CHAPTER II.

Corps Diplomatique in Washington.—What a Fashionable Lady thinks of an Ambassador.—The Secretary of the Treasury.—Popularity-hunting of American Statesmen.—Its influence on National Politics.—Mr.Woodbury’s Hospitality to Literary Men.—Henry Clay.—Thomas H. Benton.—Salis Wright.—James Buchanan.—Extraordinary Dinner-bell.—Office-hunters in Washington.—State of Finance of the City.—Anecdote of General Jackson and the Office-seeker.—General Character of Washington Society compared with that of other American Cities.

O momentary grace of mortal man,Which we more hunt for than the grace of God!Who builds his hope in air of your fair looks,Lives like a drunken sailor on a mast;Ready, with every nod, to tumble downInto the fatal bowels of the deep.

King Richard III.Act iii. Scene 5.

The next day I looked over my letters of introduction, which, being principally addressed to members of the cabinet and thecorps diplomatique, I determined to deliver in person. The influence of the diplomatic agents in Washington on the moral and social habits of the people, is much greater than their effect on the politics of theState; the executive power of the President and Council being not only limited by the Senate, but also indirectly by the House of Representatives, and the manifestation of public opinion at the annual elections. A minister in Washington is, with regard to his diplomatic agency, pretty much confined to official acts, such as may at any time be made public: his influence with a particular member of the cabinet, or with the President himself,—his success with a particular coterie,—his intrigues against any person that may have rendered himself obnoxious to his government, are of little or no avail at the Congress, with which, as yet, no foreign diplomatist has attempted a political relation. But, in point of fashion, their power is unlimited; their decisions being quoted as oracles, and their manners made the standard of society. In Washington, no party is considered fashionable unless graced by some distinguished senator, and a few members of thecorps diplomatique. Between the latter and the senators exists yet this relation, that every senator has a right to introduce a gentleman to a foreign minister, either personally, or by leaving his card together with that of his friend; a privilege which is denied to the more vulgar members of the House of Representatives.

As far as I was able to ascertain the influence of foreign residents in Washington, it was confined, with the representative of the greatest power in Christendom, to setting the example of genuine hospitality in the shape of the most prosperous dinner parties given in the metropolis,—hisattachésI believe, wentfox-hunting in the outskirts of the city; with the representative of the land of chivalry and tigers, to setting the example of taste in the shape of regularsoirées musicales; in the clever and witty envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of a northern power, to introducing the fashion of dancingon the heels,[20]—which, by the by, was a pretty little manœuvre on the part of the old gentleman, who had long ago lost the use of histoesby the gout; in the representative of a literary court, to the privilege of spouting literature and science to asoberaudience, &c. The ministers of the Italian courts, who had the longest string of titles printed on their cards, had no distinct influence, except in setting the fashion of eating and drinking gracefully—at another man’s table.

To understand the humour and good cheer which reign among thecorps diplomatiquein Washington, it is sufficient to know that it consists almostwholly of bachelors, who, according to theétiquetteof the place, enjoy the privilege of invitingladiesto their parties.[21]This is certainly an enviable distinction; and, if anything can reconcile a man to living in single blessedness, it is, I am sure, an ambassadorship in the American metropolis. Yet, great as the advantages of such a situation are to the ministers of England, Russia, and even France, they prove a source of incessant vexation to the envoys of minor powers. I was told of several of the ministers who lived in houses of such frail construction as to make the ladies afraid of walking into them, much less to attempt a dance; they said that “they regretted extremely that it was not in their power to give parties, it being useless to send out invitations when the ladies vowed they would not come.”

In what light ambassadors are heldby the ladieswill appear from the following anecdote:—At a dinner party to which most of the representatives of the greater powers and some of the smaller ones were invited, one of them, a jolly old bachelor of the English school, attempted a song, which so much gratified the ladies, that it was proposed every gentleman present should, in turn, follow the example. Russia and some other great powersimmediately obeyed the summons; but when the turn came to the representative of a new court, he indignantly exclaimed, “Mon roi ne m’a pas envoyé ici pour chanter.”—“Well,” answered a lady, “ifyouwill not sing, we shall ask your gallant king to send us somebody else whowill.”

Being made acquainted with theétiquetteof Washington, I ordered a carriage, and inquired the directions of the persons on whom I wished to call.

“Bless your soul, sir!” cried the landlord, “that is not at all necessary in this city; all you have to do is to tell the name of the person you wish to call on to the ‘driver,’ and he will carry you there with the greatest possible speed.”

“That may be with regard to the President’s house and the residences of foreign ministers; but I have also letters to some of the senators, and even representatives of Congress.”

“That don’t signify,” rejoined the landlord. “These black fellows not only know the residences of every senator and distinguished member of Congress, but also those of the higher public officers, clerks, editors of newspapers, &c. Once under the care of a black ‘driver,’ it is quite needless for you to know the direction of a single gentleman in this city.”

With this piece of information I “embarked,” as the Americans say, “on board of a Washington hack,”—the usual means of conveyance for gentlemen; and in a short time found myselftête-à-têtewith the editor of one of the first papers. I found him a plain unassuming gentleman, though he enjoyed the reputation of being a man of extraordinary talents. He regretted that he could not be of more service to me during my short stay in the city; but, notwithstanding, promised to introduce me personally to some of the most distinguished senators of his party. “I have nothing to do with the rest,” added he; “but I dare say you have letters to some of them, and one will cheerfully introduce you to all the others.” He then unceremoniously excused himself with pressing business, invited me to dine with himsans cérémonieon the Sunday following, in company with a select number ofhis party, and almost bowed me out of the room.

“A singular character!” said I to myself, as I again stepped into my carriage and ordered the coachman to proceed toMr.Woodbury, the secretary of the Treasury. “I have, after all, done wrong to omit theDe.”

I was so fortunate as to findMr.Woodbury at home, and was at once ushered into the parlour.I found him surrounded by his family, equally distinguished for beauty and accomplishments.Mr.Woodbury is a gentleman very nearly, or quite, fifty years of age, of agreeable address and kind manners; though, probably owing to his being born and brought up in New England, a little ceremonious. It has been the fashion in America for the last eight or ten years to decry “the secretary of the Treasury,” and to impeach even his honesty; as if the money withdrawn from the United States’ bank had filled his coffers and those of the President.

Mr.Woodbury is a man of great tact for business, and of the most indefatigable application; but the style of his official documents is often laborious and cumbrous, with an occasional attempt at laconism, which renders the fault still more apparent. But, notwithstanding this imperfection, his annual reports contain a vast deal of information, and the most minute statistical details of the progress of agriculture, manufacture, and commerce, not only of America, but of every other country. To judge fairly and impartially of the ability ofMr.Woodbury as a head of department, it is necessary to consider that every question which has agitated the country ever since the elevation of General Jackson, has turned on thesubject of finance, and that therefore the secretary of the Treasury was placed in the most difficult and conspicuous position of any public man in the United States, the President himself scarcely excepted.

Mr.Woodbury has been represented, not only in America, but also in England, as a cunning politician and popularity-hunter. This reproach, as far as I have been able to judge,—and I believe I have had as good an opportunity of observingMr.Woodbury, and the course of public events, as any one who has felt himself called upon to publish his lucubrations to the world,—is altogether malicious and groundless.Mr.Woodbury owes his elevation to his firmness of character and his sincere attachment to republican institutions. So far from courting public favour, he is but too frequently wanting in those trifling attentions and nice observances which insure popularity. I ought yet to observe thatMr.Woodbury has a taste for letters, which he manifests in the best possible manner, by being kind to those who have more leisure than he to cultivate them.Mr.Willis,—the same that dined at the Duke of Gordon’s,—Dr.L***, and a number of minor stars, are indebted to his kind hospitality; and I myself cantestify to his condescension even to ordinary men.

What I have said on the subject ofMr.Woodbury’s popularity naturally induces me to say a few words on the peculiar character of American politicians. The question proposed by a member of that body is generally this:—“What measure can we carry to defeat our antagonists?” neither party appearing to have any fixed political tenets further than refer to the public revenue, which is a home question with every man and every party. On this account we often see in the United States the Democratic party assume the very principles they once denounced in the Federalists; and, on the other hand, the Federalists profess the doctrines which they most abhorred in the Democrats. The fact is, very few senators, representatives, and men in office have a clear understanding of the vast importance of the principles they maintain; nor do they seem to have a correct notion of republicanism,as contrasted with other forms of government. But then, how many of them possess an adequate knowledge of history—even of their own country? They all have, indeed, a certain republican instinct, or what the Americans call a correctfeeling, of what is compatible with the text of their constitution; but not many of them,I believe, take a philosophical view of their government, such as would enable them to reduce the whole to asystem, and to perceive accurately the bearing of every new question on the principles laid down in the national charter. Nor would such a metaphysical knowledge of the constitution materially benefit a partisan leader, who never asks what is right or wrong in the abstract, but merely “What domy constituentsconsider as right or wrong? What is the opinion of the public on this subject?” When a new question is proposed, he thrusts out hisfeelers, to feel the public pulse; and, having ascertained that, he makes his speeches accordingly, in order that the people may see that he is actively engaged on their side; for on the side that beats hemustbe, or he is “a ruined man.”

This sort of moral cowardice, which more or less pervades all classes of society, and of which the example is set in Congress, is certainly one of the worst features of American politics; and would almost make a man doubt the beneficial influence of republican institutions on the developement of mind and character, if their numerous blessings in other respects did not prove them capable of insuring the happiness of a people.

When I thus speak of American politicians, Ido not mean to draw envious comparisons between them and European statesmen. I belong neither to that class of Europeans that cannot pronounce the name of America without a grudge, nor to that class of fashionable and travelled Americans that cannot find anything in their own country equal to Europe. On the contrary, I maintain that there is quite as much intelligence, application, and certainly of virtue, in the members of the cabinet at Washington, as can be found in the ministerial council of any European prince. And I say this, fully aware of its producing more sneers among the higher classes in America than in Europe.

If the conduct of every European minister were inquired into, like that of a head of department in Washington,—if his private and public transactions were canvassed with the same unrelenting severity as in America,—if he had to account for every one of his acts, not merely to Parliament, or, in course of time, to a limited number of electors, but to the people at large, speaking annually through the ballot-boxes,—then, I am afraid, few would be found capable of sustaining their position for a single year.

An American statesman has the most difficult position of any one in the world, for he has tosolve a great and intricate problem in the presence of a multitude of spectators, who are never to see that he is puzzled, and who never have the patience to wait for the end, but condemn a measure from the first moment its immediate results do not answer their expectations. For this reason few men in America, even if they possess the talent, have thecourageto propose a radical reform of abuses, or to work some signal good, unless the execution of it is sure to bestep by stepapplauded by large majorities. It is this courting of popularity which is the bane of even the best statesmen in the United States; but it is in part forced upon them,—it is theconditio sine quâ nonof their usefulness.

From the secretary of the Treasury I drove to the lodgings ofMr.Henry Clay, the celebrated senator from Kentucky. I found this extraordinary man, who was then already a little past his prime, the very type of what passes in Europe, ever since the clever caricatures of Mrs. Trollope, as “an American character.”Mr.Clay stands upwards of six feet; has a semi-Indian, half-human half-savage countenance, in which, however, the intellectual strongly preponderates over the animal. His manners, at first sight, appear to be extremely vulgar; and yet he is graceful, and even dignified,in his intercourse with strangers. He chews tobacco, drinks whisky punch, gambles, puts his legs on the table or the chimney, and spits, as an American would say, “like a regular Kentucky hog-driver;” and yet he is all gentleness, politeness, and cordiality in the society of ladies. Add to this that his organs of speech are the most melodious; and that, with great imagination and humour, he combines manly eloquence, and the power of sarcasm in the most extraordinary degree; and it will easily be conceived why he should have been able to captivate high and low,—l’homme du salon, and the “squatter” in the Western wilderness.

HENRY CLAY.

Much asMr.Clay is esteemed in America, I do not think the people have as yet done justice to his talents. These, to be sure, are, owing to his advanced age, on the decline; but even theremnantsof a mind like Clay’s are great, and entitle him to be ranked among the greatest living statesmen. He was for a long time the advocate of the system of internal improvements, combated with so much success by General Jackson. He advocated successively the establishment of national roads and canals, the continuance of a United States’ bank, the tariff, and, in short, every measure conducive to centralization. That this system, while it strengthens the government, and introducesorder and uniformity into the administration of the country, diminishes, at the same time, the liberties of the individual States, and, in general, ill agrees with the principles of a pure democracy, such as are laid down in the American constitution, no one, who is not himself interested in the question, can reasonably deny; but it would be equally absurd to suppose every man who is an advocate of a central measure, to be at once an enemy to republican institutions, and a traitor to his country.

Mr.Clay advocated every measure he proposed, not as a mere partisan, but as a statesman who clearly saw its first and ultimate bearings on national politics. His is a mind of vast conceptions, which, if it had not at one time speculated too much in elections,—I allude to the trick he played at the election ofMr.John Quincy Adams,—might have long ago enabled him to fill the station to which his unfortunate ambition a little too early aspired.

FromMr.Clay I called uponMr.Thomas H. Benton, the democratic senator from Missouri. This gentleman is altogether in a false position; for he is, in my opinion, as much over-rated by his friends as he is under-rated by his enemies. I was the bearer of a letter to him by one of hismost intimate friends, and a person of high standing and much influence in the country; and yet the reception I met with was cold and ceremonious,—his manners forced, and almost ludicrously dignified. The truth is,Mr.Benton behaves on most occasions like a man who has not yet found his level in society; being continually on his guard lest he might not be done justice to, and afraid lest his unrestrained familiar manners might derogate from the estimation in which he is held by the public. The first impression that he makes upon a stranger I should judge to be decidedly unfavourable, though he greatly improves upon acquaintance, and, as he drops his dignity, shows his truly estimable points of character. AsMr.Benton’s democracy is probably proof against the seductions of Europe,—a thing I would not assert of one American out of ten,—I would recommend to him a trip to Paris,—not to London,—in order that he might learn to carry himself with a little more ease. It would vastly improve his manners and general appearance, and perhaps make him find favour even withfemalephilosophers.[22]

Mr.Benton is perhaps the most unfortunate speaker in the Senate; not, indeed, as regards the substance of his discourses, most of which are clever and full of information; but with regard to his disjointed, broken, sometimes loud, and again sometimes scarcely audible, delivery. This is undoubtedly the reason why his speeches are so much under-rated, though they contain more solid matter of statistics and history than can be found in the perhaps more eloquent efforts of his colleagues.Mr.Benton is a most uncommonly laborious man, and is constantly collecting facts, not only in America but also in Europe, in support of his political doctrines; though his partiality for France, and his eternal and irksome comparisons between the republic under the consulate of Bonaparte and the confederation of the United States, rather injure than establish his theories with a considerable portion of the American public. Another fault with whichMr.Benton has been reproached consists in his indelicate allusions to his personal prowess. Every one knows thatMr.Benton is as brave as Cæsar; but it is not necessary that he himself should refer to it. An appeal to arms in a deliberative assembly is always vulgar, if not absolutely savage; and ought to be avoided in the most studiousmanner, not only by every man of religion and principle, but also by every gentleman of good taste. There is, as yet, too much bullyism in the legislative assemblies of America; many worthy representatives forgetting that it is easier to fight for, than to establish by argument, the correctness of a political principle. On the whole,Mr.Benton is a clever politician, an industrious collector of statistics, and, with the exception of his delivery, a most skilful debater in Congress. He has, during a certain period, been almost the only and valiant defender of General Jackson’s policy in the Senate; and has, by his perseverance, honesty, and good faith, become universally popular among the labouring classes, whose interests he has during his whole life constantly and successfully advocated.

My next visit was toMr.Salis Wright, senator from the State of New York, the avowed democratic champion of that State, and indeed a man of the most extraordinary talents. He is one of those men whose urbanity and frankness the Americans indicate by saying, “he has not a bit of starch in him.”Mr.Wright is a statesman, not a mere politician; and will, if his talents be properly placed before the public, play an important part in the history of his country. He andMr.Calhoun are almost the only two senators free from the “Congressional” sin of making everlasting speeches. He is always concise, rigorously logical, and, what is very rare in an American politician, singularly free from personal abuse. His mind is of that rigid composition which does not allow him to depart, for one instant, from the point under consideration; and hence, instead of indulging himself in irrelevant rhapsodies, sneers, and side-thrusts at the character of his antagonists, he confines himself strictly to his argument; a method which, if it were imitated by every senator, would enable them to transact the same business in about the one-seventh part of the time now needed, saving annually a sum of not less than a million of dollars.

Mr.Wright’s delivery is rapid, but distinct; proving that every thought is digested and arranged, and flowing from a well-stored mind. In his private life he is not a fashionable, but a plain, unassuming, modest gentleman; who, notwithstanding his own brevity, possesses that most extraordinary talent of powerful minds—of listening patiently to the tedious prosings of others. I saw him, in his own room, listen to an endless recital of an Indian campaign given by an officer in the army, without even once heaving a sigh,though the thermometer ranged at 96°; his room being one of the closest in the whole city of Washington. At last, having listened to the hero for more than an hour, he told him patiently that he found his story exceedingly entertaining; but, having a few words to say to one of his friends waiting in the parlour, he should be obliged to leave him for a few moments, in order to afterwards hear the conclusion of so interesting a narrative. I must yet observe thatMr.Wright is seldom seen at the crack parties in Washington, and is, therefore, not in the way of being much noticed by foreign tourists.

My next call was on my old acquaintance,Mr.Buchanan, senator from Pennsylvania. This is a gentleman of plain common sense, agreeable and dignified manners, and the most resolved unchangeable disposition. As a speaker, he does not attempt to soar on the wings of genius; but his arguments being always founded on experience and practical good sense, and his unimpeachable honesty being proverbial, he is always sure of producing effect.Mr.Buchanan never had the character of an office-seeker, though he has always been one of the most strenuous defenders of General Jackson’s policy; and is even now rarely seen at the White-house or the levees of the cabinetministers. And yet in his externals he is the most courtier-like senator in Congress; his dress and manners being always what a master of ceremonies at any European court could wish them to be in order to usher him into the presence of his royal master. In addition to this,Mr.Buchanan is a bachelor, and not yet past the age at which bachelors cease to be interesting; which accounts sufficiently for his being universally beloved, even by those who are opposed to him in politics. Indeed, I heard it positively asserted, more than four years ago, that he was “too much of a gentleman,” and “had remained too long in the Senate,” to continue much longer an advocate of democracy. This was evidently among theon dits, which, as far as regards the conclusion, had not the least foundation in it.Mr.Buchanan is, at this moment, as sound a democrat as ever; proving the vanity and falsehood of Cowper’s assertion, that

“——the age of virtuous liberty is past,And we are deep in that of cold pretence;Patriots are grown too shrewd to be sincere,And we too wise to trust them.”

On my return to the inn I found a numerous assemblage of gentlemen waiting on the piazza for the ringing of the dinner-bell; which, atGadsby’s owing to the vast extent of the premises, is affixed to a small steeple on the top of the house, in order that it may warn not only the gentlemen who may be engaged in politics in their rooms, but also those who may be lounging anywhere within a quarter of a mile from the place of feeding. During the time the table was setting, the dining-room itself was carefully locked, in order “to prevent impatient people from spoiling the looks of it” before it was quite ready. While thus in expectation of the things that were to come, I asked the bar-keeper how many senators and representatives had taken rooms in the house; as, from the number of gentlemen present, it was quite evident his inn was full.

“Only two, sir,” replied he.

“And what is the reason you have so few?”

“Because our terms are too high; they can get board cheaper at a boarding-house. We entertain generally but transient people,—lobby-members; gentlemen with their families, who come here to spend the season; now and then a letter-writer, though these are usually stopping at Brown’s; and perhaps occasionally a spy.”

“And are all these men better able to pay for their board than senators and representatives of Congress?”

“Whether they be better able to pay, I know not; they seem at least to bemore willingto do so. If they have not got money, they ‘hire’ it. Washington is the‘ruination’ placeof the United States. Many a man comes here in tolerable circumstances, and leaves the place as a beggar, with his money spent, and his business neglected. So much for politics!”

“That’s no very flattering picture of your town.”

“Why, sir,” said one of the gentlemen near me, “how many persons do you think are solvent in this city?”

“I will hope a great many.”

“I do not think,” replied he, “there are six persons in town able to pay their debts, if their estates were to be settled to-morrow. The corporation itself has more debts than it can conveniently manage. There is not a city in the Union as badly off as ours.”

“And then what a continual influx of paupers!” interrupted the bar-keeper; “all coming here to seek office, to see the President, and to avail themselves of their acquaintance with one or the other member, to obtain a place for themselves or one of their relations. Would you believe that people come here from a distance offrom six hundred to a thousand miles, to hunt an appointment of six hundred dollars a year; and that, in order to enable them to get home again, after they have spent their last farthing, the President is often obliged to pay their passage out of his own pocket?”

“I can testify to that,” said one of the gentlemen; “General Jackson has done so more than once. When they first come here, they expect nothing less than an appointment of two thousand dollars a year; but by degrees their expectations become more moderate: they would then be satisfied with a clerkship; by and by with a still more subordinate station; and at last they would be glad if any one would pay their bill, and enable them to get home again. I remember a most remarkable story, which was current here shortly after the election of General Jackson, and which is singularly characteristic of the notions of our people as respects the power of the executive.

“One morning, scarcely a fortnight after the General’s arrival at the White-house, a shabby-genteel looking man presented himself at his parlour, and, after the usual salutation and shaking of hands, expressed his joy at seeing the venerable old gentleman at last hold the situationof chief magistrate of the country, to which his bravery, his talents, and his unimpeachable rectitude fully entitled him. ‘We have had a hard time of it,’ said he, ‘in our little place; but our exertions were unremitting: I myself went round to stimulate my neighbours, and at last the victory was ours. We beat them by a majority of ten votes, and I now behold the result of that glorious triumph!’ The General thanked him in terms of studied politeness, assuring him that he would resign his office in an instant if he did not think his election gave satisfaction to a vast majority of the people; and at last regretted his admirer’s zeal for the public weal should have been so severely taxed on his account. ‘Oh, no matter for that, sir!’ said he; ‘I did it with pleasure,—I did it for myself and for my country’ (the General bowed); ‘and I now come to congratulate you on your success’ (the General bowed again). ‘I thought, sir,’ continued he, ‘that, as you are now President of the United States, I might perhaps be useful to you in some official capacity.’ (The General looked somewhat embarrassed.) ‘Pray, sir, have you already made a choice of your cabinet ministers?’—‘I have,’ was the reply of the General.—‘Well, no matter for that; I shall be satisfiedwith an embassy to Europe,’—‘I am sorry to say there is no vacancy.’—‘Then you will perhaps require a head-clerk in the department of State?’—‘These are generally appointed by the respective secretaries.’—‘I am very sorry for that: then I must be satisfied with some inferior appointment.’—‘I never interfere with these: you must address yourself to the heads of departments.’—‘But could I not be postmaster in Washington? Only think, General, how I worked for you!’—‘I am much obliged to you for the good opinion you entertain of me, and for your kind offices at the last election; but the postmaster for the city of Washington is already appointed.’—‘Well, I don’t particularly care for that; I should be satisfied With being his clerk.’—‘This is a subject you must mention to the postmaster.’—‘Why, then, General,’ exclaimed the disappointed candidate for office, ‘haven’t you got an old black coat?’ You may well imagine that the General gave him one.

“As extravagant as this story appears, I can assure you that there are at any time in Washington hundreds of persons seeking employment of some sort or other; nine-tenths of whom return home disappointed, cursing the ingratitude of those whom they have elevated by their suffrages,and who are now so monstrously ungrateful as to suffer them to gain a livelihood by common labour. All these men finish by joining the opposition, expecting to be treated with more consideration by the next administration.”

Scarcely had he finished, before the bell, or rather the tocsin, sounded for dinner. In an instant the whole company, consisting of more than a hundred persons, were seated at table,—the dinner, including soups and desserts, being served at once,—and in less than ten minutes the greater portion of them began already to disperse. I had seen much fast eating in the United States, especially on board of steam-boats; but nothing to compare to the rapidity with which meals are despatched in Washington. What astonished me most was, that most of the gentlemen, very unlike those of Boston, New York, or Philadelphia, did not leave table in order immediately to attend to business; but merely to walk or stand on the piazza, smoke, read the papers, or talk politics.

Washington, as I observed before, is the only city of idlers in the whole Union; and, for a man that is not a manufacturer or a merchant, quite an agreeable residence. Despite of its ridiculous extent, and the miserable and scattered situation of the dwelling-houses, it is a focus of intellect,and contains more resources for a man of education than any other Transatlantic city. It is in Washington where the national mind is formed; where local prejudices vanish under the influence of more enlarged political views; where, if I may use the expression, the totality of the American people absorbs the provincialism of the different sections of the country. It is the only city in the United States, north of the Potomac, where a man is not bored with the everlasting talk of business,—where themarketsare not considered the most important topic of conversation.

Literary and professional men, though they are tolerated in other American cities, and, from vanity and ostentation, occasionally shown up, or, as a clever writer on diplomacy has it, “used by the ladies as a pepper-box,” find their level only in Washington. Even statesmen like Webster, Clay, Calhoun, Wright, &c. are at home only listened to from complacency, unless they touch upon a subject immediately affecting the interest of their particular State; but, arrived in Washington, they find themselves at once drawn into a circle of attraction, which not only furnishes food for their minds, but, from the nature of its composition, acts as a stimulus on their energies. Washington, in fine, is the only place in Americawhere talent is esteemed on account of itself,—not because it enables the person endowed with it “to get handsome things.”

To call a man “visionary,” or to consider his talents useless to society, because he cannot immediately reduce them into “shoes and stockings for paupers,” marks a low estimate of humanity; and, in spite of the greatest political progress, a backward state of civilization. I have heard gentlemen in the Northern States boast of having worked sixteen hours a day in a manufactory, or in a store, as if they had actually benefited the world with their manual labour. The thought never struck them that they might have been more useful to society by employing poor men to do the same work for them, and reserving their faculties, if such they had, for some occupation that had some relish of intellect in it. As long as the rich men in America think it more creditable to themselves to compete with the wages of the poor by assuming a part of their labour, than by cultivating the higher branches of knowledge to increase the floating intellect, American society may abound in common sense, but it will prove the grave of talent and genius. All this, fortunately, does not apply to Washington, in which the mass of propertyis really so small in proportion to the intellect that governs it, as to leave a large balance in favour of the latter.

It cannot be doubted but that the vastness of material interests in the Northern States crushes the loftier aspirings of the mind, though it may be favourable to a certain degree of elementary instruction and general information very well compatible with a total neglect of the higher branches of knowledge, and the absence of taste. It is certainly a matter of rejoicing, not only for the Americans, but for every philanthropist, that there should exist at least one country in the world emphatically to be termed “the land of beef and pudding, clean shirts, and whole stockings for all;” but in these things does not yet consist the ultimate happiness of a people, or its capacity for great and generous actions.

That the great mass of the American people are further advanced, not only in politics, but in general civilization, than any nation of Europe, the English themselves not excepted, no one acquainted with the state of society in the United States will venture to deny: the question only is, whether that advanced position contains also the germ of further progress; and whether the direction civilization is taking in America is sure ofleading to the developement of the higher faculties. A nation may, like the Germans, be too exclusively engaged in learned and literary pursuits, and thereby neglect to provide for those physical comforts which, after all, contribute so much to men’s happiness; but it is also possible to give to the latter more than their full share of attention, to the total neglect of every noble and disinterested pursuit.

The apology one continually hears in the United States, “We are a young people,”—“you cannot expect us to be as far advanced as other nations,”—“we have not yet the means,” &c.—are, as regards the Eastern and Atlantic States, nothing but idle cant. TheWestmay excuse itself for the want of refinement by the prodigious amount of labour and personal exertion incidental to the settlement of a wilderness; but the Northern and Eastern people have no such excuse for being altogether absorbed in money-making. There is more property accumulated in Boston, New York, and Philadelphia than in any German town of the same extent; the intercourse with Europe is constant; the treasures of science and literature as much unlocked to the Americans as to any other people; and if, notwithstanding all this, these departments remain stillneglected, it can only be because there is no real taste for them, and becauseother pursuits are more sure of securing the respect of society. As long as the salary of a head-clerk in a respectable counting-room surpasses that of a professor of mathematics and astronomy in the first and oldest American university, and as long as the company of the latter is hardly considered good enough for a wholesale dealer in dry goods or an auctioneer, it is useless to talk of being “a young people,” “of having no time for literary pursuits,” &c. The age of the nation has nothing to do with it; it isthe taste of the higher classes, who rather imitate the follies of fashionable European life, than the European student in his closet or the munificence of his patron.

“What a boor that fellow is!” exclaimed a Boston lawyer, half audibly, at a fashionable party in that city, pointing to a young man wearing boots.—“But, sir, they are dress boots,” said I; “I have seen them worn by English gentlemen.”—“Oh, then I have no objection to them!” The young man who wore them had just returned from England, and was showing off his new fashion. Why do the hundreds and thousands of young Americans that overrun Europe, and put ministers and consuls in requisitionto be presented at the different courts, not visit the more humble dwellings of men of letters, or theateliersof artists, and on their return show off something else than their heels?—Answer.“Because the heels are most likely to be observed; and a man more easily pardoned for ignorance or stupidity than for unacquaintance with the usages of Europe.” The Americans in Europe just float on the surface of society, and it is consequently only the froth of it which they afterwards transplant to their own country.

Washington, as I have said before, is a city to which people come tospendmoney, not tomakeit. The hum and bustle of business nowhere obtrude themselves on one’s ears, men’s minds are occupied with more enlarged views of society; and conversation, instead of being confined to a narrow circle of common-place observations, spreads over topics of political and historical interest. In addition to these advantages, one can already notice in Washington Southern manners and Southern hospitality. Nothing, indeed, is easier than to be introduced into the best society; a single letter of introduction answering all the purpose. Some of thehabituésseem to make it their business to procure invitations to parties for strangers. “What party isthere to-night?” you hear a gentleman ask in the morning.—“It is Mrs. ***’s. Are you invited?”—“I have not the honour of being introduced.”—“Will you give me your card?”—“With pleasure;” and in an hour or so your invitation is left at the bar of your hotel. Many of these parties are indeed supperless, a circumstance much complained of by the dancers: but then the general tone is agreeable; the people having far less pretensions, and being much more natural in their manners, than either the New-Yorkers or the Philadelphians.

FOOTNOTES:[20]The mazurka.[21]My friend speaks of the year 1833.[22]The reader will remember with what severity Miss Martineau commented on his talents, though she had only seen him once or twiceen passant.

[20]The mazurka.

[21]My friend speaks of the year 1833.

[22]The reader will remember with what severity Miss Martineau commented on his talents, though she had only seen him once or twiceen passant.

Back to Index Next