[20]Ancient Dwellings of the Rio Verde Valley, Dr E. A. Mearns;Popular Science Monthly, vol.xxvii. Mindeleff, Aboriginal Remains in Verde Valley; Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.
[20]Ancient Dwellings of the Rio Verde Valley, Dr E. A. Mearns;Popular Science Monthly, vol.xxvii. Mindeleff, Aboriginal Remains in Verde Valley; Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.
[21]Since the above lines were written Mr C. F. Lummis, who has made many well-known contributions to the ethnology and archeology of the Pueblo area, has published inLand of Sunshine(Los Angeles, 1895), a beautiful photographic illustration and an important description of this unique place.
[21]Since the above lines were written Mr C. F. Lummis, who has made many well-known contributions to the ethnology and archeology of the Pueblo area, has published inLand of Sunshine(Los Angeles, 1895), a beautiful photographic illustration and an important description of this unique place.
[22]Miscellaneous Ethnographic Observations on Indians inhabiting Nevada, California, and Arizona, Tenth Annual Report of the Hayden Survey, p. 478; Washington, 1878.
[22]Miscellaneous Ethnographic Observations on Indians inhabiting Nevada, California, and Arizona, Tenth Annual Report of the Hayden Survey, p. 478; Washington, 1878.
[23]The cliff houses of Bloody Basin I have not examined, but I suspect they are of the same type as the so-called Montezuma Castle, or Casa Montezuma, on the right bank of Beaver creek. The latter is referred to the cliff-house class, but it differs considerably from the ruins of the Red-rocks, on account of the character of the cavern in which it is built (seefigure 246).
[23]The cliff houses of Bloody Basin I have not examined, but I suspect they are of the same type as the so-called Montezuma Castle, or Casa Montezuma, on the right bank of Beaver creek. The latter is referred to the cliff-house class, but it differs considerably from the ruins of the Red-rocks, on account of the character of the cavern in which it is built (seefigure 246).
[24]Fortified hilltops occur in many places in Arizona and are likewise found in the Mexican states of Sonora and Chihuahua, where they are known astrincheras. They are regarded as places of refuge of former inhabitants of the country, contemporaneous with ancient pueblos and cliff houses.
[24]Fortified hilltops occur in many places in Arizona and are likewise found in the Mexican states of Sonora and Chihuahua, where they are known astrincheras. They are regarded as places of refuge of former inhabitants of the country, contemporaneous with ancient pueblos and cliff houses.
[25]This pinnacle is visible for miles, and is one of many prominences in the surrounding country. Unfortunately this region is so imperfectly surveyed that only approximations of distances are possible in this account, and the maps known to me are too meager in detail to fairly illustrate the distribution of these buttes.
[25]This pinnacle is visible for miles, and is one of many prominences in the surrounding country. Unfortunately this region is so imperfectly surveyed that only approximations of distances are possible in this account, and the maps known to me are too meager in detail to fairly illustrate the distribution of these buttes.
[26]In certain cavate houses on Oak creek we find these caverns in two tiers, one above the other, and the hill above is capped by a well-preserved building. In one of these we find the entrance to the cavern walled in, with the exception of a T-shape doorway and a small window. This chamber shows a connecting link between the type of true cavate dwellings and that of cliff-houses.
[26]In certain cavate houses on Oak creek we find these caverns in two tiers, one above the other, and the hill above is capped by a well-preserved building. In one of these we find the entrance to the cavern walled in, with the exception of a T-shape doorway and a small window. This chamber shows a connecting link between the type of true cavate dwellings and that of cliff-houses.
[27]The absence of kivas in the ruins of the Verde has been commented on by Mindeleff, and has likewise been found to be characteristic of the cliff houses on the upper courses of the other tributaries of Gila and Salado rivers. The round kiva appears to be confined to the middle and eastern ruins of the pueblo area, and are very numerous in the ruins of San Juan valley.
[27]The absence of kivas in the ruins of the Verde has been commented on by Mindeleff, and has likewise been found to be characteristic of the cliff houses on the upper courses of the other tributaries of Gila and Salado rivers. The round kiva appears to be confined to the middle and eastern ruins of the pueblo area, and are very numerous in the ruins of San Juan valley.
[28]See "Tusayan Totemic Signatures,"American Anthropologist, Washington, January, 1897.
[28]See "Tusayan Totemic Signatures,"American Anthropologist, Washington, January, 1897.
[29]An exhaustive report on the ruins near Winslow, at the Sunset Crossing of the Little Colorado, will later be published. These ruins were the sites of my operations in the summer of 1896, and from them a very large collection of prehistoric objects was taken. The report will consider also the ruins at Chaves Pass, on the trail of migration used by the Hopi in prehistoric times in their visits, for barter and other purposes, to the Gila-Salado watershed.
[29]An exhaustive report on the ruins near Winslow, at the Sunset Crossing of the Little Colorado, will later be published. These ruins were the sites of my operations in the summer of 1896, and from them a very large collection of prehistoric objects was taken. The report will consider also the ruins at Chaves Pass, on the trail of migration used by the Hopi in prehistoric times in their visits, for barter and other purposes, to the Gila-Salado watershed.
[30]Possibly the Shoshonean elements in Hopi linguistics are due to the Snake peoples, the early colonists who came from the north, where they may have been in contact with Paiute or other divisions of the Shoshonean stock. The consanguinity of this phratry may have been close to that of the Shoshonean tribes, as that of the Patki was to the Piman, or the Asa to the Tanoan. The present Hopi are a composite people, and it is yet to be demonstrated which stock predominates in them.
[30]Possibly the Shoshonean elements in Hopi linguistics are due to the Snake peoples, the early colonists who came from the north, where they may have been in contact with Paiute or other divisions of the Shoshonean stock. The consanguinity of this phratry may have been close to that of the Shoshonean tribes, as that of the Patki was to the Piman, or the Asa to the Tanoan. The present Hopi are a composite people, and it is yet to be demonstrated which stock predominates in them.
[31]A Study of Pueblo Architecture: Tusayan and Cibola; Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1886-87.
[31]A Study of Pueblo Architecture: Tusayan and Cibola; Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1886-87.
[32]This account was copied from a copy made by the eminent scholar, A. F. Bandelier, for the archives of the Hemenway Expedition, now at the Peabody Museum, in Cambridge, Massachusetts.
[32]This account was copied from a copy made by the eminent scholar, A. F. Bandelier, for the archives of the Hemenway Expedition, now at the Peabody Museum, in Cambridge, Massachusetts.
[33]Hano or "Tewa."
[33]Hano or "Tewa."
[34]Sichomovi. In the manuscript report by Don José Cortez, who wrote of the northern provinces of Mexico, where he lived in 1799, Sichomovi is mentioned as a nameless village between Tanos (Hano) and Gualpi (Walpi), settled by colonists from the latter pueblo. One of the first references to this village by name was in a report by Indian Agent Calhoun (1850), where it is called Chemovi.
[34]Sichomovi. In the manuscript report by Don José Cortez, who wrote of the northern provinces of Mexico, where he lived in 1799, Sichomovi is mentioned as a nameless village between Tanos (Hano) and Gualpi (Walpi), settled by colonists from the latter pueblo. One of the first references to this village by name was in a report by Indian Agent Calhoun (1850), where it is called Chemovi.
[35]Mishoñinovi.
[35]Mishoñinovi.
[36]Shipaulovi.
[36]Shipaulovi.
[37]Shuñopovi.
[37]Shuñopovi.
[38]In 1896 I collected over a hundred beautiful specimens from this cemetery.
[38]In 1896 I collected over a hundred beautiful specimens from this cemetery.
[39]There lived in Walpi, years ago, an old woman, who related to a priest, who repeated the story to the writer, that when a little girl she remembered seeing the Payüpki people pass along the valley under Walpi when they returned to the Rio Grande. Her story is quite probable, for the lives of two aged persons could readily bridge the interval between that event and our own time.
[39]There lived in Walpi, years ago, an old woman, who related to a priest, who repeated the story to the writer, that when a little girl she remembered seeing the Payüpki people pass along the valley under Walpi when they returned to the Rio Grande. Her story is quite probable, for the lives of two aged persons could readily bridge the interval between that event and our own time.
[40]"La Mission de N. Sra. de las Dolores de Zandia de Indios Teguas á Moqui."
[40]"La Mission de N. Sra. de las Dolores de Zandia de Indios Teguas á Moqui."
[41]See J. F. Meline, Two Thousand Miles on Horseback, 1867. Sandia, according to Bancroft, is not mentioned by Menchero in 1744, but Bonilla gave it a population of 400 Indians in 1749. In 1742 two friars visited Tusayan, and, it is said, brought out 441 apostate Tiguas, who were later settled in the old pueblo of Sandia. Considering, then, that Sandia was resettled in 1748, six years after this visit, and that the numbers so closely coincide, we have good evidence that Payüpki, in Tusayan, was abandoned about 1742. It is probable, from known evidence, that this pueblo was built somewhere between 1680 and 1690; so that the whole period of its occupancy was not far from fifty years.
[41]See J. F. Meline, Two Thousand Miles on Horseback, 1867. Sandia, according to Bancroft, is not mentioned by Menchero in 1744, but Bonilla gave it a population of 400 Indians in 1749. In 1742 two friars visited Tusayan, and, it is said, brought out 441 apostate Tiguas, who were later settled in the old pueblo of Sandia. Considering, then, that Sandia was resettled in 1748, six years after this visit, and that the numbers so closely coincide, we have good evidence that Payüpki, in Tusayan, was abandoned about 1742. It is probable, from known evidence, that this pueblo was built somewhere between 1680 and 1690; so that the whole period of its occupancy was not far from fifty years.
[42]Mindeleff mentions two other sites of Old Walpi—a mound nearWala, and one in the plain between Mishoñinovi and Walpi; but neither of these is large, although claimed as former sites of the early clans which later built the town on the terrace of East Mesa below Walpi. I have regarded Küchaptüvela as the ancient Walpi, but have no doubt that the Hopi emigrants had several temporary dwellings before they settled there.
[42]Mindeleff mentions two other sites of Old Walpi—a mound nearWala, and one in the plain between Mishoñinovi and Walpi; but neither of these is large, although claimed as former sites of the early clans which later built the town on the terrace of East Mesa below Walpi. I have regarded Küchaptüvela as the ancient Walpi, but have no doubt that the Hopi emigrants had several temporary dwellings before they settled there.
[43]Sometimes called Nüsaki, a corruption of "Missa ki," Mass House, Mission. One of the beams of the old mission at Nüsaki or Kisakobi is in the roof of Pauwatiwa's house in the highest range of rooms of Walpi. This beam is nicely squared, and bears marks indicative of carving. There are also large planks in one of the kivas which were also probably from the church building, although no one has stated that they are. Pauwatiwa, however, declares that a legend has been handed down in his family that the above-mentioned rafter came from the mission.
[43]Sometimes called Nüsaki, a corruption of "Missa ki," Mass House, Mission. One of the beams of the old mission at Nüsaki or Kisakobi is in the roof of Pauwatiwa's house in the highest range of rooms of Walpi. This beam is nicely squared, and bears marks indicative of carving. There are also large planks in one of the kivas which were also probably from the church building, although no one has stated that they are. Pauwatiwa, however, declares that a legend has been handed down in his family that the above-mentioned rafter came from the mission.
[44]Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural History, January 2, 1895, p. 441.
[44]Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural History, January 2, 1895, p. 441.
[45]Thus in Castañeda's account we are told: "Farther off [near Cia?] was another large village where we found in the courtyards a great number of stone balls of the size of a leather bag, containing one arroba. They seem to have been cast with the aid of machines, and to have been employed in the destruction of the village." It is needless for me to say that I find no knowledge of such a machine in Tusayan!
[45]Thus in Castañeda's account we are told: "Farther off [near Cia?] was another large village where we found in the courtyards a great number of stone balls of the size of a leather bag, containing one arroba. They seem to have been cast with the aid of machines, and to have been employed in the destruction of the village." It is needless for me to say that I find no knowledge of such a machine in Tusayan!
[46]The ceremonials attending to burial of the eagle, whose plumes are used in secret rites, have never been described, and nothing is known of the rites about the Eagle shrine at Tukinobi.
[46]The ceremonials attending to burial of the eagle, whose plumes are used in secret rites, have never been described, and nothing is known of the rites about the Eagle shrine at Tukinobi.
[47]Recent Archeologic Find in Arizona,American Anthropologist, Washington, July, 1893.
[47]Recent Archeologic Find in Arizona,American Anthropologist, Washington, July, 1893.
[48]For a previous description see the Preliminary Account, Smithsonian Report for 1895; also "Awatobi: An Archeological Verification of a Tusayan Legend,"American Anthropologist, Washington, October, 1893.
[48]For a previous description see the Preliminary Account, Smithsonian Report for 1895; also "Awatobi: An Archeological Verification of a Tusayan Legend,"American Anthropologist, Washington, October, 1893.
[49]This important ceremony celebrates the departure from the pueblos of ancestral gods calledkatcinas, and is one of the most popular in the ritual.
[49]This important ceremony celebrates the departure from the pueblos of ancestral gods calledkatcinas, and is one of the most popular in the ritual.
[50]Pacheco-Cardenas, Colleccion de Documentos Inéditos,xv, 122, 182.
[50]Pacheco-Cardenas, Colleccion de Documentos Inéditos,xv, 122, 182.
[51]Voyages,iii, pp. 463, 470, 1600; reprint 1810.
[51]Voyages,iii, pp. 463, 470, 1600; reprint 1810.
[52]Pacheco-Cardenas, Documentos Inéditos, op. cit.,xvi, 139.
[52]Pacheco-Cardenas, Documentos Inéditos, op. cit.,xvi, 139.
[53]Menologio Franciscano, 275; Teatro Mexicano,iii, 321.
[53]Menologio Franciscano, 275; Teatro Mexicano,iii, 321.
[54]San Bernardino de Ahuatobi (Vetancurt, 1680); San Bernardo de Aguatuvi (Vargas, 1692). I find that the mission at Walpi was also mentioned by Vargas as dedicated to San Bernardino. The church at Oraibi was San Francisco de Oraybe and San Miguel. The mission at Shuñopovi was called San Bartolomé, San Bernardo, and San Bernabe.
[54]San Bernardino de Ahuatobi (Vetancurt, 1680); San Bernardo de Aguatuvi (Vargas, 1692). I find that the mission at Walpi was also mentioned by Vargas as dedicated to San Bernardino. The church at Oraibi was San Francisco de Oraybe and San Miguel. The mission at Shuñopovi was called San Bartolomé, San Bernardo, and San Bernabe.
[55]This article was in type too early for a review of Dellenbaugh's identification of Cibola with a more southeasterly locality. His arguments bear some plausibility, but they are by no means decisive.
[55]This article was in type too early for a review of Dellenbaugh's identification of Cibola with a more southeasterly locality. His arguments bear some plausibility, but they are by no means decisive.
[56]An exact translation by Winship of the copy of Castañeda in the Lenox Library was published in the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau.
[56]An exact translation by Winship of the copy of Castañeda in the Lenox Library was published in the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau.
[57]"At evening the chiefs asked that notices be written for them warning all white people to keep away from the mesa tomorrow, and these were set up by the night patrols in cleft wands on all the principal trails. At daybreak on the following morning the principal trails leading from the four cardinal points were 'closed' by sprinkling meal across them and laying on each a whitened elk horn. Anawita told the observer that in former times if any reckless person had the temerity to venture within this proscribed limit the Kwakwantû inevitably put him to death by decapitation and dismemberment." ("Naacnaiya,"Journal of American Folk-lore, vol. v, p. 201.) This appears to be the same way in which the Awatobians "closed" the trail to Tobar.
[57]"At evening the chiefs asked that notices be written for them warning all white people to keep away from the mesa tomorrow, and these were set up by the night patrols in cleft wands on all the principal trails. At daybreak on the following morning the principal trails leading from the four cardinal points were 'closed' by sprinkling meal across them and laying on each a whitened elk horn. Anawita told the observer that in former times if any reckless person had the temerity to venture within this proscribed limit the Kwakwantû inevitably put him to death by decapitation and dismemberment." ("Naacnaiya,"Journal of American Folk-lore, vol. v, p. 201.) This appears to be the same way in which the Awatobians "closed" the trail to Tobar.
[58]When the Flute people approach Walpi, as is biennially dramatized at the present time, "an assemblage of people there (at the entrance to the village) meet them, and just back of a line of meal drawn across the trail stood Winuta and Hoñyi," also two girls and a boy. After these Flute people are challenged and sing their songs the trail is opened, viz: "Alosaka drew the end of hismoñkohualong the line of meal, and Winuta rubbed off the remainder from the trail with his foot." "Walpi Flute Observance,"Journal of American Folk-lore, vol.vii, p. 19.
[58]When the Flute people approach Walpi, as is biennially dramatized at the present time, "an assemblage of people there (at the entrance to the village) meet them, and just back of a line of meal drawn across the trail stood Winuta and Hoñyi," also two girls and a boy. After these Flute people are challenged and sing their songs the trail is opened, viz: "Alosaka drew the end of hismoñkohualong the line of meal, and Winuta rubbed off the remainder from the trail with his foot." "Walpi Flute Observance,"Journal of American Folk-lore, vol.vii, p. 19.
[59]This custom of sprinkling the trail with sacred meal is one of the most common in the Tusayan ritual. The gods approach and leave the pueblos along such lines, and no doubt the Awatobians regarded the horses of Espejo as supernatural beings and threw meal on the trail before them with the same thought in mind that they now sprinkle the trails with meal in all the great ceremonials in which personators of the gods approach the villages.
[59]This custom of sprinkling the trail with sacred meal is one of the most common in the Tusayan ritual. The gods approach and leave the pueblos along such lines, and no doubt the Awatobians regarded the horses of Espejo as supernatural beings and threw meal on the trail before them with the same thought in mind that they now sprinkle the trails with meal in all the great ceremonials in which personators of the gods approach the villages.
[60]According to the reprint of 1891. In the reprint of 1810 it appears as "Ahuato." I would suggest that possibly the error in giving the name of a pueblo to a chief may have arisen not from the copyist or printer, but from inability of the Spaniards and Hopi to understand each other. If you ask a Hopi Indian his name, nine times out of ten he will not tell you, and an interlocutor for a party of natives will almost invariably name the pueblos from which his comrades came.
[60]According to the reprint of 1891. In the reprint of 1810 it appears as "Ahuato." I would suggest that possibly the error in giving the name of a pueblo to a chief may have arisen not from the copyist or printer, but from inability of the Spaniards and Hopi to understand each other. If you ask a Hopi Indian his name, nine times out of ten he will not tell you, and an interlocutor for a party of natives will almost invariably name the pueblos from which his comrades came.
[61]This was possibly the expedition which P. Fr. Antonio (Alonzo?) made among the Hopi in 1628; however that may be, there is good evidence that Porras, after many difficulties, baptized several chiefs in 1629.
[61]This was possibly the expedition which P. Fr. Antonio (Alonzo?) made among the Hopi in 1628; however that may be, there is good evidence that Porras, after many difficulties, baptized several chiefs in 1629.
[62]Segunda Relacion de la grandiosa conversion que ha avido en el Nuevo Mexico. Embiada por el Padre Estevā de Perea, etc, 1633.
[62]Segunda Relacion de la grandiosa conversion que ha avido en el Nuevo Mexico. Embiada por el Padre Estevā de Perea, etc, 1633.
[63]An earlier rumor was that the horses were anthropophagous.
[63]An earlier rumor was that the horses were anthropophagous.
[64]As Vargas appears not to have entered Oraibi at this time he may have found it too hostile. Whether Frasquillo had yet arrived with his Tanos people and their booty is doubtful. The story of the migration to Tusayan of the Tanos under Frasquillo, the assassin of Fray Simón de Jesus, and the establishment there of a "kingdom" over which he ruled as king for thirty years, is a most interesting episode in Tusayan history. Many Tanos people arrived in several bands among the Hopi about 1700, but which of them were led by Frasquillo is not known to me.
[64]As Vargas appears not to have entered Oraibi at this time he may have found it too hostile. Whether Frasquillo had yet arrived with his Tanos people and their booty is doubtful. The story of the migration to Tusayan of the Tanos under Frasquillo, the assassin of Fray Simón de Jesus, and the establishment there of a "kingdom" over which he ruled as king for thirty years, is a most interesting episode in Tusayan history. Many Tanos people arrived in several bands among the Hopi about 1700, but which of them were led by Frasquillo is not known to me.
[65]"El templo acabo en llamas." At this time Awatobi was said to have 800 inhabitants.
[65]"El templo acabo en llamas." At this time Awatobi was said to have 800 inhabitants.
[66]At the present time one of the most bitter complaints which the Hopi have against the Spaniards is that they forcibly baptized the children of their people during the detested occupancy by the conquerors.
[66]At the present time one of the most bitter complaints which the Hopi have against the Spaniards is that they forcibly baptized the children of their people during the detested occupancy by the conquerors.
[67]NaacnaiyaandWüwütcimtiare the elaborate and abbreviated New-fire ceremonies now observed by four religious warrior societies, known as theTataukyamû,Wüwütcimtû,AaltûandKwakwantû. Both of these ceremonials, as now observed at Walpi, have elsewhere been described.
[67]NaacnaiyaandWüwütcimtiare the elaborate and abbreviated New-fire ceremonies now observed by four religious warrior societies, known as theTataukyamû,Wüwütcimtû,AaltûandKwakwantû. Both of these ceremonials, as now observed at Walpi, have elsewhere been described.
[68]Obiit 1892. Shimo was chief of the Flute Society and "Governor" of Walpi.
[68]Obiit 1892. Shimo was chief of the Flute Society and "Governor" of Walpi.
[69]Oldest woman of the Snake clan; mother of Kopeli, the Snake chief of Walpi; chief priestess of the Mamzráuti ceremony.
[69]Oldest woman of the Snake clan; mother of Kopeli, the Snake chief of Walpi; chief priestess of the Mamzráuti ceremony.
[70]Vetancurt, Chronica, says that Aguatobi (Awatobi) had 800 inhabitants and was converted by Padre Francisco de Porras. In 1630 Benavides speaks of the Mokis as being rapidly converted. It would appear, if we rely on Vetancurt's figures, that Awatobi was not one of the largest villages of Tusayan in early times, for he ascribes 1,200 to Walpi and 14,000 to Oraibi. The estimate of the population of Awatobi was doubtless nearer the truth than that of the other pueblos, and I greatly doubt if Oraibi ever had 14,000 people. Probably 1,400 would be more nearly correct.
[70]Vetancurt, Chronica, says that Aguatobi (Awatobi) had 800 inhabitants and was converted by Padre Francisco de Porras. In 1630 Benavides speaks of the Mokis as being rapidly converted. It would appear, if we rely on Vetancurt's figures, that Awatobi was not one of the largest villages of Tusayan in early times, for he ascribes 1,200 to Walpi and 14,000 to Oraibi. The estimate of the population of Awatobi was doubtless nearer the truth than that of the other pueblos, and I greatly doubt if Oraibi ever had 14,000 people. Probably 1,400 would be more nearly correct.
[71]Architecture of Cibola and Tusayan, p. 225.
[71]Architecture of Cibola and Tusayan, p. 225.
[72]There are two fragments, one of which is large enough to show the size of the bell, which was made either in Mexico or in Spain. The smaller fragment was used for many years as a paint-grinder by a Walpi Indian priest.
[72]There are two fragments, one of which is large enough to show the size of the bell, which was made either in Mexico or in Spain. The smaller fragment was used for many years as a paint-grinder by a Walpi Indian priest.
[73]See his Final Report, p. 372.
[73]See his Final Report, p. 372.
[74]The only Awatobi name I know is that of a chief, Tapolo, which is not borne by any Hopi of my acquaintance (see page 603).
[74]The only Awatobi name I know is that of a chief, Tapolo, which is not borne by any Hopi of my acquaintance (see page 603).
[75]This explains the fact that the ruins in Tusayan, as a rule, have no signs of kivas, and the same appears to be true of the ruins of the pueblos on the Little Colorado and the Verde, in Tonto Basin, and other more southerly regions.
[75]This explains the fact that the ruins in Tusayan, as a rule, have no signs of kivas, and the same appears to be true of the ruins of the pueblos on the Little Colorado and the Verde, in Tonto Basin, and other more southerly regions.
[76]See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol.ii.
[76]See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol.ii.
[77]"Las casas son de tres altos"—Segunda Relacion, p. 580.
[77]"Las casas son de tres altos"—Segunda Relacion, p. 580.
[78]So far as our limited knowledge of the older ruins of Tusayan goes, we find that their inhabitants must have been as far removed from rude Shohonean nomads as their descendants are today. The settlement at the early site of Walpi is reported to have been made in very early times, some legends stating that it occurred at a period when the people were limited to one family—the Snake. The fragments of pottery which I have found in the mounds of that ancient habitation are as fine and as characteristic of Tusayan as that of Sikyatki or Awatobi. It is inferior to none in the whole pueblo area, and betrays long sedentary life of its makers before it was manufactured.
[78]So far as our limited knowledge of the older ruins of Tusayan goes, we find that their inhabitants must have been as far removed from rude Shohonean nomads as their descendants are today. The settlement at the early site of Walpi is reported to have been made in very early times, some legends stating that it occurred at a period when the people were limited to one family—the Snake. The fragments of pottery which I have found in the mounds of that ancient habitation are as fine and as characteristic of Tusayan as that of Sikyatki or Awatobi. It is inferior to none in the whole pueblo area, and betrays long sedentary life of its makers before it was manufactured.
[79]Journal of American Folk-lore, vol. v, No. xviii, 1892.
[79]Journal of American Folk-lore, vol. v, No. xviii, 1892.
[80]There is a rude sketch of these two idols ofAlosakain the archives of the Hemenway Expedition. They represent figurines about 4 feet tall, with two horns on the head not unlike those of the Tewan clowns or gluttons called Paiakyamû. As so little is known of the Mishoñinovi ritual, the rites in which they are used are at present inexplicable.
[80]There is a rude sketch of these two idols ofAlosakain the archives of the Hemenway Expedition. They represent figurines about 4 feet tall, with two horns on the head not unlike those of the Tewan clowns or gluttons called Paiakyamû. As so little is known of the Mishoñinovi ritual, the rites in which they are used are at present inexplicable.
[81]See the ear-ornament of the mask shown in platecviii, of the Fifteenth Annual Report.
[81]See the ear-ornament of the mask shown in platecviii, of the Fifteenth Annual Report.
[82]Similar "spouts" were found by Mindeleff at Awatobi, and a like use of them is suggested in his valuable memoir.
[82]Similar "spouts" were found by Mindeleff at Awatobi, and a like use of them is suggested in his valuable memoir.
[83]The Keresan people are called by the same name, Kawaika, which, as hitherto explained, is specially applied to the modern pueblo of Laguna.
[83]The Keresan people are called by the same name, Kawaika, which, as hitherto explained, is specially applied to the modern pueblo of Laguna.
[84]The Asa people who came to Tusayan from the Rio Grande claim to have lived for a few generations in Tubka or Tségi (Chelly) canyon.
[84]The Asa people who came to Tusayan from the Rio Grande claim to have lived for a few generations in Tubka or Tségi (Chelly) canyon.
[85]The pottery of ancient Cibola is practically identical with that of the ruined pueblos of the Colorado Chiquito, near Winslow, Arizona.
[85]The pottery of ancient Cibola is practically identical with that of the ruined pueblos of the Colorado Chiquito, near Winslow, Arizona.
[86]The specimens labeled "New Mexico" and "Arizona" are too vaguely classified to be of any service in this consideration. It is suggested that collectors carefully label their specimens with the exact locality in which they are found, giving care to their association and, when mortuary, to their position in the graves in relation to the skeletons.
[86]The specimens labeled "New Mexico" and "Arizona" are too vaguely classified to be of any service in this consideration. It is suggested that collectors carefully label their specimens with the exact locality in which they are found, giving care to their association and, when mortuary, to their position in the graves in relation to the skeletons.
[87]I am informed by Mr F. W. Hodge that similar fragments were found by the Hemenway Expedition in 1888 in the prehistoric ruins of the Salado.
[87]I am informed by Mr F. W. Hodge that similar fragments were found by the Hemenway Expedition in 1888 in the prehistoric ruins of the Salado.
[88]The head is round, with lateral appendages. The face is divided into two quadrants above, with chin blackened, and marked with zigzag lines, which are lacking in modern pictures. In the left hand the figure holds a rattle. The body is wanting, but the breast is decorated with rectangles.
[88]The head is round, with lateral appendages. The face is divided into two quadrants above, with chin blackened, and marked with zigzag lines, which are lacking in modern pictures. In the left hand the figure holds a rattle. The body is wanting, but the breast is decorated with rectangles.
[89]A single metate of lava or malpais was excavated at Awatobi. This object must have had a long journey before it reached the village, since none of the material from which it was made is found within many miles of the ruin.
[89]A single metate of lava or malpais was excavated at Awatobi. This object must have had a long journey before it reached the village, since none of the material from which it was made is found within many miles of the ruin.
[90]There are many fine pictographs, some of which are evidently ancient, on the cliffs of the Awatobi mesa. These are in no respect characteristic, and among them I have seen theawata(bow),honani(badger's paw),tcüa(snake), andomowûh(rain-cloud). On the side of the precipitous wall of the mesa south of the western mounds there is a row of small hemispherical depressions or pits, with a groove or line on one side. There is likewise, not far from this point, a realistic figure of a vulva, not very unlike theashasymbols on Thunder mountain, near Zuñi.
[90]There are many fine pictographs, some of which are evidently ancient, on the cliffs of the Awatobi mesa. These are in no respect characteristic, and among them I have seen theawata(bow),honani(badger's paw),tcüa(snake), andomowûh(rain-cloud). On the side of the precipitous wall of the mesa south of the western mounds there is a row of small hemispherical depressions or pits, with a groove or line on one side. There is likewise, not far from this point, a realistic figure of a vulva, not very unlike theashasymbols on Thunder mountain, near Zuñi.
[91]Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol.ii, No. 1, p. 77.
[91]Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol.ii, No. 1, p. 77.
[92]In the expedition of 1896 there were found a large number of shell ornaments, which will be described in a forthcoming report of the operations during that year. See the preliminary account in the article "Pacific Coast Shells in Tusayan Ruins,"American Anthropologist, December, 1896.
[92]In the expedition of 1896 there were found a large number of shell ornaments, which will be described in a forthcoming report of the operations during that year. See the preliminary account in the article "Pacific Coast Shells in Tusayan Ruins,"American Anthropologist, December, 1896.
[93]One of these bells was found in a grave at Chaves Pass during the field work of 1896.
[93]One of these bells was found in a grave at Chaves Pass during the field work of 1896.
[94]Bells made of clay are not rare in modern Tusayan villages, and while their form is different from that of the Awatobi specimen, and the size larger, there seems no reason to doubt the antiquity of the specimen from the ruin of Antelope mesa.
[94]Bells made of clay are not rare in modern Tusayan villages, and while their form is different from that of the Awatobi specimen, and the size larger, there seems no reason to doubt the antiquity of the specimen from the ruin of Antelope mesa.
[95]Many of the specimens in the well-known Keam collection, now in the Tusayan room of the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, are undoubtedly from Sikyatki, and still more are from Awatobi. Since the beginning of my excavations at Sikyatki it has come to be a custom for the Hopi potters to dispose of, as Sikyatki ware, to unsuspecting white visitors, some of their modern objects of pottery. These fraudulent pieces are often very cleverly made.
[95]Many of the specimens in the well-known Keam collection, now in the Tusayan room of the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, are undoubtedly from Sikyatki, and still more are from Awatobi. Since the beginning of my excavations at Sikyatki it has come to be a custom for the Hopi potters to dispose of, as Sikyatki ware, to unsuspecting white visitors, some of their modern objects of pottery. These fraudulent pieces are often very cleverly made.
[96]Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola, op. cit., pp. 20, 21.
[96]Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola, op. cit., pp. 20, 21.
[97]These rooms I failed to find. One of the rocky knolls may be that called by me the "acropolis." The second knoll I cannot identify, unless it is the elevation in continuation of the same side toward the east. Possibly he confounded the ruin of Küküchomo with that of Sikyatki.
[97]These rooms I failed to find. One of the rocky knolls may be that called by me the "acropolis." The second knoll I cannot identify, unless it is the elevation in continuation of the same side toward the east. Possibly he confounded the ruin of Küküchomo with that of Sikyatki.
[98]The legends of the origin of Oraibi are imperfectly known, but it has been stated that the pueblo was founded by people from Old Shuñopovi. It seems much more likely, however, that our knowledge is too incomplete to accept this conclusion without more extended observations. The composition of the present inhabitants indicates amalgamation from several quarters, and neighboring ruins should be studied with this thought in mind.
[98]The legends of the origin of Oraibi are imperfectly known, but it has been stated that the pueblo was founded by people from Old Shuñopovi. It seems much more likely, however, that our knowledge is too incomplete to accept this conclusion without more extended observations. The composition of the present inhabitants indicates amalgamation from several quarters, and neighboring ruins should be studied with this thought in mind.
[99]It is distinctly stated that the Tanoan families whose descendants now inhabit Hano were not in Tusayan when Awatobi fell. To be sure they may have been sojourning in some valley east of the province, which, however, is not likely, since they were "invited" to East Mesa for the specific purpose of aiding the Hopi against northern nomads. Much probability attaches to a suggestion that they belonged to the emigrants mentioned by contemporary historians as leaving the Rio Grande on account of the unsettled condition of the country after the great rebellion of 1680.
[99]It is distinctly stated that the Tanoan families whose descendants now inhabit Hano were not in Tusayan when Awatobi fell. To be sure they may have been sojourning in some valley east of the province, which, however, is not likely, since they were "invited" to East Mesa for the specific purpose of aiding the Hopi against northern nomads. Much probability attaches to a suggestion that they belonged to the emigrants mentioned by contemporary historians as leaving the Rio Grande on account of the unsettled condition of the country after the great rebellion of 1680.
[100]The succession of priests is through the clan of the mother, so that commonly, as in the case of Katci, the nephew takes the place of the uncle at his death. Some instances, however, have come to my knowledge where, the clan having become extinct, a son has been elevated to the position made vacant by the death of a priest. The Kokop people at Walpi are vigorous, numbering 21 members if we include the Coyote and Wolf clans, the last mentioned of which may be descendants of the former inhabitants of Küküchomo, the twin ruins on the mesa above Sikyatki.
[100]The succession of priests is through the clan of the mother, so that commonly, as in the case of Katci, the nephew takes the place of the uncle at his death. Some instances, however, have come to my knowledge where, the clan having become extinct, a son has been elevated to the position made vacant by the death of a priest. The Kokop people at Walpi are vigorous, numbering 21 members if we include the Coyote and Wolf clans, the last mentioned of which may be descendants of the former inhabitants of Küküchomo, the twin ruins on the mesa above Sikyatki.
[101]In this census I have used also the apparently conservative statement of Vetancurt that there were 800 people in Awatobi at the end of the seventeenth century.
[101]In this census I have used also the apparently conservative statement of Vetancurt that there were 800 people in Awatobi at the end of the seventeenth century.
[102]Kanel= Spanishcarnero, sheep;ba= water, spring.
[102]Kanel= Spanishcarnero, sheep;ba= water, spring.
[103]Wipo spring, a few miles northward from the eastern end of the mesa, would be an excellent site for a Government school. It is sufficiently convenient to the pueblos, has an abundant supply of potable water at all seasons, and cultivable fields in the neighborhood.
[103]Wipo spring, a few miles northward from the eastern end of the mesa, would be an excellent site for a Government school. It is sufficiently convenient to the pueblos, has an abundant supply of potable water at all seasons, and cultivable fields in the neighborhood.
[104]The boy who brought our drinking water from Kanelba could not be prevailed upon to visit it on the day of the snake hunt to the east in 1895, on the ground that no one not a member of the society should be seen there or take water from it at that time. This is probably a phase of the taboo of all work in the world-quarter in which the snake hunts occur, when the Snake priests are engaged in capturing these reptilian "elder brothers."
[104]The boy who brought our drinking water from Kanelba could not be prevailed upon to visit it on the day of the snake hunt to the east in 1895, on the ground that no one not a member of the society should be seen there or take water from it at that time. This is probably a phase of the taboo of all work in the world-quarter in which the snake hunts occur, when the Snake priests are engaged in capturing these reptilian "elder brothers."
[105]Tcino lives at Sichomovi, and in the Snake dance at Walpi formerly took the part of the old man who calls out the words, "Awahaia," etc. at the kisi, before the reptiles are carried about the plaza. These words are Keresan, and Tcino performed this part on account of his kinship. He owns the grove of peach trees because they are on land of his ancestors, a fact confirmatory of the belief that the people of Sikyatki came from the Rio Grande.
[105]Tcino lives at Sichomovi, and in the Snake dance at Walpi formerly took the part of the old man who calls out the words, "Awahaia," etc. at the kisi, before the reptiles are carried about the plaza. These words are Keresan, and Tcino performed this part on account of his kinship. He owns the grove of peach trees because they are on land of his ancestors, a fact confirmatory of the belief that the people of Sikyatki came from the Rio Grande.
[106]Nasyuñweve, who died a few years ago, formerly made the prayer-stick to Masauwûh, the Fire or Death god. This he did as one of the senior members of the Kokop or Firewood people, otherwise known as the Fire people, because they made fire with the fire-drill. On his death his place in the kiva was taken by Katci. Nasyuñweve was Intiwa's chief assistant in the Walpikatcinas, and wore the mask of Eototo in the ceremonials of theNiman. All this is significant, and coincides with the theory thatkatcinasare incorporated in the Tusayan ritual, that Eototo is their form of Masauwûh, and that he is a god of fire, growth, and death, like his dreaded equivalent.
[106]Nasyuñweve, who died a few years ago, formerly made the prayer-stick to Masauwûh, the Fire or Death god. This he did as one of the senior members of the Kokop or Firewood people, otherwise known as the Fire people, because they made fire with the fire-drill. On his death his place in the kiva was taken by Katci. Nasyuñweve was Intiwa's chief assistant in the Walpikatcinas, and wore the mask of Eototo in the ceremonials of theNiman. All this is significant, and coincides with the theory thatkatcinasare incorporated in the Tusayan ritual, that Eototo is their form of Masauwûh, and that he is a god of fire, growth, and death, like his dreaded equivalent.
[107]The Hano people call the HopiKocoorKoso; the Santa Clara (also Tewa) people call themKhoso, according to Hodge.
[107]The Hano people call the HopiKocoorKoso; the Santa Clara (also Tewa) people call themKhoso, according to Hodge.
[108]The replastering of kivas at Walpi takes place during thePowamu, an elaboratekatcinacelebration. I have noticed that in this renovation of the kivas one corner, as a rule, is left unplastered, but have elicited no satisfactory explanation of this apparent oversight, which, no doubt, has significance. Someone, perhaps overimaginative, suggested to me that the unplastered corner was the same as the break in encircling lines on ancient pottery.
[108]The replastering of kivas at Walpi takes place during thePowamu, an elaboratekatcinacelebration. I have noticed that in this renovation of the kivas one corner, as a rule, is left unplastered, but have elicited no satisfactory explanation of this apparent oversight, which, no doubt, has significance. Someone, perhaps overimaginative, suggested to me that the unplastered corner was the same as the break in encircling lines on ancient pottery.
[109]I was aided in making this plan by the late J. G. Owens, my former assistant in the field work of the Hemenway Expedition. It was prepared with a few simple instruments, and is not claimed to be accurate in all particulars.
[109]I was aided in making this plan by the late J. G. Owens, my former assistant in the field work of the Hemenway Expedition. It was prepared with a few simple instruments, and is not claimed to be accurate in all particulars.
[110]The existence of these peach trees near Sikyatki suggests, of course, an abandonment of the neighboring pueblo in historic times, but I hardly think it outweighs other stronger proofs of antiquity.
[110]The existence of these peach trees near Sikyatki suggests, of course, an abandonment of the neighboring pueblo in historic times, but I hardly think it outweighs other stronger proofs of antiquity.
[111]The position of the cemeteries in ancient Tusayan ruins is by no means uniform. They are rarely situated far from the houses, and are sometimes just outside the walls. While the dead were seldom carried far from the village, a sandy locality was generally chosen and a grave excavated a few feet deep. Usually a few stones were placed on the surface of the ground over the burial place, evidently to protect the remains from prowling beasts.
[111]The position of the cemeteries in ancient Tusayan ruins is by no means uniform. They are rarely situated far from the houses, and are sometimes just outside the walls. While the dead were seldom carried far from the village, a sandy locality was generally chosen and a grave excavated a few feet deep. Usually a few stones were placed on the surface of the ground over the burial place, evidently to protect the remains from prowling beasts.
[112]The excavations at Homolobi in 1896 revealed two beautiful cups with braided handles and one where the clay strands are twisted.
[112]The excavations at Homolobi in 1896 revealed two beautiful cups with braided handles and one where the clay strands are twisted.
[113]The modern potters commonly adorn the ends of ladle handles with heads of different mythologic beings in their pantheon. The knob-head priest-clowns are favorite personages to represent, although even the Corn-maid and differentkatcinasare also sometimes chosen for this purpose. The heads of various animals are likewise frequently found, some in artistic positions, others less so.
[113]The modern potters commonly adorn the ends of ladle handles with heads of different mythologic beings in their pantheon. The knob-head priest-clowns are favorite personages to represent, although even the Corn-maid and differentkatcinasare also sometimes chosen for this purpose. The heads of various animals are likewise frequently found, some in artistic positions, others less so.
[114]The clay ladles with perforated handles with which the modern Hopi sometimes drink are believed to be of late origin in Tusayan.
[114]The clay ladles with perforated handles with which the modern Hopi sometimes drink are believed to be of late origin in Tusayan.
[115]The oldest medicine bowls now in use ordinarily have handles and a terraced rim, but there are one or two important exceptions. In this connection it may be mentioned that, unlike the Zuñi, the Hopi never use a clay bowl with a basket-like handle for sacred meal, but always carry the meal in basket trays. This the priests claim is a very old practice, and so far as my observations go is confirmed by archeological evidence. The bowl with a basket-form handle is not found either in ancient or modern Tusayan.
[115]The oldest medicine bowls now in use ordinarily have handles and a terraced rim, but there are one or two important exceptions. In this connection it may be mentioned that, unlike the Zuñi, the Hopi never use a clay bowl with a basket-like handle for sacred meal, but always carry the meal in basket trays. This the priests claim is a very old practice, and so far as my observations go is confirmed by archeological evidence. The bowl with a basket-form handle is not found either in ancient or modern Tusayan.
[116]Symbolism rather than realism was the controlling element of archaic decoration. Thus, while objects of beauty, like flowers and leaves, were rarely depicted, and human forms are most absurd caricatures, most careful attention was given to minute details of symbolism, or idealized animals unknown to the naturalist.
[116]Symbolism rather than realism was the controlling element of archaic decoration. Thus, while objects of beauty, like flowers and leaves, were rarely depicted, and human forms are most absurd caricatures, most careful attention was given to minute details of symbolism, or idealized animals unknown to the naturalist.
[117]Certainly no more appropriate design could be chosen for the decoration of the inside of a food vessel than the head of the Corn-maid, and from our ideas of taste none less so than that of a lizard or bird. The freshness and absence of wear of many of the specimens of Sikyatki mortuary pottery raises the question whether they were ever in domestic use. Many evidently were thus employed, as the evidences of wear plainly indicate, but possibly some of the vessels were made for mortuary purposes, either at the time of the decease of a relative or at an earlier period.
[117]Certainly no more appropriate design could be chosen for the decoration of the inside of a food vessel than the head of the Corn-maid, and from our ideas of taste none less so than that of a lizard or bird. The freshness and absence of wear of many of the specimens of Sikyatki mortuary pottery raises the question whether they were ever in domestic use. Many evidently were thus employed, as the evidences of wear plainly indicate, but possibly some of the vessels were made for mortuary purposes, either at the time of the decease of a relative or at an earlier period.
[118]The figure shown inplatecxxix,a, was probably intended to represent the Corn-maid, or an Earth goddess of the Sikyatki pantheon. Although it differs widely in drawing from figures of Calako-mana on modern bowls, it bears a startling resemblance to the figure of the Germ goddess which appears on certain Tusayan altars.
[118]The figure shown inplatecxxix,a, was probably intended to represent the Corn-maid, or an Earth goddess of the Sikyatki pantheon. Although it differs widely in drawing from figures of Calako-mana on modern bowls, it bears a startling resemblance to the figure of the Germ goddess which appears on certain Tusayan altars.
[119]Hopi legends recount how certain clans, especially those of Tanoan origin, lived in Tségi canyon and intermarried with the Navaho so extensively that it is said they temporarily forgot their own language. From this source may have sprung the numerous so-called Navahokatcinas, and the reciprocal influence on the Navaho cults was even greater.
[119]Hopi legends recount how certain clans, especially those of Tanoan origin, lived in Tségi canyon and intermarried with the Navaho so extensively that it is said they temporarily forgot their own language. From this source may have sprung the numerous so-called Navahokatcinas, and the reciprocal influence on the Navaho cults was even greater.