CHAPTER XIII
Important Events in Career
It will be necessary now to go back a few years in order to record certain events important in my personal career.
In the summer of 1880 James A. Garfield received from the republican national convention at Chicago the nomination as candidate for President of the United States. At that time the states of Indiana and Ohio continued to hold their state elections early in the month of October, and the result of the elections in those two states in October had a most important and almost controlling influence upon the result of the presidential contest at the ensuing November election.
Early in September of that year I received from the state central committee of the state of Indiana an invitation to accompany ex-Governor Kirkwood of Iowa in a canvassing tour of two weeks, which invitation I accepted. We had a very agreeable and enjoyable trip. Governor Kirkwood was a very companionable man and was received with much honor and enthusiasm, and our meetings were largely attended and were quite successful. Part of the time we did not speak together at the same meetings, but had separate appointments assigned us. At one point where there existed a considerable manufacturing industry, the local committee waited upon us at our hotel before the speaking, and suggested that they desired us to especially discuss the tariff question and its effect upon our American manufacturers. After the committee had retired Governor Kirkwood walked the floor of the room for a few minutes, and turning suddenly upon me he said, "Charlie, do you understand this tariff question?" I told him no, I knew very little about it. "Well," he said, "I was raised a democrat and am not much of a tariff man anyhow, and I want you to take up this tariff question if either of us must." I told him that I could talk about the general effect of protecting American labor and the duty of the American congress to so arrange the tariff upon imports as to relieve our people from competition with the low wages paid in Europe; that the American laborer must receive higher wages than the European laborer for he must educate his children and must enjoy better conditions in life, and as our free institutions were based upon the intelligence of the voter, we could not afford to allow the laboring man to occupy the position socially or politically of the European laborer; that I could talk along that line all they wanted, but when it came to discussing schedules or specific duties I should not venture upon any such discourse; in fact, I was satisfied that few people understood the subject sufficiently to discuss the detail of tariff duties with intelligence. I filled the bill accordingly, as Governor Kirkwood placed that part of the program in my charge, but he himself did not say "tariff" once.
At Indianapolis we attended a grand rally at which Roscoe Conkling, of New York, was the principal orator of the day. The managers had arranged for a grand parade, and the Governor with myself and several other gentlemen were assigned to a carriage that was to take prominent part in the procession. Conkling had arrived, it seems, early in the day, and the procession was delayed for over an hour waiting for that distinguished gentleman to complete his toilet before making his appearance in public. The streets and the balcony of the hotel were lined with ladies in their holiday attire, and as the procession passed by we heard frequent inquiries from the finely dressed maidens as to which was Conkling, and when he was pointed out to them they were enthusiastic in their declarations that he was a handsome man. I was introduced to Mr. Conkling in the corridor of the hotel, after his speech, and was shocked and surprised at his want of courtesy and decent manners. He was there for the purpose of advocating the election of Mr. Garfield, and adding if possible enthusiasm to the occasion, and yet openly in the hearing of the crowd he was cursing the folly of the convention in nominating Mr. Garfield instead of renominating Grant for the third term. A more arrogant and conceited public man it has never been my misfortune to meet.
An incident occurred the following Sunday morning more pleasant to record. I got up very early, and going down to the lower portico of the hotel I found a few persons astir. I felt somewhat lonesome and seeing a well dressed, intelligent looking colored man on the pavement, I entered into conversation with him in regard to the political situation, and asked him whether or not the colored men of the city would not all support Mr. Garfield, the republican nominee. To my surprise he said, "No, sah, some of them will vote the democratic ticket." I said to him, "How is it possible for a colored man to support the democratic ticket in view of the history of the past twenty-five years? The colored race have been emancipated and enfranchised and made equal before the law through the efforts of the republican party of the nation. How, then, can any of your people support the democratic party?" "Well, sah," said he, "in some respects a colored man is very much like a white man." Said I, "What do you mean by that?" "Well, sah," said he, "I'll tell you. Occasionally, sah, you will find a colored man that is a damn fool." I saw a twinkle in his eye and realized that he was intending his reply for a joke. I immediately offered him my hand and shook hands with him heartily, telling him that since there were so many white men of that kind I supposed it would be unreasonable not to expect occasionally a colored man that was a fool.
Upon my return to Iowa after the October election in Indiana I made a speech in the opera house at Oskaloosa, Iowa, and the gallery was filled with colored men, many of them from What Cheer, a mining district near Oskaloosa. I related to them the particulars of my interview with the colored gentleman of Indianapolis. They enjoyed it hugely and gave me rounds of applause, and I told them I hoped that in some respects they would not be like the few that were back in Indiana.
After the election of Mr. Garfield, Governor Kirkwood was appointed Secretary of the Interior, and as I had official business before the supreme court that summer I visited Washington City in company with my wife, and spent a pleasant two weeks admiring the wonders of the national capital. Bishop Andrews, of the Methodist Episcopal church, had been for a number of years a resident of Des Moines and our near neighbor on Fourth street, and in company with his excellent wife Mrs. Nourse had a very enjoyable time. Governor Kirkwood also arranged that we should attend a private reception of the President and his wife, and Mrs. Nourse enjoyed the privilege of quite a tete a tete with the President's lady, officially known as the first lady of the land. When my wife bid her good evening she shook hands with her and expressed the hope that she would be very happy in her new position. Mrs. Garfield was rather a sad faced person and responded in a tone almost prophetic, "I hope so. We do not know." Afterwards upon the assassination of Mr. Garfield I was called upon to take part in a meeting held in the Baptist church in Des Moines, commemorating the memory of that excellent man. I found in my wife's scrap book some years afterwards a newspaper clipping containing a report of the remarks I made on that occasion which I here insert:
For the past five days our nation has been in mourning and the Christian civilization of the world has sympathized with us in our bereavement. By official proclamations, by public meetings and resolutions, by draping our homes and places of business and houses of worship with the emblems of mourning, we have sought to give expression to our sorrow and to testify our appreciation of our noble dead.Tomorrow the whole nation is to attend upon his burial and the day is set apart as sacred to his memory. And yet with all this we cannot restore the life that has been so wantonly destroyed. Death is inexorable, and we can do nothing for him who has gone out from the shores of time forever.
For the past five days our nation has been in mourning and the Christian civilization of the world has sympathized with us in our bereavement. By official proclamations, by public meetings and resolutions, by draping our homes and places of business and houses of worship with the emblems of mourning, we have sought to give expression to our sorrow and to testify our appreciation of our noble dead.
Tomorrow the whole nation is to attend upon his burial and the day is set apart as sacred to his memory. And yet with all this we cannot restore the life that has been so wantonly destroyed. Death is inexorable, and we can do nothing for him who has gone out from the shores of time forever.
But in a better sense of the word Garfield is not dead. So long as we cherish the manly virtues of which his life was the exponent, so long as we remember the trials and sacrifices of his boyhood, the labors and successes of his riper years, the heroism, faith, fidelity of his life, and the calm triumphant heroism of his death, so long will he live to us and to the nation, and so long may we be profited by his life.
I can think of no better text this morning for profitable consideration than one of the many rich gems of thought he has left us out of the storehouse of this great heart and intellect. At the graves of the fallen heroes of the late war he expressed this sentiment, "I love to believe that no heroic sacrifice is ever lost, that the characters of men are molded and inspired by what their fathers have done, that treasured up in American souls are all the unconscious influences of the great deeds of the Anglo Saxon race, from Agincourt to Bunker Hill."
In the oldest book of the Book of Books the patient man in his deep affliction asks the question, "If a man dies shall he live again?" This question refers primarily to man's immortality, but we may dwell upon it in its other meaning, this morning, as relating to the silent and unconscious power and influence of the life and example of the one whom we say is dead.
And think what a treasure we have in the memory of this man. Others have challenged the admiration of the world because of their great abilities. Others have been brave in war and wise in counsel. Others have been heroes and statesmen, and we have honored them and done homage to their greatness, but this man was not only great and wise and brave, but a good, true and pure man also, and the nation loved him. We give honor to his greatness, we give the tribute of praise to his great abilities and his great achievements, but we bring tears and heart throbs to the tomb where manly virtue, purity, and faith are to be enshrined. How much there is in the life of this man that we would wish to bring into the everyday life of our homes. Here is the model of a life from which we would have our children mold their own future, no blemishes to record, nothing to apologize for, nothing to cover up—it stands out in its moral perfection and beauty—in its intellectual strength and greatness—in its religious faith and fervor, a fully developed manhood—a complete character—a perfect pattern.
Do you want an inspiration for your child? Repeat to him the story of this man's youth, of his struggle with poverty and adversity, without influential friends or fortune. Do you want to teach the young men of the nation the value of sincerity, honesty, earnestness, and truthfulness in the affairs of life? Here is the demonstration and the proof that even in American politics and American statesmanship, dishonesty, deceit, and duplicity are not necessary to success. Do you want to rebuke the conceit of the would-be learned who teach our young men that the religious faith that their mothers taught them is somehow a reproach to their intellectual progress—we have here a man of the broadest culture, of the strongest intellectual grasp and development, whose religious faith was the very basis and strength of his greatness and intellectual power.
CHAPTER XIV
The Brown Impeachment Case
The discussion of law cases and the questions of fact and of law that they involved may be a little tedious to a non-professional reader, but they constituted so large a part in my life that it is impossible to give much of an account of myself and what I have been doing for so many years past, without at least a brief account of the nature of the suits in which I was engaged as counsel.
Probably the most important case in which I was engaged during my professional career was the celebrated impeachment case against John L. Brown, Auditor of the state of Iowa.
Mr. Brown was first elected to the office of Auditor of State in October, 1882, and took his office the following January. One of the important duties of this office was the duty of having the insurance companies, organized under the laws of Iowa and doing business in the state, examined from time to time to ascertain if they complied strictly with the law, and if their reports made to his office were just and true, and their business conducted in such a manner as to insure their solvency and ability to pay the losses of their policy holders. There had been in the state of Iowa for a number of years a number of failures of companies that were organized without capital and without experience or strict integrity upon the part of those who sought to insure the property of others, some of them having none of their own. I remember one insurance company organized in Des Moines by an enterprising young lawyer, without means, who obtained the names of a number of persons that he claimed had subscribed stock to his company. The law required twenty-five per cent of this stock to be paid up before the company was entitled to do business. The gentleman, of course, elected himself president of the company, and he drew his drafts upon the supposed subscribers to stock for the twenty-five per cent that the law required should be paid up, to constitute the capital of the company. He took these drafts to B. F. Allen, then a prominent banker in western Iowa and doing business in Des Moines, and deposited his drafts and obtained from Allen a certificate of deposit for so much money. This he exhibited to the Auditor of State, and upon the faith of this certificate of deposit obtained authority to transact business. His drafts were all dishonored so that he was proceeding to do business without any capital whatever, and actually issued some policies. It was only necessary to incur a loss to complete the bankruptcy of the concern. Of course the foregoing is an extreme case, but it illustrates how easily the law was evaded and how absolutely necessary it was to have a strict supervision of these companies that could incorporate themselves under the general insurance company laws of the state.
Mr. Brown had been a soldier in the Civil War and had lost an arm in its service, was very upright, and a downright man, and did not depend upon his suavity of manner for his success in life. He was a man of quick temper and abrupt manners, but was sensitive of his honor and at all times conscious of his integrity of purpose. In pursuance of his official duty he felt the necessity of strict supervision and a thorough examination of the insurance companies of the state, that had sprung up in almost every important town and city in the state, and the officers and directors of the different companies were not paying much attention to the detail of the affairs of their companies and would generally entrust the business to the persons who had organized the company and become its president and secretary. In selecting a person who could make these examinations with fidelity and thoroughness he deemed it necessary to engage some one who was not a resident of the state and who would not probably be influenced by local or political consideration in the discharge of his duties. He employed as chief examiner of these companies a gentleman who resided in Chicago, and whose reputation was beyond question as an expert, by the name of H. S. Vail. This gentleman charged for his services twenty-five dollars a day for the time actually engaged, and in addition thereto some five to ten dollars for assistant accountants. The law provided that the expenses of these investigations should be approved by the Auditor, and upon his certificate the several companies examined were required to pay the bill. These examinations proved to be very expensive in some cases, and perhaps in a few cases an unnecessary burden and expense to the companies, but the real cause of complaint was that the expert found many irregularities, and without fear or favor, reported them in writing to the Auditor for his action. In one case the president of an insurance company had been electing his board of directors by stock issued to himself, upon which he had not paid a dollar into his treasury, and was paying himself out of the limited income of the company the handsome sum of ten thousand dollars a year as president, and his son-in-law three thousand dollars a year as attorney of the company. In a number of cases the president of the company was found to have issued to himself stock upon which he had not paid a dollar, and the Auditor required all of these and many other like delinquencies to be corrected.
He was visited by the friends and attorneys of these officers who were thus disturbed in their operations, and the Auditor was not found to be a very complacent or accommodating individual, but on the contrary an outspoken, determined, and unyielding man in the discharge of what he conceived to be his duties. The last resource of these afflicted insurance officers was an appeal to Buren R. Sherman, then Governor of Iowa, formerly filling the office of Auditor of State and under whose administration these insurance men had been undisturbed. He found Mr. Brown equally obdurate and unwilling to palliate or in any way overlook the delinquencies of these insurance companies, but he determined to afford his friends some relief, and upon the re-election of Mr. Brown as Auditor of State in the fall of 1884, he sought an excuse for refusing to approve of the official bond that Mr. Brown presented to him and which was necessary to the qualification of the Auditor for his second term of office. The first pretense of Sherman for refusing to approve the Auditor's bond was that Mr. Brown had not complied with the law in making report to the Treasurer of State as the law required of the fees of his office. As it turned out in the evidence on the trial, and as Sherman well knew the fact to be, the fees of the office had been reported and accounted for as the statute required, save only that the aggregate amount of the fees as shown by the fee-book in the Auditor's office had been reported and accounted for at the end of each month, and the details specifying from what source each item was received was not copied from the fee-book in the Auditor's office and filed with the State Treasurer. In addition to this the Governor also obtained information from a discharged clerk in the Auditor's office that the clerks in the office frequently received compensation of small sums for giving information and collecting statistical matter at the request of individuals where no official duty was enjoined by law upon the Auditor or his assistants and no fee was prescribed. As no account was kept of these small sums of money and they were paid to the clerk who did the voluntary work for persons requesting it, no statement could be made of the amounts or dates, or the services rendered.
In the meantime the controversy spread, the insurance companies through their officers and agents taking an active part as against Mr. Brown, and Mr. Sherman becoming more and more arrogant. He finally determined to remove Mr. Brown from office.
We had upon the statute book a law whereby the Governor of the state was authorized to suspend a subordinate officer, if indeed there was any such thing as a subordinate officer under our constitution, by appointing a commission to examine his books and papers and the affairs of his office, and if, upon making such report to the Governor, it was apparent that the public safety required a suspension of the officer from official duties, he might issue such order of suspension. Sherman found three men willing to do his bidding in this respect and appointed them commissioners to examine the affairs of all the state officers. The commissioners understood that this meant only Brown and meant only that they should put into form Sherman's side of his controversy with the Auditor. The committee accordingly performed what was required of them and reported to the Governor that the public safety and public good required the suspension of the Auditor. They reported no facts in addition to those already recited in regard to the money received by the clerks in the office for matters outside of their official duties, save and except fees paid by certain banks for bank examinations under the law, for which no fee was provided by law, and which they advised the Governor that the Attorney General claimed did not belong to the state treasury, but were illegally charged and paid. They also informed the Governor that in the year of 1883, the correspondence notifying the Auditor of the requirements of the insurance companies in regard to the appointment of agents had been destroyed. As all of these appointments were matters of record and the fees for their issuing were also regularly entered upon the books of the Auditor, this was one of the extraordinary finds of this extraordinary committee. They also advised the Governor in this report that the law required the reports of fees should be sworn to, and their interpretation of the law was that the Auditor himself should have made the affidavit, and instead thereof it was made by a clerk in the office.
Upon this remarkable report of this remarkable commission Sherman at once made an order, not suspending but removing Mr. Brown from office, and appointing J. W. Cattell, formerly Auditor of State, to take his place. Mr. Cattell was in no very great haste to do this, but after the order was served by the sheriff upon Mr. Brown he very wisely entered into a negotiation with Brown to see if the difficulty could not in some way be adjusted, and have Brown make such reports to the Governor as would be satisfactory. Mr. Cattell was an honorable and honest man, and really desired that these matters should be satisfactorily arranged, but this was not the purpose of the Governor as manifested by his conduct, and he determined to have his own way. He accordingly filed information before a justice of the peace accusing Brown of a misdemeanor in holding the office after his order of suspension or removal, and upon this affidavit he obtained a warrant for the arrest of Mr. Brown. The constable served the warrant upon Brown, and Mr. Brown was about to give bond for his appearance to answer the charge, when the Governor, having previously ordered and arranged with the Adjutant General so to do, appeared with an armed force of the Governor's Guards, so-called, who, with set bayonets and loaded muskets took charge of the Auditor's office. Hearing that something of an extraordinary nature was transpiring at the capitol, I left my office and went over to the state house to see what could be done for my client, and was proceeding to the Auditor's office when I was stopped by two of the soldiers crossing bayonets in front of me, one of them cocking his rifle and threatening to shoot me if I proceeded any further. Fortunately the captain commanding the squad had a little sense left and told the soldier to put up his gun, and so my life was saved. The Governor in addition to the use of the militia as above recited, also employed ex-Governor William M. Stone to assist Mr. Galusha Parsons, and they filed a petition in the name of Jonathan W. Cattell against John L. Brown in the district court of Polk county under the provision of the statute for proceedings in "quo warranto" by which the right and title to an office could be tested. We were fortunate in having for district judge at that time William Connor, a good lawyer and an honest man. Mr. Parsons and Governor Stone attempted upon the presentation of their petition to get some peremptory order for the removal of Mr. Brown from office, but the court called their attention to the express provision of the statute that he had no authority to make any order in the premises until the final trial, and that the case must go upon the docket and be tried upon its merits before any order or removal could be made. Upon the impeachment trial Sherman under oath denied that he had employed counsel to commence this suit, and Mr. Cattell testified that he had nothing to do with the employment of any counsel to bring the suit. The suit was finally dismissed, nobody appearing to care about any investigation of the merits of the proceeding. We accordingly had Mr. Brown, who had given bail, surrender himself to his bondsmen, and we applied to the supreme court of the state, then sitting at Davenport, for a writ of habeas corpus to test the constitutionality of the statute under which, without trial and without investigation and without hearing, the Governor had attempted to deprive Mr. Brown of his office. The supreme court decided this case at the Dubuque term in 1885, Seevers, judge, delivering a dissenting opinion, and Beck, judge, taking no part in the decision as he was not present at the submission of the cause. Adams, judge, delivered the opinion of the three remaining judges; to-wit, himself, Rothrock, and Reed. The majority of the court held that the law under which the Governor acted did not authorize any removal from office, and that it was only constitutional upon the hypothesis that Brown should have a hearing and trial. The dissenting opinion of Judge Seevers holds that as the law made no provision for any hearing or trial, and the suspension was for an indefinite time and might at the pleasure of the Governor be perpetual, it was therefore void and did not authorize the proceedings. Thus matters stood until the fall of the year 1885, when the people elected William Larrabee as Governor instead of Sherman, whose term of office would expire on the first of January ensuing.
The presumption indulged in by the majority of the court in its opinion that Mr. Brown's removal from office was only a temporary suspension, and that the Governor certainly would give him a hearing as to the matters complained of and found by the special commission, is made to appear more absurd by the subsequent action of Mr. Sherman himself, who, on the 9th of December, 1885, made the following entry in the executive journal, and assumed to appoint J. W. Cattell to fill what he was pleased to call a vacancy in the office of the Auditor of State. The entry is as follows:
December, 9, 1885.Whereas, at the general election held on the 4th day of November, 1884, J. L. Brown was re-elected to the office of Auditor of State; andWhereas, the said J. L. Brown, re-elected as aforesaid, neglected and refused to qualify as such re-elected officer, and because thereof his official bond as such officer was not approved nor filed, and continued in such refusal until the 3rd day of March, 1885, and unto this time, and on account thereof on the day last aforesaid Jonathan W. Cattell was duly appointed as Auditor of State and immediately qualified by giving bond and taking the oath of office as required by law, which said bond was duly approved according to law; andWhereas, at the general election held on the 3rd day of November, 1885, there was no person elected to the said office of Auditor of State, as ascertained by the official canvass this day concluded by the state board of canvassers; andWhereas, it is incumbent upon me to fill the vacancy in said office now held under appointment; thereforeJonathan W. Cattell is hereby appointed Auditor of State, to have and to hold the same until the next general election in November, 1886; and upon his qualifying thereto by giving bond and taking the oath of office, as required by law, he will be obeyed and respected accordingly.Buren R. Sherman
December, 9, 1885.
Whereas, at the general election held on the 4th day of November, 1884, J. L. Brown was re-elected to the office of Auditor of State; and
Whereas, the said J. L. Brown, re-elected as aforesaid, neglected and refused to qualify as such re-elected officer, and because thereof his official bond as such officer was not approved nor filed, and continued in such refusal until the 3rd day of March, 1885, and unto this time, and on account thereof on the day last aforesaid Jonathan W. Cattell was duly appointed as Auditor of State and immediately qualified by giving bond and taking the oath of office as required by law, which said bond was duly approved according to law; and
Whereas, at the general election held on the 3rd day of November, 1885, there was no person elected to the said office of Auditor of State, as ascertained by the official canvass this day concluded by the state board of canvassers; and
Whereas, it is incumbent upon me to fill the vacancy in said office now held under appointment; therefore
Jonathan W. Cattell is hereby appointed Auditor of State, to have and to hold the same until the next general election in November, 1886; and upon his qualifying thereto by giving bond and taking the oath of office, as required by law, he will be obeyed and respected accordingly.
Buren R. Sherman
A legislature was elected that fall, and as the only opportunity for a hearing and a vindication of Mr. Brown, he sent a communication to the house of representatives requesting an investigation and an impeachment, to the end that he might have a trial before the senate.
The insurance agents of the state who had been wounded by the investigation of their affairs, Sherman and his political adherents filled the lobbies of the legislature, and were anxious also for Brown's impeachment. Finally the house of representatives brought in articles of impeachment, containing thirty counts, and the senate ordered Mr. Brown arrested and brought before them for trial. As I had been Mr. Brown's counsel throughout all of these difficulties, he came to me for aid and wished me to act as his counsel. In the meantime he had received a number of letters from "Tom, Dick, and Harry" throughout the state, lawyers who wished to do some cheap advertising of themselves, offering to attend to his case without compensation. I told Mr. Brown that I would undertake his case on condition that I might select my own assistants. I realized that the court, to-wit, the fifty senators then entitled to seats in the senate, was of rather peculiar construction. We had in the first place a large majority of republicans, but we also had a number of very able and influential democrats in the senate. We had some Germans and some opposed to prohibition. It was necessary, in selecting attorneys, to consult the peculiar constitution of the senate and its make-up, and political partialities and proclivities. Mr. Brown agreed to my terms and I named Mr. J. C. Bills, of Davenport, and Mr. Fred W. Lehmann, of Des Moines, as the attorneys I desired to assist me in his defense. Mr. Lehmann was an excellent lawyer and a rising young man, very popular at that time with the democrats of the state. Mr. Bills was then nominally a republican, but had opposed the prohibitory law and stood well with that political element, besides being a good lawyer.
Acting upon my theory as to first impression, I made an opening statement to the senate giving them a very careful and detailed history of the case, and of the facts that we expected to prove upon the several counts of the indictment or impeachment. In addition to these two counsel we also had the assistance of E. S. Huston, of Burlington, a relative of S. F. Stewart, the deputy auditor. Mr. Huston especially looked after and cared for the interests of the deputy during the trial. The managers upon the part of the house of representatives were Messrs. S. M. Weaver, John H. Keatley, L. A. Riley, G. W. Ball, J. E. Craig, R. G. Cousins, E. C. Roach. The trial continued about three months. I found I had made no mistake in selecting my assistant attorneys. We had a room set apart for us in the capitol, where we were in counsel arranging the program for the day's work before the senate, and assigning to each attorney his particular share of the work of the day. I always dreaded in coöperating with attorneys in the trial of causes, having some one to assist me who would be an annoyance and a drawback rather than a help, but I found in Mr. Lehmann and Mr. Bills two good lawyers and men of good judgment and discretion, and we had a most agreeable as well as a successful time of it on our side of the trial table.
The trial had not progressed more than a few weeks before we were able to turn the tide of feeling and sentiment in our favor, or rather in favor of our client, and the case, instead of being a prosecution of John L. Brown, actually became an exposure of the petty tyranny and foolishness of Buren R. Sherman, and the managers on the part of the house were forced into the position of recognizing Sherman as their client and recognizing the necessity of defending his conduct rather than of convicting Mr. Brown of any serious offense against the law.
It also was apparent before we had proceeded very far in the case that the managers of the prosecution did not entirely agree from time to time between themselves as to the part that each should take in the proceedings. Some of the men had evidently hoped to make a great reputation for themselves as lawyers, and were being disappointed in the result as to that particular.
We had one serious hindrance and drawback in our case. F. S. Stewart, the deputy auditor, proved a very heavy load to carry. He had many winning ways by which he made no friends, and his conduct proved him to be a greedy, grasping man, and if the impeachment had been against him instead of Mr. Brown we should have found "Jordan a hard road to travel." In addition to his regular salary he had drawn a very considerable sum of money for extra pay and compensation for work he had done in the Auditor's office, as he claimed, out of regular hours. He had also collected as bank examiner from the various banks he examined a considerable amount of fees for which there was no provision or warrant of law, and had taken the money to his own use. The only serious charge against Mr. Brown and the only one from which we apprehended any danger, grew out of the examination of the Bremer County Bank, situated in Waverly, Bremer county, Iowa. That bank had for its rival another bank in the locality, that probably would have profited by having it go out of business, and they were entirely disappointed and dissatisfied because the examination of the bank by Mr. Brown in person and by an assistant proved the bank to be a solvent concern. After the examination of the bank and after Mr. Brown had given in for publication a certificate of their solvency, and without any previous request for compensation or suggestion of payment from any source, the cashier of the bank had paid to Mr. Brown voluntarily the sum of one hundred dollars as compensation for his extra services and expenses during the investigation of the affairs of the bank.
The charge in the articles of impeachment was that this was a bribe to Mr. Brown that had induced him to certify fraudulently and falsely to the solvency of the bank. We proved beyond controversy that the bank was solvent and continued to be so for several years after the investigation, and that the certificate of solvency given to it was just and right and proper, and there was no foundation for the charge that it was given from any corrupt motive. This matter of the Bremer County Bank did not constitute any part of the original trouble or accusation against Brown by the Governor, but it was trumped up by Brown's enemies and was soon gathered in by the Governor's "muck-rake."
After all the evidence had been put in, both upon the part of the prosecution and the defense, there remained one important question for us to decide—as to whether or not we would put Mr. Brown upon the stand as a witness in his own case. The only thing we had to fear from our client as a witness was his sensitiveness and pride and his determination to resent any insult or imputation against his honesty and integrity in office. We knew he had some enemies in the senate who were at the same time his judges and were to vote upon the question of his guilt, and these senators had the right to ask him any questions upon cross-examination they might see proper. It would not do for his counsel to object to the relevancy or propriety of any questions that might be asked, as it might appear if we did so that we had something to hide or from which to shield our client. We had a long conference with Mr. Brown before we decided what course to pursue upon this question of making him a witness. He continued to vow to us that he would not consent to submit to any insulting interrogatories, no matter from whom they came, and that he would talk back if any such were propounded. I finally had a private conference with Mr. Brown and urged upon him the absolute necessity that if he went upon the stand as a witness, of being perfectly cool and dispassionate and not manifesting any passion or resentment toward any of the senators who might question him. After a long conference upon this point, he finally promised me that he would do his best to suppress his indignation and his feelings, and would quietly answer any questions that might be asked him. The next day we put Mr. Brown upon the stand as a witness, and to his credit it may be said that he behaved himself most admirably, and won the respect and esteem of the senate by his dignified and courteous behavior.
The constitution of the state required, in order to convict the defendant, a vote of guilty by two-thirds of the members of the senate. Instead of this the highest vote against the defendant upon any article was fifteen votes, or less than one-third, and upon the first, second, third, fourth, and fifth articles that embraced the original controversy with Governor Sherman, upon which he refused to approve the Auditor's bond and appointed his subservient commission, there was not a single vote of guilty against the Auditor, but he was unanimously acquitted. Upon several of the articles it appears that some of the senators voted "guilty" upon a very slim and unwarranted basis. For instance one of the articles of impeachment was against the Auditor for drawing a warrant in behalf of his clerk for the month's salary, the warrant specifying the particular section and chapter of the law that made an appropriation for the purpose of paying this clerk. The fact of the service being within the personal knowledge of the Auditor, and the receipt of the clerk being upon the stub of the warrant issued, and yet the managers insisted that there ought to have been a paper filed stating the account as between the clerk and the Auditor, and because it was not drawn out and filed among the papers of the office, six of the senators voted to find him guilty and to impeach him. It was a mere technicality, extremely, finely drawn out, and showed a disposition to try and ruin a man and his reputation without conscience or any regard to their duty as men and their oath as senators. The vote of fifteen upon the Bremer County Bank question against the Auditor may be justified upon the theory that a public officer situated as the Auditor was, having an important duty to perform, should not accept of any gift or favor or money that might be construed as something he had hoped for or expected when he performed his official duty. The act of receiving the money under the circumstances, though not criminal, was one of those acts of doubtful propriety that could scarcely be justified in a public officer.
The acquittal of Mr. Brown was beyond question a righteous and just act. Governor Larrabee, the newly elected Governor, had already restored Mr. Brown to his office and discharged the appointee to fill the created vacancy, and the people of the state retired Mr. Sherman from public employment permanently. After retiring from office he engaged in managing an insurance company at his former place of residence in the state, in which he was unsuccessful.
The state of Iowa paid to the attorneys in the case selected by Mr. Brown the sum of six dollars a day. I charged Mr. Brown, however, one thousand dollars for my entire services in connection with his impeachment, and he gave me his note for the balance, deducting the amount I had received from the state. This note was signed by S. F. Stewart. Some months afterwards I received from Stewart's wife a very remarkable letter, full of tears and sympathy for Brown, begging me to remit the amount on the note as Mr. Brown was poor and had been much wronged and abused. I ascertained that Stewart at or about the time he signed the note, had obtained from Mr. Brown a transfer to some valuable stock in theIowa Homesteadnewspaper at much less than the real value of the stock, and that they had counted the amount due me on this note as part of the consideration of the transfer. Estimating Mrs. Stewart's sympathy for Mr. Brown at its true value, I insisted on my note being paid in full, which Mr. Brown cheerfully did.
Mr. Brown was further vindicated by the subsequent action of the general assembly of the state in making a reasonable appropriation to reimburse him for his expenses and attorney's fees paid out in making his defense against the articles of impeachment. The result of the investigation before the senate also had a very beneficial effect upon the home insurance companies in that it gave public confidence as to their solvency, and gave assurance that the proper department of state would make the investigation of their transactions from time to time thorough and real, and not as before merely nominal.
CHAPTER XV
MORE LAW CASES
In the summer of 1874 the city of Des Moines was thrown into a state of considerable excitement by the fact of finding the body of a murdered man on the sidewalk near the corner of Walnut and Second street. There was a house of bad repute in the vicinity, and the coroner's jury made a thorough investigation, seemingly as far as practicable, as to the cause and origin of the death. The inhabitants of the house referred to were examined under oath, and the women who boarded there denied any knowledge whatever of the cause of the man's death. The Governor of the state offered a reward of five hundred dollars for the discovery and conviction of the murderer. At the next session of the grand jury of Polk county two of the women boarders at the house of bad repute referred to, and who had denied all knowledge of the murder, appeared before the grand jury and testified with much detail that Charles Howard, a man who had frequented their house, had been guilty of the murder and had carried out the dead body and laid it upon the sidewalk. The grand jury indicted Howard accordingly for murder in the first degree. The trial came on at the December term of the Polk county district court, and in view of the public excitement, which was largely kept alive by the daily press, Howard, by his attorney, made a motion for a change of venue on the ground of prejudice of the inhabitants of the county. Under the peculiar provisions of our statute, counter affidavits were permitted for the purpose of showing that there was no feeling in the community that would prevent Howard from receiving a fair trial. The sheriff informed me that in walking two squares from the court house he had met two hundred men who were willing to sign such counter affidavits, and had obtained a large number of them, which were filed accordingly. The district judge, H. W. Maxwell, overruled the motion for a change of venue, and the trial proceeded. The only testimony introduced in the conviction of Howard was that of the two bad women who had testified before the coroner's jury that they had no knowledge whatever in regard to the killing of Johnson. I was not personally engaged in any way as an attorney in this case, but about ten o 'clock at night after the jury had retired to consider their verdict, Judge Maxwell sent for me to come to the court house for consultation. I found he had also sent for a like purpose for Mr. D. O. Finch, one of the oldest members of the Polk county bar. The judge advised us that the jury had not agreed upon their verdict, but that some one had through the bailiff sent a note in to the jury room threatening the jury with violence in case they failed to convict the defendant. Judge Maxwell was much excited and asked Mr. Finch and myself what he ought to do under the circumstances. We advised him by all means to have the defendant conveyed for safe keeping to some place outside of the county, in charge of the sheriff, and to have it done secretly and immediately lest the mob might seize the accused and commit violence. We also advised him to discharge the jury from a further consideration of the case, as their verdict found under the influence of threats would be worthless, and that he ought also in vindication of his own court to thoroughly investigate the question as to who was guilty in sending or permitting a threat to be communicated to the jury. Instead of being influenced by our advice Judge Maxwell had the jury brought into the courtroom for further instructions, and told them that great excitement and feeling prevailed in the community in regard to the case, and that it was important that the jury should not disagree but should find a verdict in the case. The next morning the jury brought in a verdict of guilty, and the defendant waiving time for sentence, Judge Maxwell had the prisoner brought into court. The courtroom was crowded by an excited mob, and the judge took occasion to harangue the prisoner, denouncing his conduct in the most vehement manner. He then sentenced the prisoner to imprisonment in the penitentiary for life. That night the excited mob broke open the jail, took the prisoner from his cell with a rope tied around his neck, and hung him to a lamp post in the court house square. The opinion of most of the persons who paid any attention to this trial was that there was no reliable evidence of Howard's guilt, and that the probabilities were that the whole case was manufactured for the purpose of securing the reward offered for his conviction. Whether or not the reward was ever paid I have not been able to ascertain, but certain it is that the cowardice of the court and the indiscretion of the public press were responsible for the murder of a man who, to say the least of it, was never proved guilty by any competent evidence.
We had among the distinguished judges that acted as teachers in our law school at Transylvania University a very eminent jurist who sometimes when he felt merry treated the class to that which was not only instructive but also entertaining. On one occasion he delivered to the class the following:
Young Gentlemen: You will find that the general principles of the law are few and easily comprehended, but in their application to the ever-varying transactions of human life the best of minds will differ, hence arises what we denominate the glorious uncertainties of the law whereby we have our bread.
The case that I am about to cite would satisfy the most credulous that there are other causes that produce uncertain results besides the difference in applying the general principles of the law to different cases.
Section 3, article XI of the constitution of the state of Iowa, provided as follows: "No county or other political or municipal corporation shall be allowed to become indebted in any manner or for any purpose to an amount in the aggregate exceeding five per centum on the value of the taxable property within such county or corporation, to be ascertained by the last state or county tax list previous to the incurring of such indebtedness." In November, 1870, the taxable property, real and personal, within and subject to taxation by the said city of Des Moines, as ascertained by the last state and county tax list, amounted to the sum of $3,140,805 and no more, and that five per centum on said amount was only the sum of $157,040.25. In the month of May, 1869, the city had by ordinance authorized the issuing of bonds to the amount of $50,000 for the purpose of funding outstanding warrants, and afterwards in May, 1870, they had enacted a further ordinance authorizing the issuing of bonds for funding outstanding warrants on the city treasurer to the amount of $75,000, all of which bonds had been duly issued and were outstanding at the time of the commencement of the suit hereinafter mentioned. In addition to these bonds aggregating $125,000 there were also outstanding warrants upon the treasury to the amount of $55,000, making an aggregate indebtedness of the city $180,000. On the 7th of July, 1870, the city passed a further ordinance authorizing the issuing of bonds to the amount of $130,000 for the building and repair of certain bridges across the Des Moines and Raccoon rivers, thus exceeding the constitutional limit upon the city's indebtedness.
George Sneer, a citizen and taxpayer of the city of Des Moines, applied to me to bring a suit to test the validity of this last bond issue of $130,000, informing me that the bonds had been placed in the hands of B. F. Allen, then a banker of the city of Des Moines. I informed him I was willing to take the case provided that the suit should be maintained in good faith, that I was satisfied that the bonds were absolutely void whether in the hands of Allen or any other person, being issued in plain violation of the constitution of the state, and that every person purchasing any evidence of indebtedness against the city was bound to take notice of the existing indebtedness of the city and was charged with knowledge thereof, as it was a matter of record and easily ascertained. Mr. Sneer informed me that he desired the question of the validity of the bonds tested in good faith, and that if I undertook the case I might prosecute it to the end. He contracted to pay me the sum of two hundred dollars for my services, and I accordingly prepared the bill for a perpetual injunction against the city council, city treasurer, and B. F. Allen. No one was made defendant to the petition except Allen and members of the city council and the city treasurer. Answers were filed by Mr. Withrow for B. F. Allen and by Seward Smith, his partner, for the city of Des Moines and members of the city council, and the case was submitted on bill and answer. There was no denial of the facts set forth in the petition in regard to the indebtedness of the city, nor did anyone appear in the case claiming to be bona fide purchasers of the bonds, but the answer of Allen was to the effect that he acted as agent for the city and had sold the bonds to one George P. Opdike & Co. of New York City. Maxwell was judge of the district court, and to my surprise entered the following decree in the case: