BOOK XIII.

JANUARY TO JUNE, A.D. 1679.

Public teachers and students required to take the oath of supremacy—A boy imprisoned for refusing—Husbands punished for their wives’ contumacy—Landlords for their tenants—Overtures of the council—Country put under military law—Reprisals—Outrages of the commissioners of shires—Death of Sharpe—Escape of Veitch—Murder of Inchdarnie.

Early in the beginning of the next year, (January 2, 1679,) the council instructed the Archbishop of St Andrews and the Bishops of Edinburgh and Aberdeen, to call before them the principals, professors, and other office-bearers of their respective Universities, and also all the masters of the public schools within their boundaries, and require them to subscribe the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and the declaration owning the government of the church by archbishops and bishops, and its establishment; which Mr Alexander Dickson, professor of the Hebrew language in the College of Edinburgh, Mr Heriot, teacher in the High School, Mr George Sinclair, Leith, Mr Allan, his assistant, Mr Alexander Strang, schoolmaster, Canongate, and Mr John Govan, his assistant, with Mr James Scot, junior,—refusing to do, were all removed from their respective charges, as examples to others; and it appears to have had a salutary effect, as we do not read of any “pedagogues” after this being prosecuted for contumacy. But it was again repeated and urged by proclamation, that the due execution of their acts, forbidding pedagogues, chaplains, and schoolmasters, to officiate without license from their respective ordinaries, should be observed, and that no youth should be suffered toenter into the second classes in colleges, or received as apprentices, until they obliged themselves to keep the church. The reiterated repetition of these injunctions strongly implies the repugnance which must have existed among the people to the form of religion then endeavoured to be forced upon them, while it exhibits in the most glaring light that combination of clerical and magisterial despotism, which is a necessary consequence of a state establishment of any peculiar denomination, against the light and wishes of a numerous and instructed part of the community. So anxious, too, were these Scottish political puritans to preserve the youth from any infection, that they even carried their zeal the length of imprisoning a boy about fourteen years of age for being at a conventicle, and subjected him to several weeks’ confinement, till some of their own number, ashamed of such proceedings, set the child at liberty.

Children may be restrained, but women being more difficult to manage, it was thought proper to punish their husbands, instances of which occurred in the cases of Sir William Fleming of Ferm, commissary of Glasgow, and of William Anderson, the late lord provost, who were both before the council the same day, and fined for the delinquencies of their wives, although they themselves seem to have been regular church-goers. Dame Margaret Stewart, the spouse of Sir William, and Mrs Macdougal, the spouse of the provost, were charged with having been present at a conventicle kept by Mr John Welsh, at Langside, in the parish of Cathcart, seated upon high chairs on either side of the said Mr John, and with having kept company with him at other times; in addition to which the Lady Fleming had allowed other ministers to preach, pray, or expound Scripture in the house of Ferm, aggravated by her entertaining the preachers before or after these exercises. The lady did not deny that she had heard Mr Welsh preach, and also confessed that she had been guilty of showing hospitality to the same faithful minister of Christ; for which the council fined Sir William, her husband, in the sum of four thousand merks, ordaining him to pay the money or find security before he left Edinburgh. In order, however, that a husband should not suffer for his wife’s fault, whose conduct they yet allowed itwas not in his power sometimes to control, they declared that if she survived him, then his heirs should retain as much as he payed of fine, together with interest from the time of payment, out of the first end of her jointure; and if she should die first, her executors were to be liable, which they alleged would be a check on the zeal of the ladies, if they paid no regard to the interest of their husbands. Lord Fountainhall, who records this decision, asks, with all due legal gravity, “But what if they have no executors? or if it be the husband or her own children?”

Not only were husbands thus prosecuted for their ladies’ misdemeanours, but landlords were made accountable for the conduct of their tenants. A most oppressive instance occurred in the case of one George Turnbull, a baxter or baker in Edinburgh, himself a regular conformist. The council being informed that conventicles were held in the chamber of Isobel Crawford, which she rented in the flat of a house belonging to him, he was summoned before them and interrogated upon oath, as to the rent of the whole flat? He stated it at one hundred pounds per annum; and three conventicles being either proved or not denied to have met there, he was fined three hundred pounds, Scots, or twenty-five pounds sterling, for what he was neither accessary to, nor had any knowledge of.

Tyranny is never stationary when introduced into a country, until it either level all resistance, and degrade a nation into one quiescent mass of torpid subjection, or rouse the people to a pitch of determined enthusiastic irresistless exertion, which drives their oppressors from the land. At this period, the evident design of the Scottish rulers was to accomplish the former limb of the alternative, though it eventually led to the last. “The overtures” sent by the “committee for public affairs,” to be proposed to his sacred majesty by the Duke of Lauderdale, to heal the schism and disorders of the church, plainly evidence this. Their grand object was to root out all conventicles; and now that the forces were raised, whereby these seditious disorders might, as they imagined, be easily and effectually suppressed, they represented to the king the necessity of his empowering the council to nominate sheriff-deputes, bailie-deputes ofregalities, and stewart-deputes, to enforce their acts against withdrawers from public ordinances, keepers of conventicles, and those guilty of conversing with intercommuned persons or vagrant preachers, whenever the resident deputes had been remiss in their duty; and that his majesty’s forces might be ordered upon all occasions, when required, to concur with these officers, or whoever might be appointed by them for the more speedy and effectual execution of their sentences and decrees. His majesty gave his hearty approval to the proposal, and the whole south and west of Scotland was placed under military law, as far at least as assembling to attend upon the ordinances of religion was concerned. All officers and soldiers of the standing army or militia were commanded forcibly to dissipate the persons found by them at conventicles, and previously indemnified for any slaughter or mutilation they might commit in so doing. They were to seize the preachers and as many of the hearers as they could; the former to be carried to prison, the latter to be detained till they found sufficient caution to answer for their crimes according to law; and they were empowered to carry off the upper garments of such as they could not secure, in order to be used in evidence against them when afterwards apprehended. All arms, and the horses of all who were armed, were ordered to be seized, and the meanest sentinel was warranted to break open doors and other lockfast places in searching after suspected or intercommuned persons.[111]

111.The soldiers were thus distributed:—Three companies of foot in Canongate and Leith; one at Calder, and one at Stirling; one at Culross and Clackmannan; one at Cupar and Falkland; four at Glasgow; two in the shire of Ayr; and one in each of the shires of Renfrew, Lanark, and Galloway; and one in the town of Kelso. The eighteenth company to be at the major-general’s disposal. One squadron of his majesty’s horse-guards to be at Edinburgh, another in Stirling, the third in Fife, and the fourth in Borrowstounness. One troop at Glasgow, one in Merse and Teviotdale, and one in Galloway. The dragoons were to be distributed in companies of twenty-five each, Galloway, Ayr, Calder, Culross, and Lanark, or otherwise arranged as the general shall see necessary; but they were to be kept in constant exercise patrolling the various districts, that they might be ready and prepared at the shortest notice to execute the orders given for dispersing any rendezvouses of rebellion.

To stimulate their satellites in the work of proscription and blood, who were already allowed to share in the plunder of those they seized, murdered, or robbed, and to urge their activity againstthe more eminent, and therefore more hated of those men, of whom the earth was not worthy—they were now offered additional rewards for their destruction. The price set upon the head of that “notour traitor, Mr John Welsh,” dead or alive, was nine thousand merks; for his accomplices, Mr Semple and Mr Arnot, three thousand; for any field-preacher declared fugitive, two thousand; and for any other “vagrant” or itinerant preacher, five hundred merks. The reasons assigned for such high rewards, were worthy the hypocrites by whom they were expressed—although we cannot help being astonished at the unblushing impudence which could publish falsehoods, so widely known to be such, without even the shadow of verisimilitude, to shield them from contempt—these were, to prevent the people from being seduced from public ordinances, or debauched to atheism and popery, by being exposed to hear Jesuits or any other irregular persons who dared take upon them the sacred office of the ministry.

About the beginning of March, the military apostles entered upon their labours; and among their first exploits was the seizure of twenty-three countrymen in Evandale, chiefly shepherds, whom they straitly examined upon oath, whether they had seen any men in arms going through the country during the last month. In the latter end of the same month, having been informed of a large meeting assembled to hear sermon at Cambeshead, in the parish of Lesmahago, near Lanark, a party went on purpose to disperse them; but on learning their numbers, and that many of them were well armed, they did not think it adviseable to attack them; but retiring to a little distance, they rifled some women who were going to the meeting of their plaids and Bibles, and took several men prisoners. When intelligence of this was brought to the meeting, a number of the men in arms were sent to demand the release of the prisoners and the restoration of the plunder. The officer in command refused to do either, and a scuffle ensued, in which the captain was wounded and a few of the soldiers taken prisoners, who were shortly after set at liberty without harm. As soon as an account of this trifling affair reached Glasgow, Lord Ross marched with a considerable party towards Lanark, and harassed the surrounding country for some weeks; and the councilupon being apprised of it, ordered the commissioners for assessment in the shire to meet and provide hay, straw, and corn for the forces, who were immediately to be despatched thither to crush the rebels.

In Galloway, Gordon of Earlston and thirteen other gentlemen, who had been summoned for worshipping God or hearing his word preached in private houses or in the fields, or of speaking or lodging some others who had been guilty of the like enormities, were denounced and outlawed as if they had been malefactors of the deepest die. In Fife, three were fined; one in a thousand pounds Scots; another in one hundred; and the third in five hundred merks.

Pursuing their favourite measures, the prelatic myrmidons had successfully fanned, by their domineering insolence, the discontent they had widely kindled in the west, from which there appeared no means of escape, but by some desperate effort to which every day’s report of fresh aggression was rapidly driving the people. A few of the many irritating incidents which occurred have been preserved, but the amount of the suffering can only be guessed. The slightest attempts at what has been improperly denominated retaliation have been carefully registered. Of these I shall give two specimens, which were then paraded as instances of their “hellish principles,” and which, though they were not the actions of religious men, have been treated as the effects of fanaticism. The first was a trick played upon Major Johnston, one of the captains of the train-band of Edinburgh, a violent persecutor, but by whom was never discovered. “One night,” says Kirkton, “a boy came and told Johnston there was a conventicle in a certain close; for he was famously known for an active agent of satan to suppress preachings in the city and apprehend ministers, though sometimes he took money to overlook them. He (ever ready for such mischief) presently took a party of the town-guard, came and entered the house, where he found some men met about business, who seeing them enter so rudely with their weapons, did challenge him why he came so briskly. Finding no conventicle there, he and they began to jostle, (who were the aggressors I cannot tell,) but he with his men were the first provokers. Some of the gentlemen shot,as is said, a tobacco-stapple, or piece of broken money, at one of his followers, a soldier from the Castle, who fell, and died within ten days after. Another gripped the major himself, and cast him down on the floor; and they were so incensed that they offered to kill him. But he crying out wofully to spare his life, said—‘For Christ’s sake, send me not to hell,’ and swore he would never trouble any of these meetings again. Whether he was required to say this, or said it in his fear, I cannot tell; whereupon they spared his life, and let him and his party go not without some blae strokes they had got. The gentlemen then withdrew to their own quarters.

“The landlady of the house expecting trouble, left it also, which was shortly broken up, rifled, and made a prey of by order. The wretched man, the major, being enraged, forgetting the terror he was in, and all the vows he had sworn to grow better, did first stir up the council to seize the house, break open the door, and plunder all. On the morrow or third day, a narrow and formidable search was made throughout the town for strangers, and to find out the persons who had offered such an affront to their major, so useful a servant, not only to the town of Edinburgh, but to the prelates and their interest. Linlithgow’s men, with the town constables, were appointed to search. However, none of the persons present were found.”

I add as one instance of the manner in which these affairs were represented by the leaders of the persecution, the edition they gave of the affair to Lauderdale, in the despatches they sent to court. “Eighteen or twenty men, prompted by the bloody principles of their traitorous books, did send for the major to the house of one Mrs Crawford, a known and irregular fanatic, and, at his entry discharged several shots at him; after which, with drawn swords, they beat, bruised, and threatened to kill him, if he would not swear never to dissipate conventicles, which he having refused, according to his duty, they mortally wounded him and some that were with him.”

Immediately the hue and cry was raised, offering a reward of one thousand merks to any person who should discover and apprehend any of the assassinates. Several persons were mentioned,chiefly men already intercommuned themselves, or the sons or relatives of such as were, but none were ever taken or tried for the affray. The same day, the council ordered the magistrates to cause their constables take up a list of the names of all the inhabitants between sixteen and sixty, and deliver it to the council; and likewise a list of all the strangers who lodged in town, to be delivered each night at ten o’clock to the major-general or commanding officer in his absence, under a penalty of one hundred merks for each name omitted. And, besides, the magistrates were required to turn out of the burgh and suburbs the wives and families of all “outted” ministers and vagrant preachers, under a penalty of one hundred pounds, sterling, for each family who should be found residing there after the 20th day of the month. This capriciously cruel order, at once useless and tormenting, does not appear to have been very rigorously enforced by the magistrates, for “few ministers,” one of themselves informs us, “went off the town, but retired to more private houses, and hid themselves for a season, only it caused them disperse among different friends’ houses, and keep themselves under hiding for a season.”

The other incident was the murder of two soldiers at Loudonhill, under very suspicious circumstances, also by persons who were never discovered. Three privates of Captain Maitland’s company had been quartered upon a petty farmer who had not paid the cess, and continued there nearly ten days, behaving rather more civilly than many of their fellows. The man himself being sick, his wife or the maid-servant desired them to leave, otherwise they might repent it. They replied, they could not do so without orders. On a Saturday, one of them went to Newmills, where he remained over night. But about two o’clock on the Sabbath morning, five horsemen and as many foot came and knocked loudly at the door of the barn, where the remaining two soldiers were lying. Supposing it to be their comrade, one of them rose in his shirt and opened the door, when he was saluted with—“Come out you damned rogues,” and instantly shot through the body, he fell dead upon the spot; the other alarmed got up, and was attempting to shut the door, when he also received ashot which wounded him on the thigh. The assassin who was on horseback dismounting, seized the soldier by the throat, and they struggled together till another of the rogues came up and knocked him down. While he lay stupified by the blow, the murderers went off, taking with them all the arms and clothes they could find. The wounded man lingered a few days, and expired. The people of the house declared their ignorance of the whole matter, only the deceased had told them that the ruffian who shot him appeared to him to be one John Scarlet, a tinker; the rest he could not distinctly see, owing to the darkness and his own confusion. Scarlet was a notorious rogue who roved through the country with several women he called his wives, and who some years before this had been apprehended as a vagabond, and gifted to a French recruiting officer, but had contrived to raise a mutiny in the vessel which was carrying him across the channel, and made his escape; since when he had returned to his old avocation, and was one of the gang attending Captain Carstairs when Garret was wounded.[112]

112.Mr Laing (Hist. vol. iii. p. 97,) considers this as an act of retaliation on the part of the covenanters. Of this I cannot see any credible evidence. The language used by the assassins was not such as the covenanters would have employed, nor were the persons attacked of that station the persecuted would have deliberately formed any design of destroying. It is not unlikely that the soldiers were the objects of private revenge, and were wounded by some rough companions of their own, whom their insults had irritated.

Perhaps nothing places the conduct of the Scottish government in a more disgraceful light than the current belief which pervaded the country, that they were implicated in this foul murder, at least that they were capable of abetting it, although it be extremely difficult to perceive what advantage they could reap from it. All their proclamations and abuse of the fanatics availed nothing, but only to confirm the general report that they had authorized the assassination merely to throw additional odium on the already grievously calumniated wanderers. The heritors of Ayrshire, who had seen their country devastated when there was much less cause, took the alarm, and despatched the Earl of Loudon, Lord Cochran, and Sir John, to explain the state of thecountry, and to express their detestation of the deed. The armed field-meetings, attended by numbers of the commonalty, had increased on the confines of their own and the neighbouring shires, occasioned they alleged by a few unsound, turbulent, hotheaded preachers, most part whereof were never ministers of the church of Scotland, making it their work to draw people to separation and schism from pure ordinances, and instil into them the seeds of rebellion by their exhortations and doctrine.

Unhappily, the contentions among the persecuted continued, and a root of bitterness sprung up among them, which produced the most lamentable fruit. Instead of dropping minor differences, they seemed to set a higher value on them as the dangers attendant on holding them increased. Paying cess and hearing the indulged became bars to fellowship; and Robert Hamilton, who now took the lead, publicly forbade any of the compilers to join with them or bring arms; nor was it without difficulty that Richard Cameron got them to forbear proceeding with such an high hand at such a time; but although he smothered these heats for a season, there was a secret heart-burning left which he could not extinguish. Yet it is impossible not to sympathize with the side who felt most keenly, even when a knowledge of the consequences may have led us to disapprove of their too rigid particularity, for which they themselves suffered so severely. At all events, when men have evinced the purity of their motives by their disinterestedness and the sincerity of their principles, by suffering for them unto the death, it becomes those who are sitting at ease, and not exposed to their trials, to speak and write very tenderly about them.

Oppressions under form of law kept pace with those without it;—if the mere acts of men in place can be called in any sense legal while they are trampling under foot the constitutional rights of their countrymen, simply because these men happen to hold offices, the names of which are in the statute-book, or pervert possession of power, a proper exercise of which would be legal. The council, the willing slaves of the clergy, eagerly laid hold of the story of the popish plot in England to increase their severities against field-preaching, the antipathy at which raged with every symptom of monomania among the prelatic hypocrites. They issued afierce proclamation against the papists, and did nothing to disturb their increasing numbers; but they nominated an especial committee of thirteen of their own number, to meet during the spring vacation, to whom they delegated the judicial authority of the bench and the active duties of the executive. It comprised the two Archbishops of St Andrews and Glasgow, and the Bishop of Galloway, with the law officers of the crown, any three to be a quorum; and as the Bishop of Galloway had obtained a dispensation allowing him to reside constantly in Edinburgh, they were always certain of an ecclesiastical president or director. They were instructed to issue orders for executing the laws as to the public peace, particularly those against conventicles; to call before them noted delinquents, secure their persons and examine them upon oath, pronounce sentences and decreets against the guilty, and issue such orders as they should find necessary to magistrates and officers of the forces; and with power to nominate a committee of themselves by turns, to perform what was committed to them, or call the council upon any emergency; and the whole concluded with the ominous charge to use diligence in discovering any powder or lead lately brought into the kingdom. On the report of this committee (May 1st), the council ordered the Earl of Linlithgow, commander-in-chief, to despatch a body of horse, foot, and dragoons, to scour the country, especially where Welsh, Cameron, Kid, or Douglas kept their conventicles; to apprehend them where they might be found; and, in case of resistance, to pursue them to the death, and declared that neither officers nor soldiers should be called in question, civilly or criminally, for the same.

Armed with such powers and secured by such indemnity, it may be readily supposed what ravages would be committed by a banditti, composed, as the standing army of that day in Scotland was, of all the idle, dissolute reprobates that could be collected. These roamed through the country, objects of hatred and dread to the humbler ranks.

The commissioners of shires and sheriff-deputes were more obnoxious to the middling and higher classes, whom they summoned to their courts, and plundered and imprisoned if they appeared, orintercommuned if they did not. The cruelties they exercised upon the domestics of the petty heritors who were forced under hiding, to make them discover the haunts of their relatives or masters, are almost incredible, and rivalled the tortures of the inquisition; beating and wounding with their muskets or bayonets were common, and burning matches were often applied between the fingers to extort a confession from these faithful confidents of the suspected. When the honest, industrious tenantry and small farmers were ruined by fines, their houses were poinded, and themselves turned out to bear the pelting of the pitiless storm, nor dared their neighbours either shelter or sooth them, under pain of being also sent to wander houseless on the heath—reduced to desperation for “disobeying the discipline of the church,” or “wilfully withdrawing from the ordinary meetings for divine worship,”—it would not have been at all wonderful if the wanderers had perpetrated the horrible deeds of which they were falsely accused; nor can it appear strange, when every avenue to relief was shut up, that they should take whatever methods of redressing their wrongs they could command; neither was it conduct unprecedented in history, their seeking to rid themselves of their most violent, lawless persecutors, of whom they could not by any legal or moderate measures get free, by methods which were not strictly legal. It would require powerful logic to convince persons suffering under the lash of distorted laws, that they were in duty bound to allow their persecutors the safety and privilege of men who had never violated law.

But the death of Sharpe, however it might be justified or extenuated, was altogether accidental at the time, and cannot be traced to any other source than his own atrocious tyranny. His agents were extremely active in Fife; for the numerous conventicles held in his own diocese particularly annoyed him. One of his especial “familiars” was William Carmichael, a bankrupt merchant, formerly a bailie in Edinburgh, now one of the commissioners for suppressing conventicles, of licentious and profligate habits, consequently greedy of money, and fit for any vile job to procure it. His enormities had rendered him an object of general detestation, but his excessive exactions had ruined manyrespectable heritors and tenants, to whom he was become particularly obnoxious. Several of these individuals, some of whom were gentlemen of good families, interdicted the common intercourse of society, and hunted like wild beasts on the mountains, determined to take personal vengeance on this vile instrument of their unjust suffering;[113]and for this purpose, nine of them, pretty early on Saturday morning, the 3d of May, had traversed the fields about Cupar for a considerable time, in search of the commissioner, who they understood was hunting on the moor; but a shepherd had informed him that some gentlemen on horseback were inquiring after him; and he not being very anxious to encounter them, left his sport abruptly, and returned home.

113.At a meeting held April 11, “at John Nicholson’s house, colier, beside Lathons, the persons who had been poinded and otherways maltreated, judged it their duty to take some course with Carmichaelto scarr him from his cruel courses; and advising how to get him, resolved to wait on him either in his coming or going from St Andrews, or other place in the shire, [he] being to sit in all the judicatures in the shire, for taking course with the honest party; and they resolved to fall upon him at St Andrews. Some objected, what if he should be in the prelate’s house, what should be done in such a case? Whereupon all present judged duty to hang both over the post, especially the bishop, it being by many of the Lord’s people and ministers judged a duty long since, not to suffer such a person to live, who had shed and was shedding so much of the blood of the saints, and knowing that other worthy Christians had used means to get him upon the road before.”—Russell’s Account, p. 110.

They also, tired of their fruitless search, were talking about their further proceedings, when a boy came from Baldinny—Robert Black’s farm—and said the goodwife had sent him to see how they had sped. They told him they had missed him, and asked in return if he knew any thing of three of their number who had not joined them. He told them they were gone. They desired him to go back and see where they were gone to, which he did, but quickly returning, said—“Gentlemen, there is the bishop’s coach; our gudewife desired me to tell you,” which they seeing betwixt Ceres and Blebo-hole, said—“Truly this is of God, and it seemeth that God hath delivered him into our hands; let us not draw back but pursue.”

Whereupon all agreed to follow; but the question was started, what should be done with him? “I will not move one foot farther,”said George Fleming, “for if we spare his life our hazard shall be no less, and likewise his cruelty shall be greater; surely we have a clear call to execute God’s justice upon him, now when in such a capacity.” So said several others. Hackston of Rathillet opposed the shedding of blood; and besides, he thought it was an act of the last consequence to the nation and the church, and what required much greater deliberation. James Russell, who writes the account, said “it had been born in upon his spirit some days before in prayer, that the Lord would employ him in some piece of service or it was long, and that there would be some great man who was an enemy to the kirk of God cut off.” “He was forced to devote himself to God, and enter in a covenant with the Lord, and renewed all his former vows and engagements against papists, prelates, indulgences, and all that was enemies to the work of God and opposed the flourishing of Christ’s kingdom; and that he should not refuse nor draw back whenever the Lord should call him to act for him, as far as the Lord should enable him and give him strength, though there should be never so much seeming hazard.”

After alluding to the case of Mitchell, he was asked what they should do with the bishop. He replied, he durst not but execute the justice of God upon him “for the innocent blood he had shed.” William Danziel spoke to the same purpose. Then they all with one consent urged Rathillet to command them that they might not delay.[114]Rathillet declined. “The Lord,” he said, “was his witness, he was willing to venture all he had for the interest of Christ, yet he durst not lead them on to that action, there being a known prejudice betwixt the bishop and him, which would mar the glory of the action; for it would be imputed to his particular revenge, and that God was his witness he did nothing on that account; but he would not hinder them fromwhat God had called them to, and that he would not leave them.” On hearing this, John Balfour cried out—“Gentlemen! follow me!” Immediately they all set off at the gallop across the hills for Magus moor. James Russell outrode the others; and seeing the bishop, who had taken the alarm, and was looking out at the door, cast away his cloak, and cried “Judas be taken.” The bishop screamed violently to the coachman—“Drive! drive! drive!” The coachman drove furiously, endeavouring to keep off the pursuer by striking his horse with his whip, on which Russell fired, and called to his companions to come up. They throwing away their cloaks, put their horses to the speed, and kept firing at the coach, several shots passing through it. One of the servants having cocked his carabine, was about to fire when Alexander Henderson gripped him by the neck, threw him down, and pulled it out of his hand. Andrew Henderson outran the coach and struck the horse in the face with his sword. Russell at the same time ordered the postilion to stand, which he refusing, he struck him on the face, dismounted him, and cut the traces of the coach, which stopped it till the rest came up.

114.The names of the persons present were—David Hackston of Rathillet, John Balfour of Kinloch, James Russell in Kettle, George Fleming in Balbathie, Andrew Henderson, Alexander Henderson in Kilbrachmont, William Danziel in Caddam, James, Alexander, and George Balfour in Gilston, Thomas Ness in P——, and Andrew Guillan, weaver in Balmerinock, who had been put out of Dundee for not hearing of the curate.—Russell’s Account of Archbishop Sharpe’s Death, p. 111, 112.

They found the bishop in the coach with his daughter, both unhurt, though several shots had passed through the carriage. Opening the door, Russell, who took the lead, again desired him to come out, that no prejudice might befall his daughter, whom they would not willingly hurt. He still hesitated, protesting that he never wronged any of them. Russell declared before the Lord that it was no particular interest, nor yet for any wrong that he had done to him, but because he had betrayed the church, like Judas, and for eighteen years had wrung his hands in the blood of the saints. John Balfour, on horseback, said—“God is our witness, it is not for any wrong thou hast done to me, nor yet for any fear of what thou couldest do to me, but because thou hast been a murderer of many a poor soul in the kirk of Scotland, and a betrayer of the church, and an open enemy and persecutor of Jesus Christ and his members, whose blood thou hast shed like water on the earth, and therefore thou shalt die;” and fired a pistol. James Russell desired him the third time to come forth, and prepare for death, judgment, and eternity. The bishop said,“Save my life, and I will save yours.” The other replied, “I know it is neither in your power to save us or to kill us; and I again declare, it is not for any particular feud of quarrel I have at you which moves me to this attempt, but for the blood shed, not only after Pentland, but several times since, and for your perjury and shedding the blood of Mr James Mitchell, and having a hand in the death of James Learmont, which crimes cry with a loud voice to Heaven for vengeance; and we are this day to execute it,” and thrust his shabel at him. He then offered money. “Thy money perish with thee,” was the reply; and one of the company remarked, “seeing there have been so many lives taken for him, for which their is no sign of repentance, we will not be innocent if any more be taken that way.” Another wounded him with a sword, and he cried, “Fy, fy, I am gone.”

Being called to come out of the coach, “I am gone already,” he said, “what need more.” He was desired to pray; but, turning towards the captain, he said, “Save my life; for God’s sake, save my life! save my life!” offering him money, and promising to lay down his Episcopal function. He told him he had shown no mercy, and needed expect none. Seeing Rathillet at a distance, he crept on his hands and his knees towards him, saying, “I know you are a gentleman, you will protect me.” Mr Hackston said, “I shall never lay a hand on you,” and retired a little. He then turned to the others, and piteously entreated that they would save the life of an old man, and he would obtain them a remission. Balfour told him they could not spare him; and if he would not call on God, they knew what to do.

His daughter attempted to interpose, as she had done before, between her father and his antagonists, when Andrew Guillan kept her back, to secure her from hurt or danger. She fell on her knees, and, weeping bitterly, joined her entreaties with those of her father. Guillan also pleaded for his life; but it was now impossible for them to listen to any supplication. The bishop was a man whose most sacred oaths could not be trusted; and, to save their own lives, they were under the cruel necessity of taking his. Another volley of shot was their answer to his supplications, and he fell back and lay as dead. They then went offa little; and his daughter attempting to raise him, exclaimed—“Oh! there is life in him yet;” which they hearing returned, and James Russell “haked his head in pieces.” His daughter, the miserable spectatress of this sad event, cursed him, and called him a bloody murderer. He answered, they were not murderers, for they were sent to execute God’s vengeance on him.

As soon as they had finished the unfortunate primate, they went to the coach, and took a pair of pistols and a trunk, which upon opening, they found contained only his daughter’s clothes, and left untouched, but took from another a little box and all the papers they could find.[115]They likewise disarmed his attendants, five in number, and carried away their arms. It was not a little remarkable, that though this tragedy was acted at noon, in broad day, and parties of soldiers were constantly patrolling the country, along with numbers of sheriff-officers’ underlings and the archbishop’s own numerous myrmidons; yet the actors were not interrupted in their performance, nor did any of them ever suffer for the part they played. Two only, who were present as spectators, were executed, and one of them, the poor weaver Guillan, had been called, most unexpectedly on his part, to hold the horses.

115.“They took nothing from him but his tobacco-box and Bible and a few papers. With these they went to a barn near by. Upon the opening of his tobacco-box, a living humming-bee flew out. This either Rathillet or Balfour called his familiar; and some in the company, not understanding the term, they explained it to be a devil. In the box were a pair of pistol ball, parings of nails, some worsted or silk, and some say a paper with some characters, but that is uncertain.”—Russell’s Account, &c. p. 421, note.

Among the papers were found—a gift of non-entries of several gentlemen’s estates in Fife and elsewhere, with instructions and informations how to prosecute in order to turn the present possessors out of the lands; the patent of the bishopric of Dunkeld in favour of Mr Andrew Bruce, archdeacon of St Andrews; several presentations to churches of which the king was patron; instructions to conjunct-deputies; and new gifts of the heritors fines.

Sharpe, when he met his fate, was returning home from Edinburgh, where he had been arranging matters for heating the fiery furnace yet seven times hotter, previously to his going to court,and had there drawn out a proclamation afterwards issued, which, had it been known, would have justified the extremest measures on the part of the proscribed, persecuted wanderers, even had he not previously placed himself out of the protection of the law. By it, whoever should go with any arms to field-meetings, were to be proceeded against as traitors; and lest any should suppose, from the rigour used against such as went to conventicles in arms, that there was any intention to slacken the prosecutions against other field-conventicles, all judges and officers were required to put all former laws and commands in rigorous execution, even against those who frequented field-meetings without arms, repeating as the reason of such severity, the foul and absurd calumny “that those meetings do certainly tend to the ruin and reproach of the Christian religion, and to the introduction of popery and heresy, the subversion of monarchy, and the contempt of all laws and government.”

Thus fell James Sharpe, Archbishop of St Andrews, Primate of Scotland, a man universally detested by those whom he had deserted and betrayed, and not much regarded by those to whose ranks he had gone over. He has left a memory and a fate as woful beacons to religious turncoats, who assume and relinquish the garb of a profession for secular purposes, without feeling the influence or experiencing the consolations of real religion, who find the road disappointment and the end death.

Not less remarkable was the escape of Mr William Veitch, who had been marked out to die by the primate. Having been denounced for being present at Pentland, although he had not been there, he retired to Northumberland, where he had resided with his family for several years, exercising his ministry with great success among a numerous congregation at Harnam-hall, whence he removed to Stauntin-hall in 1677, where he remained till January this year, when he was taken from his bed about eight o’clock in the morning, and carried prisoner to Edinburgh. On the 22d of February, he was brought before a committee of the council, whereof Sharpe was preses. As he was coming along the pavement, the Earl of Mar’s gentleman came to him from his master, desiring him to give the archbishop his titles, as that would likelyprevail much with the bishop for his liberty. Veitch sending his service to the Earl, answered that he was resolved to act according to his light. The orders from the king to the council were, that they should proceed against him with all diligence, according to the utmost severity of law, his majesty being fully resolved to put it strictly in execution, in order “to dash the groundless hopes of knaves and fools, who expected a toleration!” The archbishop put many questions to him to see if he could ensnare him, which were urged by Paterson, the Bishop of Edinburgh, one of which was—“Have you taken the covenant?” He answered, “All that see me at this honourable board may easily perceive that I was not capable to take the covenant when you and the other ministers of Scotland tendered it.” At this the whole company fell a laughing, which nettled the bishop. “But,” says he, “did you never take the covenant since?” To which he replied, “I judge myself obliged to covenant away myself to God, and frequently to renew it.” At which Paterson stood up and said—“My lord, you will get no good of this man; he is all for evasions. But,” said he, “was you not at Pentland fight?” To which he replied, “If you will give me power and liberty to seek witnesses to prove it, I was alibi, having been all that night and morning at Edinburgh.”

Being put out a considerable time, he was called in again; and the bishop said—“Hear your confession read.” They had interlined many sentences to make him a criminal, which, when he heard read, he denied that he had spoken, and refused to subscribe. “What!” said the bishop, “will you not subscribe your own confession?” “Not I,” said the prisoner, “unless you write itin mundo, without your additions.” At which they appeared rather irritated, till the Earl of Linlithgow, after some conversation with the others across the table, said, “My lord St Andrews, cause write itin mundoto the young man.” It was then fairly written out, and he subscribed it; but it was found not to contain any thing on which they could found a criminal charge, and he was remanded to prison.

This was not, however, the only villanous attempt against his life. A letter was brought from the king to turn him over to theJusticiary, which was equivalent to a warrant for his execution. He himself had written to Lauderdale, who was his own relation and a professed friend, to give force to which some ladies obtained a letter from Archbishop Paterson to the Duke in his favour; and his brother Sir William brought it open and read it to Mr Veitch. It was directed to Dr Hicks, the Duke’s chaplain, to present, which was done accordingly; but when an answer was called for, Hicks showed a letter he had received per post, forbidding him to present it! Fortunately for the prisoner a representation of his case was laid before the Earl of Shaftesbury by Mr (afterwards Sir) Gilbert Elliot, which he had brought from Scotland, containing the sentiments both of English and Scottish lawyers, all of them declaring the illegality of the procedure against him in both kingdoms. The Earl having shown it to Prince Rupert, the Duke of Monmouth, and several other persons of rank, they concurred with him in petitioning the king to send him back to England that he might be tried there, because he was a naturalized English subject from his long residence, and the law had been violated by his seizure; it would destroy men’s confidence in their protection. But all the answer made by the tyrant was a profane scoff, uttered in the language of his proper prototype—“I have written with my own hand to execute him; and what I have written, I have written.” Upon this the Earl of Shaftesbury told his majesty, that, seeing the petition of so many of the greatest peers in England now standing before him, for a thing so just and equitable, could not be granted, the new parliament for inquiring into the popish plot was now sitting down, and no person that they found guilty, presbyterian or other, should escape death, if the parliament would take his advice and the lords now before the king; and then his majesty should have pears for plums.

On leaving his majesty, the Earl sent his servant to Mr Elliot, who was in waiting for the result, and who immediately on learning it went to the door of the parliament-house and distributed copies of the petition to each of the lords as they went in. Shaftesbury himself followed; and finding their lordships busy reading it, asked what they read; and being told, replied—“O, my lords,is that the text? Come, I’ll give you the sermon upon it;” and explained the minister’s case, which induced many of them to say, if that be truly so, we’ll pass an order immediately when we sit down for his remanding. A Tory lord seeing the impression thus made, taking the petition in his hand, went instantly to the king, and begged his majesty to consider that this was not his sixteen years’ old parliament, and he knew not what they would do; and it was dangerous for him on so mean an account to set two kingdoms by the ears: therefore he begged that he would presently send for Lauderdale to despatch an express to Scotland, and he would report it to the lords to take them off their proposed measure; which was done. And this order to stop proceedings was received by the Justice-General Tarbet, as he was entering the Parliament Close to open the court, where Veitch would have inevitably been condemned; instead of which, the court was dissolved and the prisoner remanded to prison.

His deliverance from jail shows the low arts to which court-intrigue sometimes subjects great men. The Duke of Monmouth took an interest in Veitch. The Duke of York was instigated by his priests against him, on account of his weight as an eminent opponent of popery in the borders, where the emissaries of Rome were numerous and active. Lauderdale disliked Monmouth as a rival, and attached himself to York;[116]and so wonderfully are events in providence arranged, that causes sometimes produce effects the very opposite to those we would most naturally expect. Lauderdale’s dislike to Monmouth effected the release of Veitch—a measure which Monmouth had desired and solicited in vain, and which York had so willingly and so successfully resisted. Lord Stair, as he afterwards told Mr Veitch, having the draught of his sentence of banishment[117]in his pocket, happened to visit Lauderdale that week Monmouth took post from Scotland, and that his spy hadsent him an account of what Monmouth had said when he rose from the council-table respecting the relief of Mr Veitch as soon as he saw the king. Lauderdale giving this letter to Stair to read, he says, “Now, my lord, Monmouth is upon his way, and is like to relieve this prisoner, I think it were best for your lordship to send for the king’s advocate and the rest of the lords who are here, and we will get the sentence of banishment out of the kingdom passed upon him before Monmouth come up; and if the king have any scruple about it, his advocate and the other lords will clear him thereanent. This will be for our credit, and stop the mouths of all in Scotland who reflect on our severity; and if he come and do it, the dirt will lie upon us.” To which Lauderdale replied—“On my conscience, we will do it, and Monmouth shall not have the honour and credit of it. We’ll send for the lords instantly, and tell the king a new story that will make him do it;” which they did; the king superscribing and Lauderdale subscribing the new sentence, and also an order from the king to his council to put the same in execution upon sight. Stair then sent for Mr Elliot the prisoner’s agent, and delivered it to him.[118]

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