made his ablutions in the fountain of Bhishma.[38]Thus 1767 passed away” [81].