CHAPTER V.
Drive to the White-house.—Anecdote ofMr.Jefferson and the British Ambassador.—Reception at General Jackson’s.—The General’s Conversation and Character.—The President’s Prayer.—Anecdotes of General Jackson.—Reception byMr.Van Buren.—Anecdote illustrative ofMr.Van Buren’s Tact—his Character.—Character of the American Opposition.—Political Hypocrisy.—Mr.Calhoun.—Mr.Kendall.—Conclusion.
Drive to the White-house.—Anecdote ofMr.Jefferson and the British Ambassador.—Reception at General Jackson’s.—The General’s Conversation and Character.—The President’s Prayer.—Anecdotes of General Jackson.—Reception byMr.Van Buren.—Anecdote illustrative ofMr.Van Buren’s Tact—his Character.—Character of the American Opposition.—Political Hypocrisy.—Mr.Calhoun.—Mr.Kendall.—Conclusion.
“There is no terror, Cassius, in your threats;For I am arm’d so strong in honesty,That they pass by me, as the idle windWhich I respect not.”
Julius Cæsar, Act iv. Scene 4.
The next day, at precisely ten o’clock, my friend called on me in a carriage; and, twenty minutes later, we arrived at the White-house. On the way thither he told me an anecdote ofMr.Jefferson, “the father of American democracy,” which I have since heard corroborated in a high quarter, and which I thought sufficiently amusing to write in my note-book.
Shortly after the commencement of the French revolution, when the general war threatened toinvolve America as one of the belligerent parties, the noble Lord E—ne, then the HonourableMr.E—ne, was sent out as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of his British Majesty, in order probably to maintain the friendly relations existing between the cabinets ofSt.James’s and Washington. The noble lord was then a young man, full of ardour and ambition, and devoted to the service of his country. He was, therefore, particularly anxious to make the best possible impression onMr.Jefferson, whose party was then in the ascendant; and accordingly determined on a splendiddébutof his diplomatic functions. A rich court uniform, beautifully embroidered with gold, was selected for the purpose, together with a most costly carriage of state; and the servants of the ambassador shone in the richest and gayest livery ever beheld by Democrat or Tory in the Western world.
In this carriage, early on a fine morning, sat the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, dressed in his rich court uniform, with his credentials in his hand, conning over his harangue on his drive to the American President. Having but a short distance to go, the carriage stopped at the White-house just as he had finished the rehearsal; and, immediately after, one of his footmenjumped off, and made the usual Englishtapageat the door, which, being a novelty in America, did not fail to produce alarm and confusion among the inmates. Instead of one negro servant, two rushed forthwith to the door; but, dreading a popular tumult, did not dare open it, until a second rap, more dreadful than the first, proved the urgency of the case, and the necessity of performing their duty. One of them at last summoned courage, and, thrusting out his head without exposing his body, accosted the ambassador’s footman in these terms:—
“Hallo! wat row are dat?”
The footman then explained that the HonourableMr.E—ne, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of his British Majesty, wished to wait upon his Excellency the President of the United States. This explanation madeBacchusso far recover from his fright as to induce him to open the door and admit the ambassador.Jupiter, the second servant, drew also near; and, gazing upon the rich uniform of the stranger,
“Bacchus,” said he, “wat are dat man so dun up for?”
Scarcely had the ambassador time to recover from his astonishment when he was ushered into a small room, containing the President’s library;the negroes going before him. There he waited some time, amusing himself with looking out of the window; one of the black imps having assured him that he would call “massa” immediately. At lastMr.Jefferson made his appearance, in hisrobe de chambreand slippers without heels. The HonourableMr.E—ne was more perplexed than ever; but still trusting to his speech, and throwing himself into the most graceful attitude, he commenced.
“Mr.President!”
“Sit down, sir!” saidMr.Jefferson, pointing to a seat.
The ambassador continued unmoved.
“Sit down, sir! I pray you,” reiteratedMr.Jefferson, throwing himself into a large black leathern arm-chair; and the ambassador had to follow his example.
The effect of the harangue being thus wholly destroyed, the British envoy made the best of his hands and lungs. Vain effort!Mr.Jefferson remained impassible; crossing his legs, and from time to time throwing up his slipper, which with wonderful dexterity he always caught again at the point of his toe. At last, when the ambassador came to the end of his speech, in which he expressed the wish that the friendly relationswhich had heretofore existed between his Majesty’s Cabinet and the Government of the United States might continue without interruption, up goes the slipper nearly to the ceiling of the room, and down again on the President’s toe, without the latter contracting a muscle.
“I hope,” said my friend, as we were alighting from the carriage, “we shall not be received in this manner by General Jackson, who possesses, without exception, the most dignified manners of any man in the country.[30]He is a soldier, free from artifice and disguise; one of nature’s noblemen, possessing more genuine politeness than nine-tenths of our fashionable people, who import their good-breeding from Europe. He is, in fact, a phenomenon in our country, which the present money-making generation cannot understand,—a living paradox in the eyes of our capitalists; aiming at the happiness of the people by destroying the National Bank,—a monster ‘who would rather see commerce and credit perish than the constitution of the country!’”
“Is General Jackson at home?” asked thesenator of the Irish servant that opened the door.
“He is, sir.”
“Here is my card,” said I, “if you wish to announce me.”
“That is not necessary,” replied my friend; “every one can see the President.”
We walked up one pair of stairs, and, the General happening to be alone, were immediately admitted into his presence. On our entering the room, the General rose, and shook us both by the hand. He then asked us to sit down, and in a few minutes I felt more at my ease than I ever did in the house of an American broker. Understanding that I was a German, he told us, that while in North Carolina, not far from a number of “Dutch” settlements, he applied himself assiduously to the study of the German language; but, “moving” soon afterwards to the State of Tennessee, was obliged to give it up. “It is a fine language,” added he, “spoken by an honest people.” He then drew a picture of the German settlements, and of the Germans in general, which betrayed a knowledge of character I have not yet had the good fortune to discover in any of his political antagonists. From the Germans the conversation turned to the Irish, whose leadingfeatures he traced with the same accuracy; and so he went on discussing every set of emigrants, and at last the people of his own country. The sketch he gave of the last was excellent, and proved him to be thoroughlymaster of his subject.
After this, the senator, in order to draw him out, introduced various political topics, on which the General expressed himself without a moment’s hesitation with the utmost determination and precision. It was as if every thought and principle he uttered had been fixed in his mind ever since he was born, and had never undergone a change up to the present period. Politics with him do not consist in a mere series of cold rules and maxims, in order to obtain a particular object; he is an enthusiast, full of faith in the people and in the perfectibility of human nature, and deeply imbued with the purest religious sentiments. No abstract argument can drive him from his position, for he is nothing separate. He is a politician, a soldier, an enthusiast for the rights of the people, and a Christian at the same time. If the politician is convinced, there remain still the soldier, the enthusiast, and the Christian to be satisfied; if the soldier is captured, there remains still the enthusiast; and so on. He is always a whole; head, heart, andhand,—conception, determination, and action—being one and inseparable. Such men are always a riddle to the world, accustomed as the vulgar are to ascribe every signal success to a particular talent, or to this or that capacity, without ever considering the connection between mind and character.
Of General Jackson’s enthusiasm I soon had an opportunity of satisfying myself. Miss Martineau being at that time in Washington, and having been overheard to make a remark at her boarding-house to this effect, “that it was really a wonder General Jackson succeeded against the United States’ bank, considering that all the talent and the genius of the country were against him,” my friend seized the opportunity to direct the General’s attention to the peculiar manner in which British writers were accustomed to view his government. Upon this he rose from his chair, drew himself up to his full height, and, with his eyes flashing fire, remarked to the senator:—“You might have told her, sir, that all thehonestyandintegrityof the country were onmyside.” Then, without uttering another syllable, he resumed his seat, and was as friendly and agreeable as before.
Shortly after, an old man of the “far West”entered the room. Jackson rose to salute him, but was told, almost in a sulky manner, “not to disturb himself, it being evident that he was engaged;” and that the stranger, who wore boots, and a cloak with three capes, “would amuse himself, in the mean while, with looking on the pictures.”
“Do so,” said the General; but following him with his eyes, and perceiving him standing still before an engraving representing a battle fought in the revolutionary war, the thought seemed to strike him that the man, who was very old, might have been a revolutionary soldier.
“You are perhaps acquainted with the details of that battle?” said General Jackson, drawing near him.
“Indeed I am, sir,” said the veteran; “I was myself engaged in it, and carried off a nice keep-sake here on my left arm.”
I do not remember what dialogue now ensued between the soldier and the General,—it was, indeed, too rapid for me to follow it; but I saw the old man, who at first answered the General sulkily, grow warmer and warmer, until at last he was actually moved to tears. He sternly gazed on the President’s face; then, as if a sudden revolution had taken place in his mind, he turned round,wished the General a good morning, and left the room. This man may have been an enemy to General Jackson’s administration, who had come to see the President for no other purpose but to satisfy his curiosity; but I am quite sure he left him with the determination to vote for him at the next election.
Our visit was soon again interrupted by the arrival of three gentlemen from the Northern States. They came to Washington to pay their respects to the President, who almost instantaneously recognised them as belonging to the opposition. His expressions and manners were remarkably guarded; and, in a short time, he introduced the subject of manufactures. He inquired particularly into the method of cotton-spinning, and at least managed to keep them in good-humour. Soon after we all left together, and, in going down stairs, I heard one of the company say, “He would not be so bad a President after all, if he were not so d—d obstinate!”
“Well, sir,” said the senator, as we were again seated in our carriage, “how do you like the President?”
“He is, indeed, an extraordinary man!”
“And have you observed his talent in making himself beloved by all who come near him? Youhave probably seen him with his enemies; but you ought to see him when he is without restraint among his friends,—how, from pure benevolence, he just says to every man what is most agreeable to him!—how delicately he alludes to every little service rendered him!—how he remembers every act of kindness, every opinion expressed in favour of his measures,—and you would at once perceive the reason of his unparalleled popularity.
“And then see him again in his cabinet,—explaining his political principles, and providing for the means of carrying them into effect,—always determined, never wavering on account of the doubts raised by his friends, and inspiring his own council with confidence in his measures,—and you would be convinced that General Jackson, so far from being influenced by his advisers, is himself the director of his cabinet, in which, perhaps, he rules with as much absolute power as any potentate in Europe. And yet, with all thispenchanttowards absolutism, what a staunch defender of democracy! the Wellington of our Liberals! and who knows but that Wellington, had he been born in America, would not have acted like Jackson; finding the democratic form of government the most legitimate, the most natural, and that which is sure to develope all the resources of thecountry? Minds of the same tenor sometimes act very differently under different circumstances; andhe who in England is a strong Conservative, may in America, for very analogous reasons, be a sound Democrat.
It was not long after my presentation at General Jackson’s that I had the honour of taking tea with him; which gave me an opportunity of seeing him in his private circle. The invitation was given unceremoniously, just at the moment I was going to take leave of him. We passed into another room, where the company, consisting of his private secretary, his adopted son and his lady, and a gentleman who has since had an important influence on public affairs, were assembled round a small table,—Mrs. Jackson (the wife of his adopted son) doing the honours of the house. After each of us had taken the place assigned him by the lady, General Jackson rose, and with a loud and solemn voice, which bore the imprint of sincerity, thanked the Giver of all for His infinite mercy. The prayer was short, but impressive; and the example of his devotion had a visible effect on every individual present. Add to this, that General Jackson is a tall majestic-looking man, with a stern countenance, grey piercing eyes, and bushy white hair, that standsalmost perpendicularly on his head, leaving his large high forehead entirely free, and you will easily conceive the solemnity of the thanks’-offering of the American President.
One of the most characteristic anecdotes of General Jackson relates to the late difficulties between the Governments of the United States and France, when the King of the French seemed to insist on an apology from the President. This, as is well known, General Jackson peremptorily refused; and accordingly a cabinet council was convened in Washington, in which every member delivered his opinion according to his own manner, General Jackson listening to all with the utmost patience. There was the Secretary of State, not knowing how far a war with France would be supported by the people of the different States; the Secretary of the Treasury was already computing the deficit in the budget; the Secretary of the Navy thought it his duty to observe that the naval force of the United States was hardly capable of coping with that of the French; and at last came the Secretary of War, who alluded to the state of the army, a great portion of which was absorbed by the Indian campaign. General Jackson remained immoveable. At last, when every one had finished, he rose; and, placing hishand with some violence on the table, said in a solemn and firm voice: “We have obtained judgment against the French King; and, by the Eternal! we must sue out the execution!”—“But what if we meet with reverses? The French will cut off our commerce; they will arm privateers against our merchantmen; and what if they attempt a landing?”—“That’s precisely the thing they will attempt,” observed General Jackson calmly; “and you may depend upon it we will give them a good drubbing.” This anecdote gave rise to a caricature, representing a French army, led by the Gallic cock, swimming across the Atlantic; and General Jackson standing on the American shore with his cane drawn, and a numerous staff behind him, expecting their arrival. Another caricature, drawn after the settlement, representing General Jackson holding in his left hand a bag of money, with the figures 25,000,000 written on it, and in his right hand a cane, which he is shaking at Louis Philippe, with the words to his mouth, “’Tis well that you paid me, or, by the Eternal!” to which the King is represented bowing, and saying, “Not another word of apology, my dear General!” has already been mentioned in another work.
The following fact, which was related to mebyMr.Power, an American sculptor of much merit, now at Florence, is yet deserving a place in my note-book. WhenMr.Power was last in Washington to take a bust of General Jackson, a friend observed to the artist that it would be impossible for him to give the right expression to the mouth, the General having lost his front teeth, which destroyed the expression of firmness about his lips; and that he had therefore better try to persuade the General to wear false teeth for one or two sittings. The artist, grateful for the hint, did not omit to ask General Jackson in a truly Western manner (Mr.Power was born and brought up in Cincinnati) whether he had ever worn false teeth? “I have,” said the General; “but I am sorry for it.”—“But had you not better put them in once more, to give me an opportunity of modelling the mouth; it would greatly enhance the effect.”—“Thetruth, sir! the whole truth, and nothing: but the truth!” exclaimed the General with a stern voice; “you have no right to represent me otherwise than I am.”
What simplicity of character! and yet what energy and perseverance!
We drove from the White-house towards Georgetown; stopping at one of the houses,called “The Seven Buildings.” This was the dwelling of the Vice-President. My friend gave both our names, and in a moment after we were admitted into the presence ofMr.Van Buren. He received us in the same manner as General Jackson, only with less solemnity. His conversation was rapid, but concise and logical; his voice calm and steady, and his manners those of a perfect courtier. Understanding that I was a German, he introduced the subject of travelling, which gave him an opportunity of comparing the scenery on the Rhine with that of the Hudson, and pointing out the distinct beauties of each; which he did with more taste and less affectation than I had yet heard from an American when speaking of foreign countries. He gave the preference to his native river, and supported his opinion with such forcible arguments that he converted me to his doctrine. He then drew a parallel between the state of Europe and that of the United States; pointing to the advantages of the latter, to their government, the manners and customs of the people, and to their happiness. All this he did with so much gentleness, with such an entire absence of conceit, and such admirable management of terms, that it was impossible either to resist his eloquence or to be offended with his conclusions.
Our visit was interrupted by the arrival of several Western members, who, being alarmed at General Jackson’s message in relation to the differences with France, desired to know whether it was the Vice-President’s opinion that France would pay “without having a tug for it.”Mr.Van Buren, without being for one moment embarrassed by this abrupt question, instead of an answer, took up a British periodical, the name of which I do not now recollect, but which treated the French-American question in a very sensible manner. From this he read to the members several passages, which expressed themselves favourably to General Jackson’s policy; and at last the conclusion, which ran thus, “Jonathan has claimed the money, and Jonathan will have it.” The members were delighted; and the conversation then passed to other topics. I mention this as an instance ofMr.Van Buren’s tact, a quality full as indispensable to a statesman as a sound knowledge of politics.
“Well, and what do you think of our Vice-President?” asked my friend, as we were driving towards the lodgings ofMr.John C. Calhoun.
“I have certainly left him with the highest respect for his mind and character.”
“And yet, sir! there are those who call him anintrigant, a ‘little magician,’ a ‘non-committal man,’ &c. though there is not one man in the country whose attachment to the democratic cause is better known or understood. The firmness of a man’s political principles is, in this country at least, always commensurate with the degree of abuse heaped upon him by the opposite party. Our people, I mean ‘the higher and better informed classes,’ are seldom inexorable with regard to a politician holding out some chances of conversion; but let a man’s character be established, and there is no end to their vituperation. This has happened toMr.Van Buren, and ought to be considered by every democrat as a pledge of his fidelity.
“What act ofMr.Van Buren has ever had any other than democratic tendency? What principle did he ever advocate that was not strictly conformable to that doctrine? If he be a non-committal man, it must be that he never committed himselfto his enemies.
“The reason why in America, more than in every other country, political controversies are personal, is, that the opposition, which in consequence of universal suffrage can only triumph by popular majorities, is obliged to apparentlyuphold the principles maintained by the democracy; so that, while it cannot make war upon the general doctrines of the administration, it is concentrating all its venom in its attacks on particular measures, and the men who support them. Let any Whig, either in or out of Congress, deny the correctness of this proposition, and, I say, he either does not understand our institutions, or he is wilfully disguising the truth. There is no other real distinction of parties in the United States, except, that one really does or means to do what it says; while the other is saying one thing, and preparing or hoping to be able to do another. There is more political hypocrisy in this country than perhaps anywhere else,—not among the people, but among ‘the upper classes;’ owing to the basis of our society being purely democratic, and the superstructure a lamentable imitation of the usages of Europe.
“I know,” continued he after a pause, “that no administration or set of men is without its political misconceptions and mistakes; but have the opposition calculated how many of these are to be charged to their own account? Into how many errors they force the administration by their reckless and indiscriminate resistance against all measures emanating from the executive? Anddo they not thus force the government to avail itself continually of ‘the party’ in carrying measures which ought to originate in calm reflection and sound statesmanship, and be applied in a generous spirit to all classes of society? The spirit of party is, indeed, at the basis of our institutions; an opposition we must have, and the peculiar nature of our government requires a powerful one; but most unfortunately our demagogues—Whigs and Democrats—oppose men, not principles. If there be a man in the country capable of acting as mediator between the two hostile parties,—appeasing the one without sacrificing the principles of the other,—that man isMr.Van Buren; and future events will prove it.”
We now halted before a small house in Pennsylvania Avenue, situated not far from the Capitol. This was the temporary residence ofMr.John C. Calhoun, senator from South Carolina. If the South, in general, have a right to be proud of the great number of eminent statesmen and orators who represent its interests in Congress, South Carolina in particular may glory inMr.Calhoun. He is a statesman, not a lawyer; and perhaps the only senator in Congress whose course of reading was strictly adapted to the high functions he was to assume. When my friendand I entered the room, he was stretched on a couch, from which he rose to offer us a warm Southern welcome. He almost immediately introduced the subject of politics, in which his superiority over my friend soon reduced the latter to the situation of a mere listener.
As he was explaining his views and theories, which, contrary to the usual American practice, he did in the most concise manner, and with a degree of rapidity which required our utmost attention to follow him, his face assumed an almost supernatural expression; his dark brows were knit together, his eyes shot fire, his black hair stood on end, while on his quivering lips there hung an almost Mephistophelean scorn at the absurdity of the opposite doctrine. Then, at once, he became again all calmness, gentleness, and good-nature, laughing at the blunders of his friends and foes, and commencing a highly comical review of their absurdities.
Mr.Calhoun is, without contradiction, the greatest genius in Congress, and secretly acknowledged as such even by his most declared political enemies. His speeches are the shortest, his political views the most elevated, his delivery the most impressive of any one of his colleagues; and he adds to all these qualities the most unsparingirony. He was Vice-President at the commencement of General Jackson’s administration; but subsequently joined the Whigs in order to oppose the tariff,nullifiedby his native State. Without this step, which destroyed his popularity in the North, he would, with very little opposition, have become General Jackson’s successor in office. This alone proves the absurdity of the charge of unlawful ambition repeatedly brought against him. The Presidential chair ofthe United States, once within his reach, was assuredly a higher mark than the Presidency of “theSouthernUnion,” thebête noireof the enlightened opposition.Mr.Calhoun has lately again joined the administration in its endeavour to separate itself from the banks; a short extract from his speech I have already presented in a previous note.
“You must yet see one of our most remarkable men,” said my friend; “but I cannot take you to his house. You must see him at his office, where he is from five o’clock in the morning till late at night, always ‘up and doing.’ I mean the fifth auditor,Mr.Amos Kendall, who, according to the account of the opposition, has governed the country for the last six or eight years, and against whose genius their unitedtalents were unable to prevail.Mr.Kendall is a native of Massachusetts, and a graduate of Dartmouth College. He emigrated to Kentucky, where, like many New-Englanders, he was for a time employed as an instructor, and for a short time engaged as private tutor inMr.Clay’s family. He subsequently became editor of a paper, which is said to have revolutionisedthe State, and, inasmuch as the leading articles of one journal are copied into the others,the whole country.”
“No man knows likeMr.Kendall how to address the people: his language is always popular, and yet concise; he never destroys the effect of a strong thought by spinning it out into a long sentence; and, above all, he avoids declamation. His style is forcible; because it convinces the people in their own way, instead of fatiguing them with laborious researches, or overwhelming them with the unfathomable pathos of a regular orator. He has shown to his political opponents that the various principles of democracy may be united into a system, and that that system may be maintained in practice by a government strong within and without.”
At this moment our coach stopped at the entrance of the war department, and the nextminute we were ushered into the audience-chamber of the fifth auditor. He was at that moment talking to several people that besieged his office, without leaving off writing. When I was introduced to him, he made a slight motion forward, seizing me by the hand; but immediately sank back again into his chair with a seeming intention to recommence his labours. He spoke but a few words, principally by way of asking questions; and having ascertained who I was, what I sought, and what my opinions were, was evidently forming an estimate of my mind and character. While he was thus conversing with my friend and me, filling up the intervals with writing, I observed that he was equally watching the rest of the company; among whom I recognised an individual who I knew did not in his native place enjoy a very high reputation for industry, and who, to judge fromMr.Kendall’s glances at him, had no particular chance of success in Washington.
Mr.Kendall’s person is one of the most striking I ever beheld. He is of a spare frame, of rather less than middle stature, and, when walking or standing, inclines his body slightly forward. His face is pale, wearing the imprint of over-exertion; but his large eyes are full of animation, and hisforehead, the highest and broadest I ever saw, bespeaks the greatest intellectual power. His head, which indeed is one of the most extraordinary phrenological specimens, is of the most unusual size when compared to his body; and it seems as if, by continual exertion of his intellectual faculties, his whole body had been made tributary to his brain. A man withMr.Kendall’s extraordinary powers of mind, and such indefatigable habits of industry,—calm, passionless, and endowed with the most unerring judgment,—must naturally be hated by his political antagonists; though not even the most obstinate members of the opposition have as yet ventured to dispute his talents.
We did not remain long at the office; but, on our way home, my friend finished the picture. “You ought to see him in the centre of his family,” said he: “what an excellent husband and father! in his private intercourse how remarkably modest and unassuming! He has indeed but one fault, which, however, is sufficient to damn him with our fashionable people: he is not fond of the dissipations of society, and does not give sumptuous entertainments.”
N. B.Mr.Kendall is now Postmaster-general, and as such a member ofMr.Van Buren’s cabinet. Though in rank the last, he is known byfriend and foe to be the first in activity; and his counsel is decisive with the most experienced men in Washington.Mr.Kendall commenced his political career not more than ten years ago with editing a small paper in the Western country; and stands now foremost in the ranks of the most eminent statesmen of America. If he were aparvenumerchant or broker, he would be cited by the aristocracy as an example worthy of imitation; but, having risen merely by histalentsand hispen, the very mention of his name is offensive to the high-minded stock-jobbers in Wall and State streets.
In order to form a correct idea of the American government, it is absolutely necessary one should stay some time in Washington; and frequent, not merely the fashionable society, but the company of those sturdy members of Congress, who, deputed from every part of the Union, actually represent the opinions, habits, and sentiments of the different sections of the country. During the session of Congress, Washington is the miniature picture of the United States; enabling a stranger to form a better estimate of the character of the American people than many years’ residence in different parts of the Union. The picture isalways complete, not a mere fragment, as is necessarily the case in any other city east or west of the Alleghanies. It is there one can take a correct view of the state of parties; of the magnitude of the different interests, whether commercial, manufacturing, or agricultural; and of the political prospects of the country.
One of the most amusing and instructive occupations is to contrast the representatives from the “New States” (the men that have not yet learned how to bow, and do not yet know whatP. P. C.on a card means,) with the supple members from New York or Massachusetts, with their French and English civilization hanging loosely about them, like a garment not made for their use; how the latter are striving for ascendency, and how they are daily losing influence with those vigorous sons of the West, that reflect the genius and enterprise of a new world! The West—not the East continually troubled with European visions—is ultimately destined to sway the country. The sea does not separate America from Europe; but behind the Alleghanies is springing up a new life, and a people more nearly allied to the soil that nourishes them, than the more refined and polished population of the seaboard.
To sum up the whole: what is termed “thearistocracy of America”—that is, a considerable portion of all people worth from fifty to an hundred thousand dollars,—are,owing to the growing power of the West, a most harmless, though I cannot say “inoffensive,” part of the population. They live in houses a little larger than those inhabited by respectable mechanics, cover the floors of their parlours with Brussels carpets instead of Kidderminster, pay nine pence for beef which the labourer purchases for eight, pay a shilling more for a pound of tea, and keep a man-servant. Some of them keep a carriage, but by far the greater part are content with hackney-coaches. In point of accomplishment they are only inferior to the middle classes of Europe; but in pride and conceit they surpass the ancient nobility of the Holy Roman Empire and the thirty-four princes of the actual Germanic Confederation. This circumstance does not much add to their amiability, and does not in particular grace the boys and girls composing “the first society.” Some of them lay a great stress on family when it is joined to money; but, without this most indispensable requisite,la vertu sans argent n’est qu’un meuble inutile. It is, however, to be observed that property not only produces respectability, but also acts backwards on a man’s ancestry;there being not one rich man in the United States,—foreigners excepted,—who is not descended from a respectable father and grandfather.
In politics they are the most implacable enemies to democracy; which, with them, is synonymous with mob-government and anarchy. They are for astrongadministration, made out of their own party; and would hardly object to royalty, if the King would support himself out of his private chest. A court in Upper Canada, such as Lord Durham established there for a short time, would be a great attraction, and would undoubtedly cause many emigrations to Quebec. In all other respects their political opinions do not seriously differ from those of the mass of the people, except that they are for two trifling reforms in thestatus quo,—the introduction of an electoral census, and the re-establishment of the law of primogeniture. It is true that, had this reform been carried ten years ago, they would themselves be in the situation of those against whom these measures are now intended to be effectual; but this is a matter of no consideration when compared to the good which would accrue from it to “society.”
But it is not so much in America as inEuropethat the true character of the American aristocracy can be successfully studied. At home the vulgar clamour of the mob, and a few silly editors setting up for the representatives of public opinion, interfere too much with the display of their true sentiments. It is but in Europe—where they are relieved from these trammels—that they show the natural man, theirpenchantfor the elegancies of society, their contempt for the poor, and their toad-eating to the higher classes, in which they even “beat the English.” It is there they sink the “American citizen,” in order to become noblemen without pedigrees, and courtiers without manners. I would therefore recommend to the next English tourist that is going to publish a work on “American Society,” to visit the courts of Italy and France rather than the United States. He will there find richer materials for a satire on American institutions than he would be able to discover from the State of Maine to Louisiana, and from the broad Atlantic to the Rocky Mountains. I am only able thus to throw out the hint, and leave the execution of the plan to a pen abler than my own.
FOOTNOTES:[30]It is hardly necessary to remark, thatMr.Jefferson, who during his stay in Europe had ample opportunities of becoming acquainted with court fashion, affected thisnonchalancefor a political purpose.
[30]It is hardly necessary to remark, thatMr.Jefferson, who during his stay in Europe had ample opportunities of becoming acquainted with court fashion, affected thisnonchalancefor a political purpose.
[30]It is hardly necessary to remark, thatMr.Jefferson, who during his stay in Europe had ample opportunities of becoming acquainted with court fashion, affected thisnonchalancefor a political purpose.
THE END.
LONDON:PRINTED BY SAMUEL BENTLEY,Bangor House, Shoe Lane.