With this fruitful field of dispute before them it is not surprising that angry feelings were engendered, especially among the Chilians, who have narrow territory, and were unwilling to give up a square mile without a struggle. In August Chile despatched an ultimatum demanding arbitration, and Roca induced his Cabinet to assent to the demand.
BOUNDARY LINE IN THE ANDES.
BOUNDARY LINE IN THE ANDES.
The smaller question—the Atacama territory—was referred to the United States. Mr. Buchanan was appointed arbiter, and he was assisted by one Chilian and one Argentine Commissioner. Mr. Buchanan drew a boundary line which he considered to be just, and by an ingenious device contrived that both the agreement and the disagreement of the Commissioners should preserve its integrity.[58]The dispute was thus happily settled, and not long afterwards Roca met the Chilian President at Punta Arenas, and an agreement to restrict armaments was made.
But the Patagonian boundary was a matter of much greater difficulty. It was referred to Great Britain, and in December, 1899, the Commission in London issued a most exhaustive report. It was necessary to proceed very slowly in such a perplexing matter, and public feeling was greatly excited, both countries appearing to be eager for war. Such a catastrophe seemed to be probable, for Señor Alcorta, the Argentine War Minister, was extremely bellicose, but on January 31, 1902, Sir Thomas Holdich was sent with a small Commission to endeavour to determine the boundary line, and it was intimated toboth Governments that if hostile preparations continued King Edward VII. would be compelled to withdraw from his position as arbiter. The tension was somewhat relieved by the sudden death of Señor Alcorta, and Roca acted a statesmanlike part in working for peace, and it was largely through his exertions that in June, 1902, a Treaty was signed to restrict armaments. When Sir Thomas Holdich's Commission gave its decision a few months later, the award was loyally accepted.
This settlement of a great question is one of the most signal triumphs for the principle of arbitration, for on this occasion neither party was willing to make concessions and the disposition of both was rather to war than to peace. The benefit of the settlement was incalculable, for it preserved the two most flourishing States in South America from a war which would have gone far towards ruining both.[59]This example has been of the utmost value to South America, and arbitration is undoubtedly beginning to replace the appeal to arms.
With this triumph of peace this modern history of Argentina may fitly be closed. President Roca, who had deserved so well of his country, was succeeded in 1904 by Dr. Manuel Quintana, who still holds that post, and his term of office has been one of great material prosperity for the Republic.
Argentina is nominally a Federal Republic and her Constitution closely resembles that of the United States. But, in fact, the federal element is much fainter in the southern Republic, for, as has been shown, the struggles between the two great parties eventually led to the attainment by the central Government at Buenos Aires of that preponderance which was inevitable in view of the vast superiority of the capital to the Provinces in population, civilisation, and geographical position. But the Spanish distaste for centralised administration shows itself in the reluctance to admit the facts, and of this the town of La Plata is an almost comic instance. When, in 1882, it was decided to make this place, which is distant about thirty-five miles from Buenos Aires, the capital of the Province, the authorities spared no effort in planning and building a magnificent city which should be an effectual counterpoise to the federal capital and a standing protest against Unitarian theory. But to build a town is one thing and to people it another; the vast political and commercial interests of Buenos Aires completely overshadowed the upstart city, and it remains a mere lifeless husk, unvitalised by the comparatively insignificant Provincial business. In the United States interference by the Federal Government in State rights is extremelyrare and would be liable to cause real civil war; in the Argentina it is common and only brings about a "revolution"—a political phenomenon which has been very mild in type in Argentina during the last decade or two, and indeed public opinion generally seems to applaud the President when he brings an unruly Governor to book.
PASEO AL BOSQUE, LA PLATA (PROVINCIAL CAPITAL).
PASEO AL BOSQUE, LA PLATA (PROVINCIAL CAPITAL).
The President is the outstanding feature of the Constitution. Important as the head of the State is in the North American Republic, in Argentina the President might almost say "L'État c'est moi," for the well-being of Argentina has practically been conditioned by the character of the Presidents. The wickedness of a Rosas or the folly of a Celman formerly made her a byword among nations, while the sagacity and patriotism of a Rivadavia or a Roca have turned imminent disaster into prosperity. The President and Vice-President are elected by Presidential electors who are chosen in each Province by the direct vote of the people, and who, as in the United States, are chosen for that purpose alone. The office of President is held for six years, and the holder of it is Commander-in-Chief and has all the State patronage, including the ecclesiastical. In him, of course, the executive power is embodied. He is assisted by eight Secretaries of State—the Interior, Foreign Affairs, Finance, War, Justice, Agriculture, Marine, and Public Works—but they are appointed by him and may be dismissed at pleasure, so it will be easily understood that his power is enormous.
The Legislature is of the familiar type. The upper house is the Senate with thirty members, two for each of the fourteen Provinces and two for the city of Buenos Aires, and their term of office is for nine years, but one third of them is renewed every three years. The provincial senators are elected by the Legislatures of theProvinces, the two for Buenos Aires by a special body of electors. The House of Deputies, which is the lower branch of the National Congress, consists of 120 members, elected by the people, and there is supposed to be one deputy for every 33,000 inhabitants. Each member of Congress receives the somewhat extravagant allowance of 12,000 dollars, or about £1,060. The Vice-President is Chairman of the Senate—and here it will be noticed how very closely the Argentines follow the northern practice—and it has also sometimes happened that the apparent sinecure of the Vice-Presidency has been the step to the great office. The President now in power, Dr. José Figueroa Alcorta,[60]was Vice-President till March, 1906, when he succeeded on the death of President Quintana. Like our House of Commons, the House of Deputies is the money chamber, and it has the right of impeaching guilty officials before the Senate.
The various Provinces have their own Constitution and in theory have complete local self-government, even to the right of framing their own fiscal policy, but, as hinted above, they have not in practice very great power. There are also a number of Gobernaciones, thinly populated and governed in more or less absolute fashion. For convenience of reference, the list of Provinces and Gobernaciones, with their areas and estimated population, may be given.
Provinces.Area in Square Miles.Populations.Buenos Aires City721,125,693" " Province117,7771,550,372Santa Fé50,916751,298Entre Rios28,784383,816Corrientes32,580315,234La Rioja34,54685,388Catamarca47,531109,434San Juan33,715110,035Mendoza56,502201,467Cordoba62,160540,866San Luis28,535106,315Santiago del Estero39,764193,211Tucuman8,926295,213Salta62,184143,629Jujuy18,99759,317Territories.Misiones11,28241,814Formosa41,40214,186El Chaco52,74127,414Pampa56,32070,388Rio Negro75,92428,166Nequen42,34529,793Chubut93,42717,561Santa Cruz109,1424,927Tierra del Fuego8,2991,703Los Andes21,9892,768
The Supreme Federal Court with its five judges administers justice and is also the Court of Appeal. Trial by jury appears in the Constitution but it is never practised. The administration of justice has long been acknowledged to be in an unsatisfactory state and attempts to improve it have not borne much fruit. Cases are known in which Englishmen have been kept twelve months in prison awaiting trial, and if this is the case with foreigners it may be supposed that natives have much cause for complaint. In his last Message to Congress (May, 1909) the President, while paying a tribute to "the patriotic diligence of our magistrates," remarked that the ordinary Courts of Justice of the capital still leave something to be desired as regards rapidity of action, and he attributes the delay to the fact that the population has outgrown the system, which, he said, "is too cramped to cope with the demands on it,and I think there is urgent and imperious need for reform if we desire to avert a permanent cause for complaint and discredit." Undoubtedly the foreign man of business, whose capital and enterprise is essential to the development of Argentina, will be more deterred by defects in the administration of justice than any other circumstance, for if there is the probability of pecuniary loss in civil cases and discomfort and persecution for his subordinates in the criminal Courts, the advantages of the country as a field for capital must be seriously discounted. It is, however, in far-away, scantily populated districts where the hard cases occur, but it is generally acknowledged that there is considerable room for improvement in the administration of justice.
The position in the world of a great State depends upon the courage and endurance of its people, and these qualities are typified by the efficiency which they demand in the army and navy. Argentina is advancing on the road to greatness, and therefore her military position is a matter of increasing importance. It may be hoped that conditions are now no longer favourable to the unprofitable wars which in the past have been perpetually waged between South American States, for foreign capital has a steadying influence and the sense of kinship between Latin Americans is becoming stronger. However, it must be remembered that the fraternal spirit of the Greeks did not preserve them from internecine wars, and Argentina, flanked by each of the other two powerful South American Republics, cannot afford to neglect her armaments. It may be that the warsnullos habitura triumphosare at an end; it is almost certain that they will be less frequent; but there is now the question of foreign interference, and every Republic, however small and weak, jealously guards its own independence and wishes to be safe from the possibility ofdictation from either the United States or Japan. None of the Republics as yet are World States, but South America is a World Power, though not a political entity, and as time goes on it is safe to predict that Pan-Americanism will become a powerful force. Accordingly, Argentina, Chile, and Brazil, at least, are busily strengthening their defences.
Military service is compulsory upon all citizens, and, it may be added, every person born in Argentina, whatever his parentage, is liable. At the age of twenty the young recruit has to serve for two years[61]and in some cases he prolongs his term for three years more. Thus the Republic is certain of having a tolerably large amount of disciplined material upon which to draw for an army. The peace strength of the army consists of sixteen thousand or seventeen thousand officers[62]and men, and is made up as follows: There are eighteen batteries of artillery and two mountain batteries, two battalions of chasseurs of the Andes, nine regiments of cavalry, two regiments of gendarmes, five batteries of field artillery, three mountain batteries, and five companies of engineers. For ten years after the first enlistment the Argentine soldier belongs to the active army, and is liable to frequent drill and must attend the annual rifle meeting of his district. Then, for ten years, he passes into the National Guard, and subsequently serves for another five years in the Territorial Guard. In these two forces the drilling is, of course, much less frequent. In war ten divisions of twelve thousand men would be available, but there might be a difficulty in obtainingthem in full strength and satisfactory condition. Sir Thomas Holdich speaks of sixty thousand infantry, twenty-five thousand cavalry, and twenty thousand artillery. There is, however, little doubt that Argentina possesses a good army, sufficient for the defence of even her very vulnerable frontier. Upon the Argentine army, at least as regards the cavalry[63]and artillery, favourable judgments have been passed. The cavalry is, to a large extent, ready-made. In England two years of incessant training is required to make an efficient cavalry trooper, but the Gaucho is a horseman from his childhood; he and all his ancestors have passed all their life with horses, and horsemanship is part of his nature. Consequently, although Argentine soldiers, as a rule, have very little service to their credit, they learn their trade in an astonishingly short time. The troops are also well mounted—not on the common Criollo horse, which is grass-fed, and, except under Pampa conditions, not over-hardy. The artillery are armed with 75-millimetre Krupp guns; the infantry have Mauser rifles; the arms and stores are in a high state of efficiency. The infantry some years ago was condemned as untidy and undisciplined, and its officers as ignorant of their duties, but Sir Thomas Holdich considers that there is no ground for sweeping condemnation. It is, however, undoubtedly much inferior to the cavalry, and pains are being taken to improve it. Possibly the training of officers is too short, and there is reason to believe that military service is not popular among Argentines of the highest class. An excellentinstitution has been started in a technical school for warrant officers (we should call them non-commissioned), which has five hundred pupils, and has already provided 278 corporals to various regiments. At the same time the pay and condition of the sergeants have been improved. As the backbone of the army is the non-commissioned man, these steps will doubtless be most effective. Sir T. Holdich[64]remarks: "The fighting army of South America, generally will, however, never be infantry in the future, unless it be mounted infantry. In Argentina especially, where a horse can readily be found for every man, and where every man knows how to ride, and where there is a large population (diminishing, unfortunately, day by day) which habitually exists on the very scantiest of a meat supply which needs no special transport, caring nothing for those extras which make so large a demand on English commissariat, efficient mounted infantry is almost ready-made. The mobilisation of such a force would be as effective as that of the Boers, and its discipline far superior."
The Argentines are proud of their army, and with reason, for its history is more illustrious than that of any other Latin American people. They twice conquered the English under some of our best (and one of our worst) generals. The exploits of San Martin in Chile are among the most glorious in the history of the continent. The Argentine army also had a large share in the reduction of Paraguay, then the strongest military power in South America, and there seems to be every probability that it will maintain its reputation. It may, however, be reasonably doubted whether it is equal in military efficiency to the army of Chile, and it rests with wealthy and influential Argentines to make the choice of Hercules, and, preferring the nationalgood to luxury and pleasure, encourage by their active example the military traditions of the race.
The naval efficiency of Argentina is a matter of equal moment. Her Atlantic sea-board extends for 1,000 miles and her southern ports are increasing in size and number. In South America sea-power is of vital importance; on the Pacific coast the ocean is the only highway, and on the eastern coast also journeys from north to south must be almost invariably made by sea. If Peru had possessed one or two more efficient warships, she might have defeated Chile, and the Paraguayan war was decided by the fact that the allies commanded the rivers. Indeed, the whole history of South America affords the clearest proof of the capital importance of sea-power. It is, therefore, necessary that Argentina should have a navy; but in forming it there are serious obstacles to be encountered. Her sons are not sea-faring men; they have ever found the vast plains of the interior too tempting, and have avoided the coasts. There are no fishing villages and no natural nurseries of sailors. It seems strange that the Government, which is only too ready to attempt to create industries, suitable or unsuitable, has not attempted to bring into being a maritime population which would serve for defence as well as opulence. There is, in fact, little interest in any such matters on the part of the population, and the President is now lamenting the disinclination to a sea-faring life, and of recent years steps have been taken to obtain more satisfactory results; but the total mercantile marine, as yet, amounts to barely 100,000 tons. There is, however, a College for training officers, and also engineers and stokers for the mercantile marine, and there is a Pilot School, and various measures show that the authorities are alive to the importance of the question. In his last Message to Congress the President said: "One of the principal reasons for granting privileges to ships flying the Argentine flag is the employment of native crews, so that the nation's sons may find a new path of life, and the navy a fresh source from which to draw sailors in case of an emergency." The Argentine sailor is a land-conscript, laboriously taught an unfamiliar art, which he learns wonderfully well. It is quite possible to create an efficient navy out of landsmen, but the lack of natural seamen will always be a great handicap, which, doubtless, the Government will do its best to remove. It will thus be gathered that Argentina, in spite of her geographical position, is not by nature a sea Power, and indeed she appears to devote attention to the navy only under external pressure. It was apprehension of war with Chile during the boundary dispute that induced the Government to buy theBuenos Airesin 1896, theGarribaldiin 1897, and in 1898 theSan Martin, thePuerryedon, and theBelgrano. Again, the present naval programme is due to the activity of the Brazilian naval preparations. The following table gives the strength of the fleet:—
Date.Battleships.Displacement in Tons.Speed in Knots.1879Almirante Brown4,267141889Independencia Libertad2,33614Armoured Cruisers.1894Garribaldi6,84020"San Martin6,840201896Puerryedon7,00020"Belgrano7,00020Protected Cruisers.188925 de Maio3,200221891de Juilio3,50022·51894Buenos Aires4,50024
CRUISER,SAN MARTIN.
CRUISER,SAN MARTIN.
In 1908 the naval officers numbered 493 and the petty officers and seamen nearly 6,000. There has been constructed at Belgrano, about 27 miles from Bahia Blanca, a naval port which will admit of the docking of vessels of 12,000 tons. In 1908 the cost of the army and fleet was £1,849,300. But in the future Argentina, like most other countries, will have to bear a heavier burden, for a scheme is being carried out which, it is hoped, will be completed in five years and will cost about seven million sterling. The new vessels will consist of three battleships of 15,000 tons each, nine destroyers, and twenty-one torpedo boats, as well as several vessels for harbour defence. In the course of a few years, therefore, Argentina will have a fairly powerful fleet. That there is any risk of a conflict between Brazil and Argentina no one believes. In both countries the same opinion is invariably expressed that as one country is building warships, it is necessary for the other to follow suit, and that though there is some jealousy there is little animosity and no material whatever for quarrel or any probability of war. It may be added that Argentina, at any rate, is well able to bear the extra burden, that it is for many reasons desirable that the principal South American States should possess some naval strength, and that an adequate fleet will add to the weight and dignity of Argentina in the councils of South America. For example, the decision of Argentina in the recent Peruvian-Bolivian arbitration case might have been repudiated by Bolivia and the insult to the Argentine Legation at La Paz might have been condoned, had Argentina been weak; and thus it was proved once more that it is strength and not weakness that preserves peace. In this case, of course, the fleet does not enter into the question, as Bolivia, like Bohemia, has no sea-coast, but the people ofArgentina deserve every credit for the efforts and sacrifices which they are making to secure an efficient army and navy, and, in all probability, the money will be handsomely repaid merely in the matter of preservation from costly wars.
In foreign affairs the present policy of the Republic is creditable as, on the whole, the past has been.
The Government has shown itself honourably desirous of resorting to arbitration for the settlement of its disputes and of encouraging the other Republics to do the same. In all external relations a dignified and conciliatory attitude is maintained and every effort is made to encourage foreigners to visit the country and settle, and the statesmen of the Republic are zealous to maintain the Republic in a reputation worthy of her great prospects in the eyes of other nations. It is in domestic politics that the outlook is unsatisfactory, and here it must be acknowledged that although Argentina, owing to her wealth and the energetic character of her inhabitants, does not appear to the world in the same deplorable light as several South American Republics almost habitually exhibit themselves, she is nevertheless an extremely ill-governed country. The subject of South American politics is a commonplace with all writers; the hot-blooded Creole, who for centuries had been subject to a paternal government, was altogether unfitted for Parliamentary institutions.
It has been seen that Argentina, on the whole, shows a considerably better state of affairs in the nineteenth century than most of its neighbours, and had she not fallen under the malign influence of Rosas, the Plate District might have been the one bright spot in Latin America. But all the faults of inexperience, ignorance, and passion marred the political history, and the complaint ever is that the government is carried on in theinterests of the official few at the expense of the hard-working many.
The politics are almost entirely personal, and the parties have little discipline; the leaders are full of vague ideas of progress and the megalomania common in the politicians of a new country, and this lack of experience and capability appears very clearly in the finance. Congress is not really competent to consider the budget, and it is usually hurried through in a most unceremonious manner, and the vast increase of expenditure alarms the thoughtful men of the Republic. A recent work[65]on the general financial conditions says: "The increase of national expenditure is a constant, we might almost say fatal, fact, which reproduces itself year by year in the Argentine administration."
It is true that a young country ought not to be criticised on the same principles as ancient, long-established States. It is necessary for the former rapidly to develop its resources and lay foundations upon which future generations may build, and such a process entails great public expense. But there is a conviction that economy and good administration are urgently needed, and that the future is being unduly mortgaged. Resentment at the growth of public burdens is very keen, and political strikes are becoming common. The temptation to squander public funds is almost irresistible, and as elsewhere, economy is unpopular and has utterly inadequate safeguards.
There is reason to fear that little actual improvement is likely in the near future, for the whole system is on an unsound basis—the view that political power is not an honourable privilege but a perquisite. The general national attitude towards this subject is worse in many countries than in Argentina, but an eminentFrench economist[66]points out the capital vice of South American politics: "Leurs hommes les plus énergiques, au lieu de chercher la richesse dans l'exploitation des agents naturels, l'ont cherché dans l'exploitation du pouvoir. Ils n'ont pas pour force motrice la concurrence économique, mais la concurrence politique. Ils considérent que le moyen le plus prompt et le plus facile de s'enricher est d'être les maîtres du gouvernment."
There is some analogy between the position of Argentina and the United States. In both countries business careers have offered such attractions that the best and strongest men have devoted themselves to the amassing of wealth, and politics have fallen into inferior hands. This is better than the case in many States where those who desire wealth look first of all to a political career, but the United States has of late realised that politics is a pursuit which demands high intelligence and character, and thus the national welfare has been appreciably advanced. In Argentina the race for wealth has been too absorbing to allow devotion of the best energies to politics, but as time goes on professions will become more sharply distinguished and a leisured and, it may be hoped, public-spirited class will grow up, and Argentina may gain a reputation not only for stability but also for good administration.
The Condition of the People question, as Carlyle says, is the most pressing of all. But it is a question almost impossible to answer, and few inquiries are more futile than the attempt to ascertain the comparative well-being of different countries. Two inquirers with equal knowledge of a country will collect statistics and compile elaborate volumes, and one will come to the conclusion that the people are extremely well off and the other that they are in extreme destitution. They will then apply themselves to another country with the same contradictory results. Carlyle complains: "Hitherto, after many tables and statements, one is still left mainly to what he can ascertain by his own eyes, looking at the concrete phenomenon for himself. There is no other method; and yet it is a most imperfect method. Each man expands his own hand-breadth of observation to the limits of the general whole; more or less, each man must take what he himself has seen and ascertained for a sample of all that is seeable and ascertainable. Hence discrepancies, controversies, widespread, long-continued; which there is at present no means or hope of satisfactorily ending." Wages, price of food, rents, and the other weapons of the statistician are of very little use in attacking the problem. The Hindu peasantmay be too poor to buy meat, but if he is non-carnivorous, the deprivation is no hardship, and he may enjoy much greater material well-being than many who eat meat daily. But knowledge of the elementary facts about the life of a people seems to have little effect in elucidating the question, for, as just remarked, people with long experience come to diametrically opposite conclusions. Those who have lived all their lives in England or Ireland disagreetoto cæloin their opinions as to the well-being of the working classes. Many observers, of course, believing that facts are silent until they are interpreted by theory, use their facts for the sole purpose of making their theory speak, but, as a matter of fact, entirely disinterested persons differ quite as profoundly. One is tempted to believe that in the Condition of the People question there is nothing either good or bad, but thinking makes it so. Probably no one could get an idea of the condition of the poor approaching in any degree to accuracy without living long among them in exactly their way, and even then his conclusions would be warped in every way by reference to his own standards and by the fact that the circumstances, which to him were temporal, were to his associates everlasting. Further, his imperfect knowledge would apply only to one people and so would be useless for the purposes of comparison.
It is not likely, therefore, that a visitor will be able to impart much information upon the subject, but the opinions of the experienced and the testimony of statistics form a rough guide, and these may be given.
In Buenos Aires, of course, wages are higher than elsewhere and the cost of living is also high. The following table shows the rate of wages in some important trades in that city:—
Blacksmiths—£s.d.Leading handper diem089Bellowsman"0710Labourersper monthabout6100Chairmakers—Carversper diem0106Polishers"070Seatmakers"070Labourersper monthabout6176Founders—Head bellowsmanper diem0108Foreman"089Turner"080Smith"089Labourer"053Founder"070Furniture Makers—Leading polisher"089Second polisher"070Cabinetmaker"089Carve"089Chairmaker"089Masons—Decorating foreman"0140Foreman"089Mason's mate"070Labourer"043Mechanical Carpenters—Leading handper monthabout17100Carpenterper diem070Assistant carpenter"053Furnishing carpenter"089Plasterers"0106Printers—Compositorsper monthabout1200Litho engravers" "1900Saddlers—Foreman" "1300Leading handper diem089Labourerper monthabout700Tailors—Cutters" "2500Tailors" "12100Turnersper diem089Upholsterers—Leading hand"089Second hand"070Labourerper monthabout700
The above figures, then, give a rough idea of the rewards of the labour market in Argentina. In Rosario also, where there are great railway works which compete with other occupations and so raise the standard of wages, the figures are probably high. But in smaller centres wages are lower and probably the figures before us are somewhat optimistic, for they are compiled with a view to encouraging immigration. It must also be remembered that their advantage is discounted by the cost of living, which is very high everywhere and especially so in Buenos Aires and Rosario. All imported goods are, of course, extremely dear, and in many cases this fact does not affect the labourer, seeing that most of his simple luxuries can be procured in the country, but in the matter of clothes he gets very poor value for his money. Tobacco also is extremely dear. That foreign goods should be expensive is not strange, for not only is it the policy of the Government (hitherto not very successful) to stimulate home manufactures, but also the customs are absolutely necessary for revenue purposes. However, it is surprising that all other articles follow suit. Meat, for example, although Argentina supplies most of the markets of the world in increasing quantities, is nearly as dear as in England, and, in fact, a very tiny sheet of paper would have ample room for a list of the articles that are cheaper in Argentina than in the Old World. The people have not learned to regard the day of small things; they will not take trouble in little matters; in dairy-farming, gardening, cookery, all the little arts that make for comfort, they are extremely negligent; it is too much trouble to put on the market the hundred and one little comforts that are cheap and ever present in England or France. This is, of course, the case with all new countries, but particularly with those of South America.
THE PERMANENT WAY, BUENOS AIRES CENTRAL RAILWAY.
THE PERMANENT WAY, BUENOS AIRES CENTRAL RAILWAY.
The poorer classes certainly suffer by it, both in being deprived of numerous conveniences and also in the absence of these industries which, in France for example, give a livelihood to more poor people than are contained in the whole of Argentina. House rent also is extraordinarily high. In Buenos Aires this is always attributed to the vast improvements which were made in the Celman times, and which have certainly transformed Buenos Aires from a very dingy into a very fine city. Complaint is made that the better streets and better buildings have sent up the price of rents, that the ramshackle old tenements which were swept away afforded cheap and central lodgings which the poor now lack, and that in all ways splendour, cleanliness, and health have cost money. But in Rosario, where there is ample room for expansion, the same complaints are made, and at Mendoza, which is almost a garden city, site values are doubling in value every few years. The secret probably is imperfect industrial organisation. Labour is scarce and not very efficient, municipal dues weigh upon all classes, every circumstance contributes towards making building a dear operation. It may be added that any man, still more any woman, who would consent to wait at table, would be assured of a comfortable livelihood. Servants are abnormally scarce and dear; a domestic with six months' character is rare treasure, the subject of eager competition, and mistresses (according to their own account) are quite at their mercy.
It cannot be said that Argentina is a poor man's paradise, in the sense that his interests and general well-being are carefully regarded. Indeed the newspapers are full of complaints of the "oligarchies of office" and the scuffle for power among lucky cliques, who appropriate all the good things and leave the uninitiated multitudes to take care of themselves. An inquiry as to why Mendoza had no tramways elicited the reply, "Oh, the people in power here have carriages. As long as they can get about comfortably themselves, they do not care about the others." The authorities squeeze the poor as much as they can, but the latter yield most reluctantly to the process. A standing subject of wrangle is licences, which are like Sydney Smith's taxes; everything is licensed; the most petty trader or porter has to pay handsomely for the right to live, and this licence question is a perpetual source of friction. Besides the cost to the poor, it is excellent matter for the ingenuities of police persecution. Licence regulations are bulky and complicated, and licence-holders are, of course, liable to the attention of the law of street-traffic and the like; consequently the police have powerful weapons to holdin terroremover the refractory, for it is easy to awaken a sleeping statute and effect an arrest under it. As might have been expected, there is considerable discontent among the working classes, and strikes are frequent. Trades Unions exist, but it does not appear that they are very well organised, and the South American mind is so permeated with politics that industrial strikes tend to become wholly political. About a year ago the whole of Rosario went on strike against the municipal dues, and the movement was by no means unsuccessful. A few months later there were repeated attempts at a universal strike in Buenos Aires, and a considerable amount of bloodshed resulted from the sharp repressivemeasures which were taken against it. If the poor complain, they have considerable justification.
But it would convey a very false impression to suggest that the condition of the people was miserable, or even that it was unsatisfactory, as far as an observer can judge. The worker is no doubt harassed by petty officials and exactions, but in the Latin countries, whence he came, he probably suffered as much or more; he was therefore acclimatised before he arrived; and he has now, what he seldom had before—a bellyful of food and some pocket-money, and, if he is enterprising, the chance of rising to competence or wealth. If we make allowance for different standards of comfort, it would be correct to say that any man who is willing to work hard with his hands can live in Argentina in as great comfort as the worker in any country in the world, and infinitely better than in most lands. It is a testimony to the prosperity of Argentine labour, that swarms of reapers come from Spain for every harvest, and return with £30 apiece in their pockets. The evils, from a material point of view, are upon the surface, while it is a fact that the working man in Argentina has, besides a fair livelihood, that hope which is at the same time the main factor in individual happiness and the best security for the economic efficiency of the country.
PLATELAYERS, BUENOS AIRES CENTRAL RAILWAY.
PLATELAYERS, BUENOS AIRES CENTRAL RAILWAY.
This subject leads us to one which is the crux of the situation in Argentina—that of immigration. The natural growth of the population[67]is not very considerable; it may be that, apart from immigration, it would remain stationary. Thus the matter is one of greatimport, and all rulers since Rosas have done everything in their power to encourage the influx from foreign countries. Several different views have been taken about the subject. We have the pessimistic view of Mr. Theodore Child,[68]who, while praising the "urban development" of Buenos Aires and Montevideo, says that: "In the rural districts, however—even in the provincial capitals of the old colonial days, but more especially in the new colonies, where the scum of Spain and Italy has been deposited in ever-increasing numbers during the past twenty years—one sees aspects of humanity that fill one with sadness rather than with satisfaction, or even hope." This extremely superficial work has formed the material for a few contemptuous sentences by M. Gustave Le Bon,[69]in which he dismisses South America as an instance of "the terrible decadence of the Latin race." On such slight foundations do philosophers erect their edifices. Again, there is a natural but perhaps somewhat Chauvinistic view which regards Argentina as a "puissance nouvelle qui suffirait à elle seule à réhabiliter la race latine à laquelle elle appartient et à la relever de cette espèce de dechéance et d'inertie dont elle semble frappée, dans ce dernier quart de siècle, devant la brutale expansion du monde saxon et germanique."[70]
It may be added that these two views well illustrate the power of the human mind, to which reference was made in a previous page, of drawing diametrically opposite conclusions from the same premises. Thirdly, there is the view of the statesman, which is doubtless shared by all Argentines and their well-wishers, and which has been expressed by the veteran statesman M. CharlesPellegrini:[71]"The unity of language strongly encourages this fusion and explains the fact, elsewhere illustrated by the United States, that the descendants of immigrants of races differing in speech, religion, manners, and customs have the power of effecting a complete fusion into a mass of people perfectly homogeneous, with the same mental characteristics and sentiment, and thus making a new nationality, both young, vigorous, and strongly characterised."
The first view may be ignored. To speak of the "scum of Spain and Italy" in connection with immigrants whom the mother-countries would give anything to retain—sturdy peasants who are the life-blood of Argentina—is absurd, and indeed the danger of the country is not that it may become the common sewer of Madrid and of Rome, but rather the tendency of the people to crowd into those examples of "urban development" which the writers regard with so much complacency. As regards the second view, it is natural that Frenchmen should look with satisfaction upon the stately cities and wide plains in which the ageing Latin race is renewing her mighty youth; but people do not emigrate to illustrate theories. The Latin races are no doubt glad to find other Latin races to welcome them across the Atlantic, and also a congenial climate, but they go abroad in search of bread. It is undoubtedly a good thing that the Latin races should flourish in the New World, although hitherto they have been sterile from an intellectual point of view; but the forces that impel them are economic, not racial. The loss to Europe is undoubtedly great, but the third view is naturally that of Argentina, which is every year receiving an abundant stream of white colonists to develop the industries which cry aloud for labour.The figures are indeed remarkable. In 1857 there were 4,000 immigrants, in 1908 there were 255,710. The following table shows the rate of progress:—