The páshá, hearing of their movements, and being fully aware of the object they had in view, ordered Khoaja Mustafa Beg to advance with a number of troops of various kinds to oppose them. Yúsuf Beg commanded his advance-guard, and Kansú Beg, collector of the revenue, with all those under him, joined the expedition. Mustafa Beg pitched his camp in the plains of Adeleya, not far from Cairo.
The malcontents by this time had themselves properly and regularly organized, and had appointed themselves leaders. No sooner did they hear of an army being sent against them, and of the place where it was encamped, than they, towards evening, sent two hundred horsemen to reconnoiter the camp of Mustafa. Mustafa conjectured this party had the intention of attacking him by night, and not having sufficient force to sustain an attack, he sent word immediately to Egypt, which however did not reach that city till about the fifth hour of the night, when the several public criers announced the danger which threatened Mustafa, calling, at the same time, on every one, on pain of punishment, to rally round their commanders. So promptly was this announcement attended to, that before daylight every military man in Egypt was on his way to Adeleya. On reaching Adeleya they perceived the danger which had been announced in Egypt was by no means an imaginary one. The royalists, in the circumstancesin which they found themselves at this juncture of events, thought it would be most advisable to send the six-fingered sheikh, Mohammed Effendí, to speak to the insurgents about the unreasonableness of their conduct; but the rebels turned a deaf ear to all his exhortations and expostulations. They were too sensible of their advantages, and too ardent in pursuit of them, to attend to the worthy priest. He tendered them many good advices, and made them many fine promises, provided they would follow his counsels; but they still remained obstinate, and prepared for battle. The commander, after this fruitless negotiation, removed with his troops to Berkat a l’haj, where he remained till the following day, when he marched against the insurgents. They, in their turn, advanced towards him, and soon both armies stood facing each other. By this time, however, the royalists were greatly increased in numbers by detachments which had joined them from other places; and when the insurgents found themselves opposed by an army far superior to every thing they had anticipated, their courage failed them. They now began mutually to accuse each other for the steps they had taken, each one blaming his neighbour; and at length several of them came to the commander, craving forgiveness. In the most abject manner, they dismounted from their horses, and threw themselves on the ground, supplicating for mercy at his hands. The commander, Mustafa Beg, said he had it not in his power to grant it them, as he should be obliged to carry them all, bound in chains, to Mohammed Páshá, whose province it was both to forgive and set them at liberty, as he pleased. Those who thus submitted, however, met with clemency, and were incorporated with one or other of the military bodies brought against them; but such as remained obstinate, and chose rather to try their strength than submit, met with the fate they deserved: their dead bodies were made into heaps on the field of battle. About forty of them escaped into the desert, but of their life or death nothing more was ever heard. Mustafa Beg now returned to Cairo, bringing with him about forty or fifty of the principal leaders in chains, and presented them before the válí, Mohammed Páshá, as trophies of his victory. Mustafa was highly honoured on account of his success against the insurgents, and the heads of those whom he brought bound in chains were ordered to be cut off on the spot. About as many aswere thus put to death were killed by Mustafa himself before he left the scene of action. About three hundred of the insurgents were shipped off at Suez, and sent into Arabia, and the rest of them were, through the intervention of the great men of Egypt, pardoned, and set at liberty, after having promised in the presence of their intercessors every thing that was required of them.
After succeeding in crushing the insurgents, as above described, and establishing good order everywhere, Mohammed Páshá extended his prudent and capacious mind to every department of government, as well as to other objects of utility.One of his measures was, regulating the coin of Egypt, which had been very much worn and obliterated, and which of course had caused much confusion, and even deception in buying and selling.Another was, rectifying the abuses and unlawful practices carried on between the farmers and the tax-gatherers, which had occasioned, not unfrequently, a deficiency in the public granaries and magazines.A third was—The janissaries and other troops in Egypt having no barracks, and being besides unmarried, he erected, within the fortress, suitable odás for them to live in. By this means the garrison or fortress was always furnished with troops, whilst the inhabitants, at the same time, were screened from the violence of the soldiery.A fourth was—He took charge of the golden and silver girdles or hoops which had been made for defending the pillars of Mecca, and the cistern of pure gold, all which had been sent to Egypt from Constantinople, and forwarded them with proper artists to the place of their destination. These artists not only performed that work without either fee or reward, but rendered several other important services to that holy place. For instance, they enlarged and renewed the pulpit, which was formerly too narrow; they renewed the portico which runs along the cistern; they beautified and adorned the pillars in the centre of that noble edifice, and also its walls; the metaf (or the place round which pilgrims walked in procession) was rendered smooth and equal; they repaired or built anew the court, and carried away the whole of the rubbish and dirt which had for years been accumulating in the vicinity of the sacred temple; they also caused the beds or canals ofthe waters of Mecca and Arfat to be repaired.A fifth was—The repairs of the wells of Azlam, a place which was about half-way between Mecca and Cairo, where the pilgrims and the well-furnished caravans of Egypt used to meet, which were in a great measure rendered useless by the rebellious Arabs. It would appear that the válí of Egypt, Sheríf Páshá, had, in 1004, opened these wells, commonly called the wells of Ibrahím Páshá, and to prevent their being rendered useless by the Arabs, he built a fortress in their neighbourhood, and placed some few troops in it. This, of course, proved a source of great comfort to pilgrims and other travellers, inasmuch as it served as a place of refreshment and repose. A very heavy rain afterwards demolished this fortress, and the Arabs, to the annoyance of pilgrims, rendered the wells useless. The vezír, whose good deeds we are here recording, rebuilt the demolished fortress, put a garrison in it, and repaired the wells.The sixth was—A work similar to the one we have last mentioned, which he caused to be constructed at Adjerú, between Cairo and Akba.A seventh was—The erection of shops in the vicinity of the great temple in Cairo.The eighth was—The erection of a khánegáh (an edifice for religious purposes), and also of eleemosinary places for sheíkhs, dervishes, and others. On the annual commemoration of Mohammed’s nativity he distributed numerous presents amongst those who read on that occasion.A ninth was—The erection of new houses near the odás which had been built for the janissaries; a huge wall or mass of rock, forty cubits broad and sixty long, having fallen down by accident, the space which these ruins had occupied he caused to be cleared away, erected new houses on it, and filled them with families.A tenth was—The rebuilding of the redoubt or fortress between Cairo and Shám. This building having been demolished by heavy rains, and having also become the haunt of worthless Arabs, he ordered it to be rebuilt, and supplied it with water.An eleventh was—The rebuilding of the fortress or redoubt of Yúnus, which was in a similar condition to the one last mentioned. He also placed a number of paid soldiers in it, and ordered a mosque and a bath to be erected in it.A twelfth was—The rebuilding of the fortress of Beít Khaberín, between Gaza and Balad al Khalíl-rahman; on which also he ordereda mosque and a bath to be erected, and an aqueduct to be constructed. The painted tiles in the dome erected by Sultán Soleímán Khán having become mutilated and loose, he replaced them with new tiles.
This wonderful man, after having governed Egypt for four years and five months, was recalled to Constantinople. Whether at Cairo or journeying, he was in the habit of visiting holy and consecrated places, and of offering up prayers for the emperor; thus gaining to himself advantages in both worlds. After his return to Constantinople, Jouher Khán Sultána, daughter of the grand sultán, thought him worthy of her affections, and the result was that he became the emperor’s son-in-law.
The articles of the treaty of peace between Turkey and Austria, which may be called the treaty of Sidova, was finally ratified and signed by the Ottoman emperor on the 1st of Rajab in this year.
The fortress or city of Nova, situate on the sea-coast, belonging to the dominions of the archduke (of Austria), was visited by a tremendous earthquake, which almost entirely overthrew it. Forty-four yúks,21the average of the receipt of its custom-house, were expended in erecting a new one. A magazine of salt, which stood on the shore, and near the custom-house, and which brought a revenue of four or five yúks per annum, sustained considerable injury by the shock, inasmuch as it caused the sea to retire to the distance of about a bow-shot.
A Spanish fleet of about thirty ships approached within three miles of this city, either about the time of the earthquake, or some time either after or before it, with hostile intentions. The governor of that sanják happened to be at that very time engaged in the war in Transylvania; but the defterdár of Bosnia hastened to the aid of Nova, and commenced firing its cannon, when the Spaniards disgracefully retired.
We have already mentioned the return of Murád Páshá to Constantinople, and the reception he there met with. Every preparation for resuming warlike operations in the east was carried on, during the winter months, with the utmost activity and vigour, and early in the spring the pavilion of the commanding-general was again erected in the plains of Scutari. Before this, however, it is to be observed, that the commander-in-chief wrote to Meseli Chávush, who had taken part in the late rebellion in Anatolia, but who had not yet been subdued, to hold himself in readiness for acting under him against the Persians, and desired him to join the royal camp along with Zulfekár. In the communication he sent Meseli he promised, though only with the view of getting him into his own hands, to confer on him the government of Caramania, and that he would bestow that of Anatolia on Zulfekár. In a private letter to Zulfekár, however, he expressed himself thus: “I have employed every method I could to get Meseli Chávush into my power, but have hitherto failed. Having secured himself among inaccessible rocks, I did not think it proper to risk troops in searching him out. Under the pretext of esteem for him, a sanják in the interior has been conferred on him, and I have written to him to join the army destined against Persia, and have promised him the government of Caramania to induce him to do so. Use what dissimulation you can, and perhaps you may succeed in getting him into your power. The love of office will induce him to come to you. Remove all his suspicions by showing him every mark of respect; you will thus secure his confidence, and incline him to come and join the grand army. You are not to permit him to do this, however, but as soon as you have him in your power, cut off his head and send it to Constantinople. If you succeed in compassing his destruction, I promise to give you the government of Anatolia, and also a vezírship, as a reward for your services. You will, if you succeed, do the emperor a very important service, who will, besides the honour which shallbe conferred on you, present your son, Mohammed Beg, with a province in the interior. You will act, I have no doubt, like a man: I have committed the whole affair to you.”
In a similar way to that in which he addressed Meseli he also wrote to Yúsuf Páshá, who had been ketkhodá to Oveis Páshá of Aydin, Sarúkhán, and Mantesha. This Yúsuf Páshá was at the head of a body of rebels which amounted to four thousand armed men, beside some cavalry. The letter which Murád Páshá sent to this rebel-chief was couched in these terms: “My son, I have heard of some of your virtues and high talents, which I esteem very much. Although you have such a considerable number of men under you, yet no rumour of any injustice practised by you is any where heard. The reverse of injustice in you must be the case. Still, however innocent though you appear to be, you are considered a rebel; free yourself, then, if you are a man, from the odious imputation. You are a person every way fit for taking part in the war against the Persians: it may even be proper to give you the command of troops for this purpose. If you show that you have regretted your former conduct, you may depend on obtaining the emperor’s favour. Those men who have rebelled against the benign Ottoman government have met with no pity. Jánbulát Oghlí, Kalander Oghlí, and Karah Seyed, were the most conspicuous of rebels; but what is become of them? Attend to my counsel, and be my son here and hereafter (i.e.in both worlds). In order to persuade you to do so, I swear, in the most solemn manner, that you shall suffer no injury whatever from our most gracious monarch. I, an old, frail man, am ordered to march against the Persians, and I ask you to accompany me. You may, perhaps, chance to acquire great wealth, and at all events you will be put in possession of Magnesia: you will thus have an opportunity of acquitting yourself in the eye of the emperor, and securing his favour. If, in rejecting the counsel I have now tendered to you, you decline going to the Persian war, then I am free of the oath I have made to you. I need not say any thing more to you. You are safe if you come to Scutari. There you can remain a few days and look about you, when afterwards you shall have the honour, along with me, of kissing the emperor’s hand. Come to what conclusion you think best, but rememberwhat will be the result if you now neglect to follow my advice. Answer this letter at any rate.”
When this letter reached Yúsuf Páshá, he called his friends together and read the contents of it in their hearing. “Why,” said his rebel-associates, “whoever may be so foolish as to give credit to the vain and deceitful words of this letter, will find, to his experience, that he will have to part with his precious life. It is altogether preposterous to put any faith in that old man’s oath. In answer to the question, ‘whether we shall be able to stand our own ground, should he, when he finds us obstinate, come against us?’ we would shortly say, ‘Anatolia is a wide country, and we have no necessity to meet him; let us go to some distance out of his way. The winter will soon arrive, and he and his army will then be obliged to retire into winter-quarters, when we may rest in safety.’” Others replied, “That a decree affecting their life might, in the event of proving obstinate, be issued against them, when the whole country would rise up to be revenged on them. Better,” said they, “that we agree to follow the advice given in the letter from the commanding-general, and return to our obedience. Let us, however, use every precaution: he cannot kill us before our time come. What a terrible rebel was Zulfekár once, and he did not kill him! He called him his son. Turkijeh Bilmaz Hasan and others after the days of Karah Yazijí (Scrivano) were not trampled under foot and murdered. Was not Tekelí Mohammed Páshá a notorious rebel? and when he fell into his hands he did not murder him.” Such was the way these wise men reasoned among themselves, and at last agreed to send the following answer: “You have invited us to come to you, and we are no way disposed to resist your will. Your oath has inspired us with confidence, and as soon as your excellency arrives at Scutari we shall show you our sincerity.” This answer was sent with the person who had brought Murád Páshá’s communication to Yúsuf Páshá, as before mentioned.
We must now return to Murád’s own operations. After having transported his troops and baggage to the Asiatic side, he took up his lodgings in his own pavilion, which had been previously erected for him. The emperor himself also visited the city of Scutari, and took up his residence in the gardens of that city, whither his council was summoned to attend.His vezír (Murád) told him it was not the custom of his illustrious progenitors to do so: that Istámbol was the place where a council should properly be held. “Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá,” continued his vezír, “is káímakám, let him attend to the affairs of the faithful. As soon as the lord high treasurer, Ahmed Páshá, settles the pecuniary affairs of his department let him come over, when I shall hand in to your majesty a report how matters stand.” This advice of the vezír pleased his majesty, at least it appeared to do so, for he did not urge the meeting of his council any more. Not long afterwards, however, the emperor wrote to Murád to hasten his departure for the Persian war, and to delay no longer. Murád Páshá, on receiving this imperial notice, waited on his majesty, and said, he had something particular to say to him. They both retired into a private apartment, when the grand vezír addressed him thus, premising, however, that what he had to say to him must be kept a secret, which the other faithfully promised to observe. “Be it known, therefore, to your majesty,” said the premier, “that though we have been ostensibly engaged in preparing for the Persian war, it has been, in fact, for a different object that we have been so engaged. The notorious rebel, Meseli Chávush, is in possession of six or seven fortresses or places of strength in the mountainous part of Anatolia. It would not be safe to send an army into the mountains after him, because by hurling down stones he might destroy numbers of our orthodox believers”—here he related the steps he had taken in writing to Meseli. The asylum of the world appeared surprised, and asked him if he was capable of murdering a person who, in the faith of his promises, put himself in his power? His excellency, the grand vezír, replied: “If, in obedience to your orders, we march against Persia, how will you act with the rebel-chief of Aydin and Sarúkhán, Yúsuf Páshá?” “By God,” said his majesty, “you have remarked well; that rebel had totally escaped my memory; his case has not been attended to.” The grand vezír then informed him of the steps he had pursued with regard to him, and of the result, which we need not again repeat, and added: “if these two notorious rebels are once in our power, the whole of the province of Anatolia will not only be regained, but peace and tranquillity will also be restored. Let your majesty keep what I have been saying to you a perfectsecret: let nothing of it transpire.” His majesty ejaculated a short prayer, wished him God-speed, and dismissed him.
About a month after the grand vezír had the above interview with the emperor, Yúsuf Páshá’s followers arrived at Scutari, and he himself in three days after them, when he ordered them to erect their tents. The grand vezír showed him every mark of esteem and friendship, and permitted him, when he appeared in his presence, to be seated at his side. “Be my son,” said the vezír, “here and hereafter,” presented him with a double suit of robes, and ordered robes to be given to a hundred of his men. A few days afterwards he presented him to his majesty, to whom Yúsuf had brought some very important and valuable presents; and on this occasion he was honoured with another robe from his sovereign.
About this time, the grand vezír, Murád Páshá, received an answer to his communication to Zulfekár, which informed him that Meseli Chávush had arrived. The vezír wrote back to assure him that he would not fail in his promises, and urged him to do the work assigned him. Another month passed away, and Yúsuf Páshá became impatient to be employed against the Persians, for whose wealth and property he thirsted. The grand vezír, however, found means to put him off from day to day, for Meseli was not yet disposed of, and on this, in a great measure, his own fate depended.
In the mean time, in consequence of some representation made to the emperor from some quarter or other, Murád Páshá was again ordered to set out on his march to the frontiers of Persia, and that too without delay, unless he wished another to supersede him in the chief command. This order was peremptory; within the space of three days he must be on his march. The grand vezír, on receiving this intimation, again waited on his majesty and said to him, “Sire, your slave explained to your majesty how matters stood, the last time I had the honour of speaking with you: it certainly must have escaped your blessed memory.” “No, by no means,” answered his majesty, “I have perfect recollection of it; nor have I intimated a syllable of it to any one.” “Why,” replied the vezír, “if you approved of what I at that time proposed to your majesty, wherefore is itthat you have ordered me to march? We have Yúsuf Páshá in our power. If we despatch him just now, Mesli Chávush will, when he hears of it, make his escape from Zulfekár, and become more formidable than ever: it will be no easy matter to get hold of him again. As soon as we set out for the Persian campaign, he will come and attack Scutari. Pay no regard, sire, to the speeches of your cazís, for they are unacquainted with the state of matters; they will be brought to understand things better afterwards. Leave me to act as I think proper.” The emperor was again overcome by the reasoning of his vezír, and left him to do as he thought best, and dismissed him.
Mesli Chávush, who had joined Zulfekár, lived with the latter on terms of apparent intimacy and friendship, but which, on the part of Zulfekár, could not have been sincere, whatever he might have manifested to the contrary. His apparent friendship had the effect he wished, and that was to disarm Mesli of all fear and suspicion as to his own safety.
One day he proposed that both should pay a visit in company to the country or sanják which had been promised to Mesli, to which Mesli agreed. On this journey they spent a month: they went from Iconium to Larenda, and visited the fortresses of Mút, Mirah, Kúnis, and Tumrak, each of which was so impregnably situated among rocks, that an Osmánlí army would have found it next to impossible to reduce it. Such were the places which Mesli commanded, and which had rendered him formidable to the Osmánlí government.
After an excursion of one and twenty days of pleasure they returned to Iconium, whence, in a day or two afterwards, they went to Miram, having taken their respective followers and equipages along with them. Here also they went about together in the greatest apparent friendship, visited together the different spectacles which were to be seen there, and went together to the different places of amusement. Zulfekár was seeking all this while a fit opportunity for accomplishing Murád Páshá’s wishes, and it was not long before such an opportunity offered itself. Mesli was sitting one day with a turban or tiara on his head, and like a prince was enjoyinghis pleasures, without fear or suspicion of any thing, when some of the men of his ostensible friend, who had been previously instructed how to act, fell upon him and despatched him. One of these came secretly behind him, and secured his head in a sort of noose with one hand, and with the other stabbed him with his dagger. The rest of the assassins, when they saw the struggle which ensued, came hastily forward, and after strangling him, cut off his head. Whatever valuables were found in his possession were seized by Murád’s lieutenant, for the purpose of being afterwards confiscated. Zulfekár Páshá and the defterdár of Caramania, Yúnus Effendí, went to take an account of the property he possessed in the fortresses which he had taken; and his head, under the charge of ten men, was sent off to Scutari, to Murád Páshá. The men who had the charge of Mesli’s head reached the place of their destination in five days, and communicated secretly to the grand vezír the purport of their visit to Scutari. He immediately waited on the emperor and communicated to him the news of the fate of Mesli; and added, that the head of the rebel Yúsuf Páshá would not be much longer on his shoulders. We ought to have mentioned, however, that the head of Mesli was, after having been fixed on the point of a spear and carried publicly through the camp, placed before the grand vezír’s tent. When the grand vezír announced to his majesty, that the head of a formidable enemy had been brought into the camp, and as we have already observed, that the head of Yúsuf Páshá would not remain long on his shoulders, he started up from his sofa in surprise, and said “May God, my dear father, reward you for your many services to me,” and desired him to do as he thought fit.
On the following morning he sent a messenger to invite Yúsuf Páshá to come and take a cup of coffee with him. The messenger, whilst on his way, met Yúsuf Páshá, and delivering to him the invitation, conducted him to the vezír’s tent. On going into the tent his excellency addressed him in the most gracious and flattering terms, calling him his son, and so forth. “How could I drink my coffee without you, my son: you know how much I esteem you; come, let us retire to the back part of the tent, where we shall not be disturbed, and where we shall be at liberty to converse with more freedom. God willing, you shall have permission tomorrow to march against the Kizilbáshes.” After sitting down, and just as one of the domestics was handing Yúsuf a cup of coffee, and before he had time to lay hold of it, an officer announced to his lordship, Murád Páshá, that Hasan Beg, beg of Avlonia, had arrived. His lordship affected surprise, and said, it was a hard case to be so much oppressed with business as to have no time to enjoy himself for a few moments. “But there is no help for it,” said he; “I must step out for a little, but do you, sir,” (addressing Yúsuf Páshá) “make yourself comfortable.” The grand vezír no sooner went out of the tent, than he desired three or four of his officers to enter the tent and take a dish of coffee with his son Yúsuf Páshá. These men accomplished the vezír’s wishes. As the unfortunate Yúsuf Páshá was in the act of receiving a cup of coffee into his hand, he was tripped up by one of these assassins, when the rest, pouncing upon him, cut off his head, and placed it on a table. On the vezír’s re-entering, he ordered his body to be thrown out, and sent word to the defterdár to seize on the whole of his property. When some of the soldiery heard of the fate of Yúsuf Páshá, they ran into his tent and seized on all the spoil they could find in it. Yúsuf Páshá’s deputy and some of his principal followers were also put to death, and the rest of his associates fled.
After these things, the grand vezír waited on his majesty and informed him of what had taken place. “Let this suffice,” said the vezír; “we need now proceed no farther. Even here, at Scutari, your majesty has been avenged on two of your most formidable enemies, to each of whom great forbearance has been shown. The province of Anatolia will now enjoy peace and quietness, and now the war with Persia may again be renewed.” The emperor bestowed great praise on his vezír: the whole of the property that belonged to Yúsuf Páshá’s followers, who had been put to death, was ordered to be confiscated; the beasts of burden, and several packages of valuable articles which had belonged to his lieutenant, or which were in his possession, were all sent over to the tulip-garden in Constantinople. The whole of the articles which had belonged to the rebels were afterwards sold, and the price of them put into the imperial coffers. The head of Mesli and the body of Yúsuf Páshá remained exposed for two daysin the Maidán. The sanják which had been promised to Mesli was conferred on Mohammed Beg, son of Zulfekár.
The grand vezír, Murád Páshá, had also premeditated the death of the lord high treasurer, Ahmed Páshá, usually called Etmekjí Zádeh, and, with this view, asked the emperor’s consent to assassinate him. The emperor, though very reluctantly, yielded to the wish of his vezír, who immediately gave directions to his domestics and officers how to act in this matter when Ahmed Páshá, who was then expected from Constantinople, should arrive. He placed a sentinel on the shore, who, so soon as he saw Ahmed Páshá arrive, was to give him notice: the executioners put themselves in readiness. It was not long before the sentinel above-mentioned announced the approach of Ahmed Páshá; and informed Murád, that at the moment he was stepping on shore, a young man came sailing up to him in a boat, and put a sealed note into his hand. Ahmed Páshá no sooner read the contents of this note, the sentinel said, than he immediately sailed back for Constantinople. This information necessarily awakened surprise and doubt in the mind of the grand vezír, who secretly set about employing persons to find out the boatman who had been commissioned to convey the bearer of the note. The boatman, on his discovery, related to the grand vezír all the particulars as to the manner in which he had been hired, and the trouble he had endured before he met with Ahmed Páshá at the pier. The vezír asked him if he thought he should be able to recognize the young man who had delivered the note to Ahmed Páshá, and whose dress he had already described. He replied in the affirmative: stating, that he, the young man, on delivering the note, had gone directly towards the camp. The vezír immediately caused the boatman to change his clothes, and despatched him, with some of his officers, to the camp, to commence the search. The whole camp, from tent to tent, was minutely examined for several days without success, when a mere accident discovered the delinquent. Two of the vezír’s domestics had fallen into a violent dispute, in which they mutually accused each other of treachery to their master.The treasurer, Hasan Aghá, overheard them, and resolved to chastise them; when one of them whispered something into his ear. This induced the treasurer to conduct him into the presence of the vezír, when he confessed that he and four others of his fellow-domestics had been in the practice of receiving daily a pecuniary remuneration from Ahmed Páshá for giving him information of every thing they knew relative to their master’s administration or conduct. The boatman was again called and confronted with this person, and immediately recognized him as being the very man who had given the note to Ahmed Páshá. His four accomplices were instantly executed, but he himself was not only pardoned, but rewarded with a spahilik and a handsome sum of money, for having disclosed the fact. He was, however, dismissed the vezír’s service.
The persons who had been sent to take possession of the property of Yúsuf Páshá and Mesli returned, two hundred camel-loads of property which had belonged to these two men having been regularly registered and taken possession of. The emperor, on hearing of this, remarked to Murád Páshá, the grand vezír, how successful they had been; not only in vanquishing the two potent enemies above alluded to, but in being also able to replace, in a great measure, the funds which had been expended in fitting out the expedition, by the spoil which had fallen into their hands. But the grand vezír, notwithstanding all he had done, had still many enemies. Mustafa Aghá, ághá of the palace; the lord high treasurer, Ahmed Páshá, or Etmekjí Zádeh; and Mustafa Páshá, who had formerly been governor of Constantinople, took every opportunity they could to injure him. They talked amongst themselves, and in the presence of others, that Murád Páshá was entirely averse to his being employed against the Persians. “He is an old frail man,” they said (sneeringly), “and the emperor will not force him.” A hint of this conversation was communicated to his majesty by Muftí Mohammed Effendí. The emperor was displeased at the liberty they had taken with his vezír, and said, “He was a warrior, a most worthy hájí, and a most active and useful vezír: he restored all Anatoliato peace and tranquillity: he overcame and defeated the rebels, and delivered the country of the two formidable rebel-chiefs mentioned at the head of this section: he performed and achieved great deeds; and nothing but envy,” continued his majesty, “could have induced them so to speak of him. That he was by no means pleased with the liberty they had taken, and that the vezír might either go or stay, as he himself saw fit.” This strong expression of his majesty’s disposition silenced, for the time at least, the vezír’s enemies.
After a stay of four complete months at Scutari, the troops returned to Constantinople just about the time of the full moon of the following or fifth month, and seven days before the commencement of autumn, or the time for entering into winter-quarters. Preparations for commencing hostilities against Persia in the following spring were immediately begun and attended to during the interval.
When Kapúdán (or lord high admiral of the Turkish fleet) Khalíl Páshá sailed this year for the Mediterranean, and after he had cruised round the largest cape or promontory of Silivria, the second station from the metropolis, an Algerine vessel, commanded by a Genoese, met a Spanish pinnace, which had on board the son of the infidel viceroy of Sicily, a relative of the king of Spain, and about five hundred soldiers. This pinnace was destined to convey the young man to see his high relative, the king of Spain, and to carry certain valuable presents to the same. The soldiers, of course, were sent as a guard to both. When this pinnace met with the Algerine vessel, a most desperate battle ensued, which terminated in the capture of the former. Every living infidel found in this vessel, and the whole of the presents before mentioned, were according to custom distributed amongst the conquerors. The youth referred to was carried and delivered as a present to his majesty the Ottoman emperor. The person who had brought him to the admiral of the Turkish fleet received handsome rewards for having done so; and the young slave, after he was carried to Constantinople, and actually presented before the emperor, wasinstructed in the Moslem religion, which he readily embraced, and was placed in a special chamber of the palace.
The Turkish fleet now proceeded to Scio, where the admiral received intimation that six mountain-like vessels (of war), belonging to some of the infidel powers, had arrived from Egypt, and were then before Cyprus. The admiral went immediately in pursuit of them; but heard or saw nothing more of them till he arrived before the haven of Báf, where he was informed that they had sailed to the coast of Syria, and had done some mischief in several places. The admiral, Khalíl Páshá, hastened with all the speed he could make, and by break of day he descried their top-sails, when they appeared to be about thirty miles distant. At mid-day, or some little time after it, he made up to them, when a tremendous cannonading commenced from both sides, which was continued till night intervened. The Turkish admiral, though night did come on, never slackened his movements, but continued to keep up with them, whilst the enemy, manifesting no symptoms of fear whatever, lighted up their lanterns, and made all the sail they were able. Day-light no sooner arrived, however, than the battle again commenced. A certain person in the Turkish fleet, a corsair, who had been brought from Barbary by the emperor, and on whom he had conferred the sanják in the Morea, came along the admiral’s ship, and advised him not to come into close contact with the enemy, but to continue playing upon them at some distance. This advice was attended to, and in a short time their masts and rigging were shattered and destroyed, and they themselves totally disabled. In this state they were boarded, and the troops on board, five hundred in number, one hundred and sixty guns, and two thousand muskets, were all seized and disposed of. Four of these captured vessels were conducted to Tamagusta (in Cyprus). One of the three vessels, which was called Karah Jehennem (Black-hell), and resembled a lofty castle, was sent to Constantinople as a trophy of the admiral’s victory. The admiral, after having gained this victory, made the circuit of Sidon, Bairut, Alexandretta near Aleppo, and Tripoli, but did not meet any of the enemy in the whole of this tract. He returned to Tamagusta, took in provisions, and then set sail for the port of Constantinople, where a royal letter and a sable robe, tokens of his sovereign’s approbation, awaited hisarrival. He also had the honour of kissing the royal hand, and was raised to the rank of vezír.
On the 9th of Rajab, in this year, the digging of the foundation of the noble mosque of Ahmed Sultán, in the At Maidán, was commenced; and on the 8th of Shevál all the ulemá, vezírs, sheíkhs, and seyeds, assembled together to celebrate the ceremony of laying the first stone.
Franciscus Sawari, ambassador of Haricus, king of France (Henry IV.), at the court of Constantinople, at this time presented a request, that the existing treaty of friendship between the Ottoman emperor and the king of France should again be renewed. This was done; and the treaty which was entered into during the reign of the late Sultán Mohammed Khán formed the basis of the new one. By the new treaty, or rather, by this renewed treaty, it was stipulated among other things as follows: 1. That not only British and Venetian vessels, but also those of Genoa, of Portugal, of the two Sicilies, of Ancona, of Spain, and of Florence, trading to Turkey, should be permitted to do so only under the French flag; and that the commanders of all such vessels were to announce their arrival to the French consul of the place or port to which they might come for the purpose of trade. 2. That all persons belonging to France, going to visit Jerusalem, or the monks living at the Holy Sepulchre, or returning from the same, were to be allowed to go and return without molestation or interruption. 3. That the prohibition laid on spun and unspun cotton and on morocco-leather, during the reign of Soleimán, was to be removed. 4. The prohibition laid on bee’s-wax and hides in the days of Mohammed Khán was also to be removed. 5. That all such specie as traders brought along with them was to be received at its usual or current value. 6. Vessels belonging to the French government, employed in carrying provisions from one country unfriendly to Turkey to another country of that description, were, though discovered by Turkish ships, to be allowed to pass unmolested; and, in the event of any vessel belonging to a French subject being seized whilst carrying provisions from any part of the Ottoman dominions, it was to be set at liberty, its freight was to remain untouched, and no more, thanthree hundredakchaswere to be levied on the articles of lading. 7. French vessels entering into any of the havens belonging to the Barbary states were to be respected; and gunpowder, lead, sail-cloth, or any other articles which might be needed, were to be furnished them: for, formerly, the Algerines were in the habit of kidnapping and making slaves of French merchants, and seizing their property. Frequent prohibitions against this practice had been issued during the reign of Sultán Mohammed Khán; and the governor, who happened to be in office when an aggression of this kind took place, was deposed, and ordered to make full restitution. 8. Fishing vessels were to be allowed to fish, and also to take coral on the coasts of Algiers and Tunis. 9. All interpreters belonging to the French embassy were, according to ancient custom, to be free from all kinds of imposts or taxes. 10. French subjects, on paying the just dues to their ambassadors and consuls, were to have all disputes which might arise settled by them: they were to oppress or injure none. 11. Those having a dispute or law-suit with any consul, the dispute or law-suit was to be settled in Turkey. 12. The French ambassador on entering into the royal diván, or into the privy-council, was to have precedence, according to ancient custom, of the Spanish, and all other ambassadors whatever. 13. When a French prisoner or captive was discovered, and the consul declared him to be so, then his master or owner was to send him to Constantinople, where his case was to be thoroughly investigated. 14. Frenchmen, or persons belonging to any country subject to France, living in Turkey, were not to be required to pay a poll-tax. 15. Frenchmen living at any of the sea-ports belonging to Turkey, were not to be prohibited from appointing their own consuls; and such consuls were to be free from all taxes whatever. 16. If a dispute should happen to arise with a French trader, and an appeal was made to a cazí, the cazí was not to decide, unless the French trader had an interpreter present to interpret for him. 18. French ships sailing to or from Constantinople were to meet with no hindrances in the Dardanelles, or force or violence from any Turkish ship, whether of war or not, in the open or high seas. A friendly intercourse between vessels belonging to both nations, was to be faithfully observed. The end or conclusion of the treaty.
The victorious hero, the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, having fully completed all his preparations for opening the campaign in the east, re-appointed Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá governor of Constantinople, and passed over with his brilliant army to Scutari, on the 5th of the month Sefer. The commanding general, impatiently anxious to march against Persia, left Scutari about the beginning of Rabia I., and reaching the frontiers of that country, he was joined by the various beglerbegs with their respective troops, who had been appointed for this war. His army, in a short time, became greatly increased. Having heard that the sháh of Persia intended to take up his position in the vicinity of Tabríz, and as the winter season was nigh at hand, he hastened towards that place with all the speed he was able, and was not long in arriving in its neighbourhood. The inhabitants having all fled, and left the city exposed and desolate, the orthodox troops entered, and demolished or set fire to its buildings. The sháh having advanced nearer, shewed a disposition to try his strength, and posted himself upon a hill near the city. It was not long, however, before his courage forsook him; for in a general engagement, in which he was soon involved, his troops were defeated and put to flight, leaving the field to the victorious Moslems. Finding it therefore dangerous to stay much longer, and seeing that the winter was fast approaching, he felt it necessary to seek a place of repose and safety for himself and his army. In this way, and for these reasons, the war was necessarily postponed till the following year. In the meantime, however, the orthodox army did all the mischief they could to the enemy’s country, and then returned, when his excellency the commanding general, Murád Páshá, went with the household troops to Diárbeker.
After defeating the sháh, his excellency, Murád Páshá, sent him a letter, to which the following was received as answer: “You say that we have violated the agreement made in the days of Sháh Ismael II. He was not long enough at the helm of affairs to cause any rupture. Your governors onthe frontiers having coveted the goods of our merchants, have murdered several of them. We have represented our grievances to your august majesty, the emperor, but no redress whatever has been afforded. The honour of our dignity cannot endure this, especially as we are now come, by the grace of God, into the possession of our paternal hereditary dominions. We have been braved by a Tátár army. Formerly, Islám Gheráí and Ghází Gheráí brought their armies as far as Shirván, but were defeated by the kizilbáshes, and the two kháns made prisoners. If they should again attempt a similar invasion, they shall pay dearly for it; they shall meet their reward. The great wealth which the emperor of the Osmánlís can command is not unknown to us. We also have our heroes. The sight of your numerous hosts will not move them. If it be thought proper to abide by the conditions granted by Sultán Soleímán Khán to Tahmasp, my grandfather, then I am his august majesty’s servant. When one is not brave and bold in his hostility, his friendship is not to be depended on. Our friendship may be contemplated. If, therefore, you are not satisfied, then let that which is behind the curtain of fate discover itself—Farewell.”
His excellency, the grand vezír, wrote thus in reply: “You say you are braved or threatened by a vain-glorious army of Tátárs. A Tátár is like any other servant of the emperor. Though the two kháns were made prisoners, yet there is nothing strange or surprising in that. It has happened, not unfrequently, in the history of past events, that the vanquished have sometimes become conquerors. If you compute the number of those belonging to you who have been made captives, your motive for protracting hostilities must arise from some other cause; as that the power of the emperor appeared to have become less, or that he needed to make an apology. I also am a servant of the emperor. I have some hope my sentiments will have a good effect. I have entered in between you with the view of effecting a reconciliation. So soon, then, as the line of boundaries can be settled as it was formerly, I shall return: otherwise it is not his majesty’s pleasure that one of the name of Abbás should remain a sovereign in the palace of the world. How many years has the Moslem army wintered in this quarter? The secret decrees of fate are seemingly developed or developing by this fact. God seems ready to take vengeance.”
Some time before this answer was sent, however, Murád received a letter from the sháh by Shams-ud-dín Mohammed Aghá, proposing terms of peace. The grand vezír, after a long consultation about this matter, returned an answer by one Khair-ud-dín Chávush, whom he sent along with the sháh’s messenger when he returned. Very near a whole year passed away, however, before the sháh deigned to return any answer to the grand vezír’s communications; but on the 27th of Jemadi II., when the Moslem army, numerous as the stars, arrived at Erzerúm with the view of protecting and defending the imperial possessions secured by treaty to the Ottoman government in the days of Sultán Murád Khán, at this date Khair-ud-dín Chávush and Mohammed Aghá arrived, bringing with them a letter from the sháh. This letter contained hardly any thing more than what his former one did respecting the grounds of complaint, which we need not again repeat. Suffice it to say, that the correspondence on both sides was carried on to a great length. It was said, that if there existed a real desire to promote an agreement, it should be in accordance with those stipulations entered into during former reigns; but it is quite evident the emperor had no intention of entering into engagements which would strip him of his possessions in those quarters which had been conquered during the reign of Sultán Murád Khán.
On the 2d of Rabia I., when the commanding-general removed from Scutari and had arrived at Mai dipa, he received intelligence of the death of his highness, Ahmed Gheráí, khán of the Crimea, and by his kind interference Jánbeg Gheráí was raised to the khánship. On the 15th of Rabia II. the ornamenting, repairing, and beautifying of the Kaaba and its dependencies were finished, which cost in all 18,141 miscals.22The work was commenced last year and finished in this.
The lord high admiral, Khalíl Páshá, having again put to sea with the royal fleet, he appointed Mímí Beg, beg of Rhodes, chief over a number of other begs, and dispatched him off in one of the vessels which had been destined for conveying provisions from Alexandria. Mímí Beg accomplished the task assigned to him, and afterwards fell in with an enemy’s ship of war at a place called Funka, which he soon disabled and sunk. Khalíl Páshá himself, whilst continuing his cruizing voyage after vessels belonging to the infidels, pursued his course along Negropont, Modon, and Navarin. At one or other of these places he received intelligence from Mímí Beg, that five large vessels belonging to Tuscany were somewhere at sea near Cyprus. The admiral immediately steered away from the shores of the Morea towards Cyprus, which place he reached about the commencement of Rajab after a sail of eight days, and discovered the above vessels before Oghuz Búrni, near Báf, watching the arrival of the Egyptian fleet. The admiral, Khalíl Páshá, now prepared for battle; but in consequence of a heavy gale of wind which suddenly arose, he found it impossible, notwithstanding his utmost efforts, to come into actual contact with them. Night came on; the wind became more fierce and boisterous, and by daylight on the following morning no traces of the enemy’s vessels could be discovered; nor was it known whither they had steered. The Turkish admiral now directed his course towards the island of Rhodes, and during the voyage picked up a straggling adventurer and one or two of the enemy’s ships. Soleimán Páshá, also, whom he had ordered away with ten vessels in search of the Tuscany ships, returned with two corsairs and two other vessels which he had taken in the roads of Messina and Malta, and joined the Turkish fleet, which directed its course to the port of Constantinople, having about eight prizes and a hundred captives to grace its entrance into that port; and when the admiral presented himself before the exalted diván, orders were given to confer on him a robe of honour for the services which he had rendered.
During the winter of this year messengers from the sháh arrived with letters containing humble proposals of peace, offering, at the same time, as one of the conditions, to pay an annual tax of two hundred yúks (loads) of silk for those provinces which had been wrested out of his hands, though they formerly formed part of the Persian dominions. He also requested that the government of Turkey, if it pleased, might have a beglerbeg over those provinces. The sagacious Murád Páshá wrote a report of these offers, and sent it along with the sháh’s messengers to the court of Constantinople.The purpose of his sending these ambassadors to the court of Istámbol was to excite the sháh’s hopes, and thus give him a hare’s sleep, while, in fact, he was meditating the devastation of the country on the return of spring.
At the time his excellency, the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, went to Tabríz, the válí of Diárbeker, Nesúh Páshá, sent a private letter to the emperor, stating that if he would remove Murád Páshá out of the premiership, and confer the seals on himself, he would, in return, make him a present of forty thousand gold pieces in ready money, and bear the expense, besides, of the increase of provisions which was to be made to the army. This letter the emperor enclosed in a government despatch for Murád Páshá, and sent it off by a courier. The commanding-general was no doubt surprised when he read the document which had been sent to him, and immediately sent for Nesúh. Nesúh, no way aware of the reason for which he had been invited, appeared before the grand vezír without suspicion. The latter handed to him his own letter to the emperor, and asked him if he could recognize the hand-writing. Nesúh, a bold and fearless Albanian, replied, without a moment’s hesitation, it was his. “You ought, then,” said the commanding-general, “to advance the gold you have promised, and provide the provisions for the army which you have also stipulated.” Nesúh, no way embarrassed, showed his readiness to comply. Those officers who surrounded Murád Páshá, on this occasion, seemed very much surprised at what had transpired, and said, that many a commanding-general would have punished with death a fault much less than that which Nesúh had committed. “You are certainly,” said they, in their surprise and indignation, “seeking to compass this base and worthless hypocrite’s destruction?” His excellency, the commanding-general, with his usual prudence and good-nature, denied having entertained any such intention. “On the contrary,” said he, “a bold, active and dexterous man of this kind may be very useful to the government; and what he has offered to do may prove to be of advantage.” He added a fewmore remarks which were intended to make an impression on the mind of his rival.
The winter-months passed away, and the time for again marching against the heretical sháh approached. The commander-in-chief caused his pavilion to be erected on the outside of the walls of Diárbeker. This very movement, inasmuch as it presaged hostility, alarmed the sháh to such a degree that he again sent to the commanding general a supplicating letter, similar to that he had formerly sent him, praying for a cessation of hostilities. The illustrious commander amused him with hopes, but was all the while making preparations for commencing the attack. But in the midst of all this, it pleased God to remove him by death. This event took place on the 25th of Jemadi I.; and Mohammed Aghá, ághá of the janissaries, was, in conformity to Murád’s own desire, expressed some time before his death, appointed by the government, in the mean time, to take the command of the army. When Nesúh Páshá’s friends heard of Murád’s death, they used their utmost efforts to get him into the premiership, the great object of his ambition. On the 12th of the following month the wishes of both were realized by the seals of office being sent to Nesúh. He was made commander-in-chief of the forces at the same time.
The new grand vezír commenced his career in manifesting the same determined hostility against the sháh that his predecessor had done. This, of course, doubly increased the fears of the Persian king (the subversion of whose dominions had been the ardent desire of Murád Páshá), and led him to repeat his former intreaties: promising, at the same time, to submit to that subjection to the Ottoman emperor which had formerly been yielded to that monarch. But before these last proffers had been announced at Constantinople, the sháh requested to be allowed some delay to provide the quantity of silk which he had stipulated. This petition was incautiously listened to by the new minister, who, by this time, had disbanded his army. He was, moreover, much to blame for permitting the sháh’s ambassadors to proceed to Constantinople. They, themselves, were importunate in demanding from the grand vezír permission to proceed thither on the object of their embassy, alleging that on the frontiers no proper settlement between the two countries could be effected; but by someinexplicable conduct of the new grand vezír, a whole year passed away before matters were fully and properly adjusted.
In addition to the repairs and ornaments which had been bestowed on the Ka’ba, it was still found necessary to bind the pillars thereof in two different places with hoops, and for which purpose iron ones, plated with pure gold and choice silver, were provided. The aqueduct, which had been necessarily altered in the days of Soleimán, was furnished and ornamented with splendid boards. The emperor, being intent on beautifying the Ka’ba still more, removed into the garden of Stavros, where the contemplated work for the holy place might be carried on to better purpose under his own inspection. With this view he called thither all the goldsmiths, provided bellows, and the work immediately commenced under his own auspices, and the inspection of all his great men. This work, and the artizans employed on it, were afterwards removed to the garden of Davd Páshá, where the emperor himself took up his abode; and when the whole was finished, in conformity with the pattern which had been chosen, a pavilion was raised in front of the works for his majesty, and a throne was erected within it on which he sat. In this position, surrounded by the mufti, ulemá and his vezírs, he contemplated the articles which had been made; conferred robes of honour on those of his grandees of every rank and degree, who were present, as tokens of his royal munificence and approbation; and on the same day, raised Mohammed Aghá of the Salihdárs to the government of Egypt. About this same time the emperor ordered a shade or covering to be erected over the well near the arsenal.
The Turkish fleet, under the command of the lord high-admiral, Khalíl Páshá, after having sailed from the port of Constantinople in the spring of this year, was met by Mohammed Beg, beg of the Morea, who had been previously sent out for the purpose of capturing such hostile vessels as might fall in his way, and who informed the admiral that he had conducted a prize-vessel into the port of Eyúbia. The fleet now sailed for Rhodes,where the ships were all properly pitched, and afterwards sailed for the island of Cyprus. Whilst the admiral was directing his course for this place, he received a royal letter, ordering him to convoy the ships destined for Egypt, which were conveying the articles for the Ka’ba. Just at this time he received intelligence that two hostile vessels had been seen sailing somewhere between Cyprus and Tripoli, and therefore he instantly dispatched Mímí Beg, beg of Rhodes, with twenty-five galleys, in search of them: but he himself conducted the Egyptian vessels half-way through the high seas, and then directed his course towards the shores of Anatolia.
Mímí Beg was not long in meeting with a hostile vessel, the commander of which was a Maltese and a pirate, and which, after some hard fighting, he took and brought into Rhodes, where he met with the admiral. He was afterwards sent with five galleys to conduct the válí of Egypt from Scio through the high seas towards Alexandria. Lálá Ja’fer Beg was also sent with ten vessels to cruize along the enemy’s coasts, but was much retarded by contrary winds. Off the Cape of Maneah he met two vessels, who having instantly hoisted the enemy’s flag, he prepared to attack them. The battle was long and bloody, and it was not till near night that he succeeded in overpowering them. The admiral, at the end of this voyage, sent these and four other vessels which had been captured, to the port of Constantinople. The two vessels taken by Lálá Ja’fer Beg, it was said, belonged to the Venetian state, and therefore, in consequence of that state being included in the last treaty made with France, a very great deal of talk and speculation took place.
On the return of the lord high-admiral to Constantinople, he was honoured with tokens of the imperial approbation for the services he had rendered. Within the three years he had acted as lord high admiral of the Turkish fleet, he captured more than fifty ships, small and great; the emperor, however, willing to show favour to Mohammed Páshá, who had been governor in Egypt, and whose exploits and virtuous deeds we have recorded, and who was every way worthy of the seals (though these, in the meantime, had been conferred on Nesúh Páshá), appointed him to the command of the fleet, that being the most honourable situation he had to confer on him at the time.
About the middle of Rabia II., whilst the emperor was enjoying himself in the gardens of Dávud Páshá, Sultán Selím was born, but died before the end of the month. Towards the end of the month Dhu’l hijja, the youngest of the princesses was united in marriage to Nesúh Páshá, and the contract was concluded in the presence of the reverend mufti and the vezírs of the court.
In the month of Rajab of this year the lord high admiral, Mohammed Páshá, set sail with the royal fleet in search of prizes and further conquests. On reaching the coasts of Sidon and Bairut he found Maán Oghlí, a madman, who in the vanity of his mind had arrogated to himself princely titles, and had secured for himself some places of strength in the hilly part of the country, and who, moreover, had been a coadjutor of Jánbúlát Oghlí, and had done much mischief to the province of Syria. He afterwards entered into a friendly relation with the Turkish government, stipulating to pay an annual tribute of the products of the country he ruled, but had failed in fulfilling his engagements. The admiral, in consequence of this failure, landed some of his men with the intention of forcing Maán Oghlí into compliance. Force, however, was not necessary, for Maán Oghlí sent the admiral a submissive letter, accompanied by a larger sum than he had stipulated, as an equivalent for his neglect. The fleet returned to the port of Constantinople, and deposited in the imperial treasury the gifts and presents which had been received from Maán Oghlí. But it is to be observed that the admiral, whilst sailing through the straits of Súsam, allowed the enemy to seize no less than nine of his vessels; for which he was deposed. Khalíl Páshá was again made lord high admiral.
After Nesúh Páshá had given the despicable kizilbáshes hopes that their wishes would be complied with on the part of the Ottoman government, the sháh seized the opportunity thus afforded him, and instantly transmittedto Nesúh at Diárbeker two hundred loads of silk under the charge of Kází Khán, his military judge, and the cazís of Kazwín and Isfahán, additional ambassadors, who arrived at Diárbeker on the 26th of Rabia II. Nesúh Páshá, without loss of time, set out for Constantinople with the above silk and the messengers, and reached it about the beginning of Shabán. The grand vezír met with the honours due to his high station, and the ambassadors with that respect which it was the custom to bestow. The emperor, who had been at Dávud Páshá, returned with a great show of military pomp and grandeur to the city on the 16th of Shabán. By his orders suitable lodgings were assigned to the Persian ambassadors, and amusements afforded them, and on the 21st they were permitted to appear in the royal presence. They presented to his majesty, the asylum of the world, the gifts and presents they had brought along with them from their master, receiving in return robes of honour, and being permitted to kiss the skirt of his majesty’s robe.
The sháh had chosen his ambassadors from amongst the most cunning and shrewd of his learned men, as being the fittest for answering or asking questions in the royal diván, should they ever be called thither. When, however, they were actually introduced into that august assembly, they were overpowered with awe. Kází Khán, the foremost and most learned of their number, felt his inability to speak when he attempted to do so. “Please your majesty,” said he, with a faltering voice which betokened the agitation of his mind, “Sháh Abbás is your slave”—here he paused, and could not utter another syllable, but delivered over their credentials to the grand vezír, who handed them to his majesty, and then retired. They were again, on the 26th of Ramazán, allowed to be present at the royal diván, and were thence conducted into the imperial hall of audience, where answers to their communications were delivered to them. They again received robes, according to custom, and were allowed to retrace their steps to their own country. Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Erzerúm, and Anjúlí Mustafa Chávush were ordered to accompany them, with the view of settling and determining the frontiers of Armenia; but the negotiations with Persia were not finally settled until the year of the Hijrah 1024.
On the 28th of Jemadi I. the grand sultán had another son born,viz.Murád Khán, who was, on the 4th of Shevál, ordered, by a royal firmán, to be conveyed, according to ancient custom, to the royal harem, where the royal youths were brought up.
A beglerbegship was conferred on Karah Kásh Mohammed Aghá, chief of the falconers. About the middle of the last-mentioned month the grand princess, Ayesha Sultána, who was betrothed to the grand vezír, Nesúh Páshá, was sent home to him, on which occasion a most splendid banquet was given.
His majesty the emperor, having resolved on taking a journey to Adrianople, on the 8th of Dhu’l kadah he ordered the members of the royal diván, his household troops, his right and left-hand troops of Egypt, and a body of spáhís to proceed on the journey from Dávud Páshá. Two days before this mighty cavalcade left Dávud Páshá, the princes of the blood, under the charge of Mustafa Aghá, ághá of the royal palace, set out. The grand vezír, Nesúh Páshá, Dávud Páshá, Yúsuf Páshá, Khalíl Páshá, also the reverend mufti, Mohammed Effendí, Dámád Effendí, the late mufti, Asa’d-ud-dín Effendí, who had been deposed for the share he had in the late tumult, Zekeriáh Effendí, Yahia Effendí, Mustafa Effendí, and Abdul Azíz Effendí, all the grandees of the empire, and a splendid detachment of troops of various kinds accompanied his majesty on his leaving Dávud Páshá for Adrianople. This royal procession or cavalcade proceeded by way of Felúri, where such of the members of the administration as did not accompany the emperor to Adrianople took their leave of him and returned. On the high priest of the empire, in consequence of the necessary absence of Mustafa Effendí, the royal chronologer, the duty of marking events devolved. The royal cavalcade rested the first night at Kúchuk Chekmejeh, and the following day reached Búiúk Chekmejeh. At daybreak it was again in motion. The immense number of janissaries, spáhís, and other troops in the royal retinue now commenced the sport of the chase as they proceeded on their journey, which sport was accompanied by the sound of drums and other instruments. In the afternoon they reached Silivria. The emperor rose about midnight, performed his devotions on the highway,and was no sooner on horseback than his armourers and fencing-masters were again in their places. On reaching a place called Chorlí the royal party was allowed to rest there for the space of three days, in consequence of the fatigue which the emperor’s soláks and other foot-soldiers had sustained from the rains which had fallen during the previous days. On leaving Chorlí they advanced to Sultání, but as there was no suitable mansion for his majesty at this place, a pavilion had been erected for his reception. From Sultání they advanced to Burgas. During this journey the horsemen exercised themselves in throwing the javelin: the vezírs and ághás, even to the grand vezír himself, took a share in the sports of the day. The emperor partook with keenness of the passing pleasures, exercising his fleet steed, throwing the javelin, and, in short, was the phœnix of the whole company of lancers. The sound of mirth and joviality was re-echoed by the vault of heaven. The grand vezír was so astonished at the feats which his majesty performed, that he descended from his horse, approached his majesty’s stirrup on foot, and kissed it. It is quite certain that the display of horsemanship and throwing of the javelin which his majesty exhibited on this occasion was altogether unequalled. The royal party passed through Eskí Bábá and Hafsa, and on the tenth day of the journey, about mid-day, reached Adrianople.
The emperor and his suite, after offering up their devotions at the Selímiya, mounted their horses and crossed the bridge of Soleimán, exhibiting a great display of pomp and grandeur, and arrived at the royal palace of that city. The ághá of the palace, Elháj Mustafa Aghá, and other reverend dignitaries belonging to the royal house, made such a display of silver-plate and gold vessels as to excite great wonder. In short, so plentiful were articles of this description, that, in passing into the royal apartments, one was obliged to walk over them; the whole of his domestics that waited on him were made rich. Here diváns were held, and petitions of all kinds attended to. Within the palace a mosque was fitted up. The emperor himself, his domestics, and hatchet-bearers, went out every day to follow the chase, accompanied by his hounds and panthers. He ordered his bostánjí báshí to search out the places which abounded with most game, over a district of three days’ journey. Near the villageof Cholmek the field, as the chase was pursued by sultáns of other days, extended to the distance of several leagues. In or about the beginning of Dhu’l hijja, the emperor, accompanied by his domestics, the odabáshí Ja’fer Aghá, the salihdár Mohammed Aghá, the chakadár Ahmed, and the stirrup-holder Ismael Aghá, set out at night, and by daybreak reached a green meadow, where his majesty offered up his morning devotions. On a rising ground near this meadow a pavilion for his majesty had been erected, and from this spot he again commenced following the pleasures of the chase. The country every where around abounded with wild-game. The grey-hounds and panthers were let loose; such of the peasants as brought in the game that had been seized, received munificent rewards, by which many a poor peasant was made rich; eighteen deers, one hundred and fifty hares, forty foxes, and a vast number of pheasants were collected on this occasion; and rewards, according to the laws of the chase, were also distributed.
The emperor, on leaving the above place, entered into Sultán Murád Khán’s garden with the view of taking some repose, whilst the whole of the game which had been taken was conveyed into his presence, when he ordered portions of it to be sent to the grand vezír and other ministers and military judges, who had not been present at this chase. In like manner, portions were sent to the royal harem, and to the other departments of the royal house. The sublime emperor then returned to Adrianople; but it was not long before he again engaged in the pleasures of the chase at a place called Kúrd Kíásí, about a stage distant from Adrianople, where the grand vezír prepared a splendid entertainment before the chase commenced. This chase took place about the beginning of the month of January, and all the vezírs and other officers of government were present at the convivial entertainment which Nesúh Páshá had given. The persons who had been employed in bringing in the game, whether whole or only the skins, received handsome rewards. The whole number of game taken on this occasion amounted to nine hundred and fifteen, and the number taken on former occasions to one thousand two hundred. The emperor enjoyed himself also in hunting along with his falconers, and outstripped the whole of his ághás, having caught nearly nine hundred birds. On meeting a peasanthe condescended to enquire into his circumstances—what injury or oppression he might be enduring: and if he returned an answer that manifested content, he was sure to meet with an act of benevolence on the part of the royal enquirer. When he entered into a village, the villagers met him with the most valuable of their goods and best cattle, and offered them as presents; but for the most part he sent some of his domestics to prevent this display of kindness. In fact, such was the generosity of his own benevolent nature that many of the poor natives were made rich by his liberality. Every Friday night, according to his custom at Constantinople, he called together ten commanders or governors of garrisons, and made them read together, or separately, ten chapters of the holy writings, during the first watches of the night. Thus did the emperor, by donations of gold and silver, and by enriching his mind with reading, secure to himself a rich remuneration.