VIII

It should be noted that all of Baha's wives348hadchildren, and that the first wife had a living son (Abbas) when he took the second wife, so that the usual excuses cannot be pleaded in palliation. For it is common for Bahais in Persia to quote their law, in speaking to a Christian, as meaning that a man may take an additional wife if the first one is childless. Mr. Phelps pleads349in extenuation for Baha Ullah that "his second marriage occurred early in his life and under peculiar circumstances, the exact nature of which I do not know." Such an excuse might be accepted for a man like Mullah Mohammed Ali, the Babi leader of the Zenjan insurrection, for, as far as is known, he entered upon his polygamous life while he was a Mohammedan. Two of his wives350were shot by a cannon ball and were buried with him in a room of his house, while his third wife, with children, escaped and lived at Shiraz. But forBaha Ullah the excuse of Mr. Phelps is inadmissible, for he was no longer a Moslem when he took the second wife, and was thirty-three years old, and he was fifty when he took the third wife in Bagdad, having been born in 1817. At that time Baha had been for many years a leader in the Babi religion, had written the "Ikan," and announced his mission. Nor was this polygamous union a passing phase of his life, but one continued through thirty or forty years. It would have concerned us little to know the private life of Baha Ullah so long as the religion presented itself merely as aiming at a reformation of Islam, for it may readily be admitted that it is somewhat less of an evil to have two wives and one concubine than the four wives and unlimited concubines that the Koran allows, or the nine to thirteen wives that Mohammed took, and that if Bahaism should cut off the temporary concubines, which disgrace Islam, it would be doing a good thing—so far forth—but when the "Interpreter, the centre of the Covenant," Abdul Baha, comes and stands in Christian churches in London and New York and proclaims Bahaism as a new and superior gospel, it is expedient that Baha's real life should be made known to the women of Christian lands.It is well to note the sentiment of Oriental Bahais with regard to plural marriage. The opinion of those at Acca can be understood from Mr. Phelps' narrative.351Abbas Effendi (Abdul Baha) had two sons and six daughters. The sons died. After this,as his sister Behiah Khanum narrates, "Many influences and those of the very strongest character have been brought to induce my brother (Abdul Baha) to take another wife. Believers have urged it strongly for several reasons.Very many of them wish to take a second wifethemselves. Then there is a general wish that the Master might have a son to succeed him. The pressure brought to bear upon him has been very great, greater than you can imagine." Baha desired that Abbas should take a second wife, but he refused to do so unless Baha should command it. There is deep pathos in the words of Abbas352welling from his sorrow-stricken heart. "If it had been God's will that I should have a son, the two that were born to me would not have been taken away." Albeit he was forgetful of his theology which proclaims Baha as "God the Father incarnate." Why did not Baha preserve alive one of the sons rather than wish him to marry a companion-wife in order to have another? Mr. Phelps353attributes Abbas Effendi's refusal to adopt polygamy, notwithstanding these "very powerful influences which have urged him to do so" to "his appreciation of the sufferings and discontent which it causes among women."354Certainly the animosity and bitter quarrellings between the wives of Baha and their respective children, resulting in a permanent split inthe family and a schism355in the Bahai community, were sufficient to impress Abbas and his followers with the evil effects of plural marriage. The narrative shows, however, that public sentiment among the believers at Acca strongly favoured taking more than one wife. They evidently had no desire to give up the license granted to them by the "Kitab-ul-Akdas." They inclined to follow it and the example of Baha Ullah rather than the example of Abdul Baha.In conclusion, it is evident that the law and example of Baha Ullah both sanction polygamy. By this the socialinequalityof the sexes is fixed. Any claim that Bahaism teaches and establishes equal rights for man and woman is vain and groundless boasting.III.The regulation of divorceis another matter that vitally affects the relation of man and woman. The divorce law of Baha, as prescribed in the "Kitab-ul-Akdas," is a loose one. I again quote from Professor Browne's translation.356It will be noticed that the conditions of the law are set forth from the standpoint of the man. "If quarrels arise between a man and his wife, he may put her away. He may not give her absolute divorce at once, but must wait a year that perhaps he may become reconciled to her. At the end of this period, if he still wishes to put her away, he is at liberty to do so. Even after this hemay take her back at the end of any month so long as she has not become the wife of another man." "The practice of requiring a divorced woman to cohabit with another man before her former husband can take her back is prohibited." (This abolishes one of the vile laws of Mohammedanism.) "If a man is travelling with his wife and they quarrel, he must give her a sufficient sum of money to take her back to the place they started from and send her with a trustworthy escort." From these quotations it is evident that the wife is dependent on the good pleasure and whim357of the man. He may put away; he may take back. The law says nothing of her right to divorce him. It does not appear that she has the right to divorce her husband even in case he is guilty of adultery. The penalty for adultery is slight. A fine of nineteen miscals of gold, equal to fifty to sixty dollars, is imposed for the first offense and this is doubled for the second offense. The fines are to be paid to the "House of Justice." According to the "Bayan" of the Bab the husband must pay the divorced wife a dowry of ninety-five miscals of gold ($300) if they are city folks, and ninety-five miscals of silver ($10) if they are villagers. These are paltry sums even on the basis of Persian poverty. I may say, in passing, that the Laws of Inheritance give to the father a greater portion than to a mother, to a brother greaterthan to a sister, and gives the family residence to a male heir.Freedom from the marriage bond is made easy by desertion. "Married men who travel must fix a definite time for their return and endeavour to return at that time. If their wives have no news from them for nine months, after the fixed period, they can go to another husband. But if they are patient it is better, since Godloves thosewho are patient."How the husband who is away from his wife can act, we may judge by the example of a celebrated Bahai,358Maskin Kalam, who was agent for Baha to watch over and spy upon Azal and the Azalis in Cyprus. His wife was in Persia; he simply took another in Cyprus.The ease with which desertion may be practiced under Bahai law is seen in the conduct of Doctor Kheiralla, one of the first apostles of Bahaism to America, and founder of the Chicago Assembly. Dr. H. H. Jessup wrote: "A cousin of Doctor Kheiralla, who is clerk in the American Press in Beirut, gave me the following statement: 'Doctor Kheiralla, after the death of his first wife in Egypt, in 1882, married first a Coptic widow in El Fayum, whom he abandoned, and then married a Greek girl, whom he also abandoned, and who was still living in 1897 in Cairo. He then married an English wife, who abandoned him when his matrimonial relations became known to her.'"359According to the claims of Bahais these loose and imperfect divorce and marriage laws are to be accepted and administered universally under the future kingdom of Baha in its world-wide triumph!It may be remarked in passing that Bahaism encourages the mixture of races by marriage. Already several American Bahais have married Persian women, and Persian men American women. One American Bahai woman has married a Japanese. Abdul Baha illustrates the relation of the races by a reference to animals. "Consider the kingdom of the animals. A pigeon of white plumage would not shun one of black or brown." In a tablet sent to America, he directs: "Gather together these two races, black and white, into one assembly and put such love into their hearts that they shall evenintermarry."360Again he says:361"The coloured people must attend all the unity meetings. There must be no distinctions. All are equal. If you have any influence to get the races to intermarry, it will be very valuable. Such unions will beget very strong and beautiful children." Mr. Gregory, an American negro, followed this advice by marrying an English woman, Miss L. A. M. Mathew.IV.The social position of women under Bahaism.Professor Browne says: "Their (the Bahais) efforts to improve the social position of women have been much exaggerated."362It may be added that the success of their efforts has been small. It is plain that theBab recognized the deplorable condition of women under Islam and desired to improve it. His laws gave woman some liberties. She was permitted to put off the veil. The Bab interpreted the prohibition of the Koran to mean that "only the wives of the prophet had received the order to hide the face,"363so "he relieved believers from the painful restraint of the veil." Women might appear in society, hold conversation with men,364and go to the mosques at night. Baha renewed these rules of the Bab. Still he seems to have some distrust, for the "Kitab-ul-Akdas" says that "men are forbidden to enter any man's house without his permission or in his absence." Thus Bahai precepts tend in some degree to the liberation of woman, though they fall much behind high Christian ideals and customs.There is observable a wide-spread and influential movement among Moslems for the amelioration of the condition of woman. This movement does not have its source and inspiration in, nor is it peculiar to nor confined to Bahaism. On the contrary, an oriental writer in a review of this remarkable tendency says: "Its birth in Moslem lands undoubtedly is due to the impact of the Occident upon the Orient, the missionary influence playing a large part in it."365The new Moslems of India, under the leadership of Justice Sayid Ali, as well as the Young Turks, Egyptians and others, advocate freedom and education for women and have gone much beyond theBahais in practice. The Turkish women in Constantinople, who aided in the establishment of the constitution and are aspiring to enlarged liberty under its ægis, know Bahaism, if at all, simply as a Persian heretical sect. The Persian women, described so graphically by Mr. Shuster in "The Strangling of Persia,"366who formed clubs and took such an active and heroic part in the constitutional agitation, were not Bahai women. The Bahai women, as well as the men, were forbidden by Abdul Baha to take part in the struggle for constitutional liberty.367Professor Browne laments the lack of patriotism shown in their conduct. Still the Bahais deserve some credit for the movement for the uplift of Persian womanhood. They might have done much more, notwithstanding the limitations to their liberty of action, had they followed out the first ideals of the Bab. These were exemplified in the celebrated Kurrat-ul-Ayn. This beautiful woman of genius—poet, scholar and theologian, was a pupil at Kerbela, of Haji Kazim, the chief of the Sheikhis. On his death she accepted the Bab, so that though a product of the Sheikhi sect, her fame accrues to the honour of the Babis. At Kerbela, she gave lectures on theology to the people from behind a curtain, and at times, borne away by her enthusiasm and eloquence, would allow her veil to slip off in thepresence of men. Her preaching and freedom of conduct was objected to even by Babis, but the Bab answered them, commending her and giving her the title of Janab-i-Tahira, "Her Excellency the Pure," and made her one of his nineteen "Letters of the Living," or apostles. She is said to have claimed to be a remanifestation of Fatima, the daughter of Mohammed. The Turkish government at Bagdad began prosecution against her. She returned to Persia and taught Babism even from the pulpit, at Kasvin, and also by means of poetry. What were the social results of her breaking through the restrictions of Islam? Her husband was Mullah Mohammed of Kasvin, who was opposed to the Bab. On account of this she refused to live with him. "In reply to all proposals of reconciliation, she answered: 'He, in that he rejects God's religion is unclean, while I am 'Pure'; between us there can be nothing in common.' So she refused to be reconciled to her husband,"368and regarded herself as divorced.369Afterwards "she set out secretly to join herself to Hazret-i-Kuddus (Lord, the Most Holy)," that is, Mullah Mohammed Ali of Barfurush. Together they attended, with Baha Ullah also, the celebrated conference at Badasht, at which "the abrogation of the laws of the previous dispensation was announced." There a sermon was preached by Hazret-i-Kuddus, which, says Professor Browne, lends some colour to the accusation that the Babisadvocated communism and community of wives."370This learned investigator further says: "The extraordinary proceedings at Badasht seem to have scandalized not only the Mohammedans but even a section of the Babis."371Mirza Jani, their first historian and a martyr, avers that not all "have understood the secret of what passed between Hazret-i-Kuddus and Kurrat-ul-Ayn at Badasht, and their real nature and what they meant."372The Mohammedan historians openly accuse them of immorality. The Sheikh of Kum, a Bahai, told Professor Browne, "After the Bab had declared the law of Islam abrogated and before he had promulgated new ordinances, there ensued a period of transition which we callfitrat(the interval), during which all things were lawful. So long as this continued, Kurrat-ul-Ayn may very possibly have consorted, for example, with Hazret-i-Kuddus, as though he had been her husband."373It may be that the scandals that followed Kurrat-ul-Ayn's venture into public life and her tragic death in the cruel reprisals that followed the attempt of several Babis to assassinate the Shah, gave a backset to the efforts to liberate women in Persia. Certain it is that during the sixty years succeeding she has had no imitator or successor. Bahai women have continued to wear the veil and have remained secluded from the society of men, not only in Persiabut at Acca, the headquarters of Bahaism. The force of the new faith was not strong enough to free the women. Rather they have compromised with their environment. Only in the Caucasus and Trans-Caspia under Russian protection, have they partly unveiled. Not even their women of the second and third generation have been trained to act up to their precepts, but in Acca, as in Persia, they are secluded from the society of even brethren in the faith. They are more backward than some other sects and races of Moslems. I have been entertained in the households of Kurds and Ali Allahis and have dined and conversed with the host and his wife. I have, of course, conversed with the families of Christian converts from Islam, but the wife of a Bahai has never been introduced to me, even though I have known the husband intimately and visited him in his home a score of times in the course of as many years. In a few instances I have heard of Bahai women, in company of their husbands, receiving gentleman visitors, but these wives had resided in Russia. An Osmanli official, at times, receives and makes visits in company with his wife.374But the ladies of the household of Baha Ullah and Abdul Baha at Acca do not receive gentlemen as visitors even when they are faithful and honoured American believers. Mr. Myron Phelps, when preparing materials for his "Life of Abbas Effendi," spent a month at Acca.He wished to embody in his book the interesting narrative of Bahiah Khanum, the sister of Abbas. She, though more than half a century had passed over her head, did not grant him personal interviews.375Instead she told her narrative in installments day by day to Madame Canavarro, who then came out and repeated what she had heard to Mr. Phelps, who recorded it. He says: "Social custom prevented me from meeting this lady," and again, "Social custom prevented me from meeting the women."376Now that the way is opened by the Revolution and by the Constitutionalists (who were not Bahais), liberal-minded men of all sects in Persia, Sufis, Sheikhis, Arifs, and even Mutasharis, as well as Bahais, are showing considerable zeal for the elevation of women, and for female education.V. What does Bahaism teach as to thepolitical equality of man and woman? The future Bahai State and community is to be under the administration of Boards—called Houses of Justice, local, national, and universal. These are to be "divine agents," "representatives of God." They are to have absolute authority and to be infallible in their decisions. They will adjudicate questions of property, tithes, inheritance, divorce, and of war and peace. They will have charge of schools and of wives, children and servants as well as of religion. The number of members in each Board is to be at least nine, "according to the number of Baha."377The members are to be allmen. No women are to be admitted to these Boards or "Houses of Justice." This law evidently did not suit the notion of some of the American Bahai sisters, so they made bold to inquire about it. The "Infallible Interpreter," Abdul Baha, laid down the law plainly—which cannot be altered for 1,000 years at least. "From aspiritualpoint of view, there is no difference between womenand men. The House of Justice, however, according to the positive commandments of the Doctrine of God, has been specialized to themenfor a specific reason or exercise of wisdom on the part of God."378"As to you other maid-servants, give up your will and choose that of God." "The maid-servants of the merciful should not interfere with the affairs which have regard to the Board of Consultation, or House of Justice."379To sum up, it has been demonstrated that Bahaism does not, by its laws, give woman equality with the man, either in the family or the state, either as to domestic rights or political rights; that in the matter of education it has not tried to give equal opportunities to girls; that it conforms to the social life of its environment without transforming it; that the claims of Abdul Baha before his audiences in Europe and America were without foundation, disproved both by the teaching and by the practice by Baha Ullah.FOOTNOTES:314S. W.(Bahai), Dec. 12, 1913, p. 254.315S. W.(Bahai), March 21, 1913, p. 5.316Tablet of Tarazat.317Tablet of Tajalliyat.318Ishrakat.319Bahai News, Aug. 20, 1911.320Mr. Remey writes: "In most places the work is carried on by the women almost entirely. There is an absence of many men.... Men are most in need of being reached.... To-day I had a letter from a good maid-servant, saying that the only man inherassembly had refused to come to meetings, because he was the only man present. I mention this because it is typical of most assemblies in America.... In most places the men are doing but little." (Bahai News, Aug. 20, 1910, p. 3).321"Tablet of Ishrakat," p. 36.322Phelps, pp. 110, 229.323Afterwards withdrawn from Tabriz.324"Principles of the Bahai Movement," p. 16.325Mirza Abul Fazl's "Bahai Proofs," p. 105.326Ibid., pp. 95-96.327Phelps,Ibid., pp. 86-87.328Phelps,Ibid., p. 85.329Ibid., pp. 88-90.330See also Professor Browne in theJour. Roy. As. Soc., 1892.331"Life of Abbas Effendi," p. 139.332"New Hist.," pp. 374-375.333"Trav.'s Narr.," p. 384.334"New Hist.," p. 415.335Phelps, p. 73.336"New Hist.," p. xxiii; "Trav.'s Narr.," p. 361. Compare "A Year Among the Persians."337Phelps, p. 79.338"Baha Ullah," by Kheiralla, pp. 491-492.339"The Bahai Movement," by C. M. Remey, p. 24.340Phelps, p. 139.341"Trav.'s Narr.," p. 361.342"New Hist.," p. 273, Note 2.343"Tablets of Abdul Baha," Vol. I, pp. 209, 218.344"New Hist.," p. 415 and Note 1.345"Tablets," Vol. I, p. 107.346"Trav.'s Narr.," p. 84.347"Facts for Behaists," p. 59.348The Family of Baha Ullah (1817-1892)First wife, named Nawab, or Aseyeh, entitled Veraka-ulya, "the SupremeLeaf," married at Teheran, 1251A. H.,i. e., 1835A. D.Her children, (1) Aga Mirza Sadik, born at Teheran, died at 4 years.(2) Abbas Effendi, born at Teheran, 1841.(3) Bahiah Khanum, born at Teheran, 1844.N. B.: Some reverse the order of (2) and (3).(4) Ali Mohammed, born at Teheran, died at 7 years.(5) Aga Mahdi, born at Teheran, died at Acca, 1871.(6) Ali Mohammed, born at Bagdad, died at 2 years.Companion wife, Ayesha, title Mahd Ulya, "the Supreme Cradle,"marriedA. H.1266, 1850A. D.Her children, (1) Mohammed Ali, born at Bagdad, 1854.(2) Samadiah, Bagdad, 1857, died Acca, 1904.(3) Ali Mohammed, Bagdad, died at 2 years.(4) Saz-Habbieh, Bagdad, died Constantinople.(5) Zia Ullah, Adrianople, 1867, Haifa, 1898.(6) Badi Ullah, Adrianople.Concubine, a sister of Mirza Mahdi Kashani, taken at Bagdad.Her child, (1) One daughter, born 1873, at Acca, name Shuruk.The wives and concubine of Baha Ullah all survived him.349Phelps, p. 139.350"New Hist.," pp. 160-162, 164.351"Life of Abbas Effendi," p. 92.352Phelps, p. 94.353Phelps, p. 105.354A Chicago Bahai told me that Baha took several wives, that his experience of the evils of polygamy, the quarrels of his wives and children might be a warning to us not to follow his example!355See Professor Browne's Introduction to Mirza Jani's "History." Also Abul Fazl's "Bahai Proofs," pp. 113-119, and Kheiralla's "Facts for Behaists."356Jour. Roy. As. Soc., 1892.357"The wife is still in a helpless state; her fate remains entirely in the power of her husband's caprice "(Vatralsky inAmer. Jour. of Theology, 1902, p. 72).358"Trav.'s Narr.," pp. 378-379.359Outlook, of New York, quoted inThe Missionary Review, October, 1901, p. 773.360"A Heavenly Vista," by L. G. Gregory, p. 31.361Page 15.362"Encyc. Britt.," article, "Babism."363Dreyfus,Ibid., p. 128.364But if they limit themselves to twenty-eight words, it was better for them, says the "Bayan."365American Rev. of Rev., 1912, p. 719.366Pages 191-198.367"Observations of a Bahai Traveller," by Remey, pp. 53, 67; also Dreyfus,Ibid., p. 172.368"New Hist.," pp. 274, 441.369Her spirit of intolerance is condemned by Professor Browne.370"New Hist.," p. 357.371Mirza Jani's "History," Introduction, p. xlii.372"New Hist.," p. 365.373"A Year Among the Persians," p. 523.374"Mohammedan young men will no longer consent to marry girls they have not seen, but now in Beirut visit them and drive out with them on the public highways with the mothers as chaperones" (Jessup's "Fifty-three Years in Syria," p. 640).375Phelps, p. xxxix.376Ibid., p. 109; Chase, "In Galilee," p. 63; Goodall, "Daily Lessons," p. 19. Abdul Baha did not break through oriental custom nor serve the lady guests before himself. The lady pilgrim writes, "The first day at lunch, after Baha had partaken of the honey, he passed it to us" ("Daily Lessons," p. 16). Like the ordinary Moslem he was well pleased to sit down to eat with the foreign ladies but never arranged that the American Bahai men should sit down to meals with his ladies. Mr. C. M. Remey tells, in "Observations of a Bahai Traveller," of meeting Persian Bahai women but rarely in Persia (pp. 75-76). In Kasvin, in the garden of Kurrat-ul-Ayn, one woman partly raised her veil and gave him a greeting of welcome. In Teheran a lady, unveiled, and her husband entertained the Bahais. The husband and wife received the twenty men in one room and the wife received the dozen women in another room. They were separated by a curtain, through which Sprague and Remey spoke, telling of the liberty of women in the West. The lady of the house used her best persuasion to induce the other women to mix with the men. Finally "the women arose and drawing aside their veils with one accord entered the room. The men made place for the ladies by retreating to the other side of the room, while the newcomers found seats. When the women had arisen to the situation, they were quite equal to it. Then it was the men who were ill at ease. In fact their embarrassment was contagious, for even I began to be uneasy and scarcely dared to take a look at the faces opposite. Sherbets and other refreshments were served and chanting continued. Bit by bit the men gained their ease, but, as their embarrassment passed, the women seemed to lose courage. Little by little the veils were drawn over their faces. Then one moved as if to leave, where upon all arose and like a flock of affrighted birds fluttered from the room." This incident shows how little change has been affected in the social habits of Bahai women in sixty years after Kurrat-ul-Ayn.377B = 2, a = 1, h = 5, a = 1, total 9 in Persian Abjad counting.378"Tablets of Abdul Baha," Vol. I, p. 50.379Ibid., p. 27.VIIIIts Record as to MoralsThe Bahais are ignorant of the dogmas of Babism and of its history and its book. The "Traveller's Narrative," a work of Abbas Effendi, is a bad romance, composed solely for the purpose of proving that the Bab is simply a precursor and announcer of Baha Ullah. With extreme bias, he misconceives in every instance the true history, and the author has not even searched, as I have, in the immense works of the Bab for the autobiographical notes which are so plentiful. He is satisfied with the legends which fall in best with the end he is pursuing. It is regrettable that a man like Abbas Effendi should show himself ignorant of the life of the Bab.—"Beyan Persan," A. L. M. Nicolas, Vol. I, p. xvi.To represent him (the Bab) as simply the forerunner of Baha is an historic falsehood. It is another to pretend that the religion of the Bab was universalized by Baha Ullah.—Ibid., Vol. III, p. v.The Bab did not consider himself as the herald or forerunner of another dispensation, as a John the Baptist to Christ. This is devoid of historic foundation. In his own eyes as in those of his followers, M. Ali Mohammed inaugurated a new prophetic cycle and brought a new revelation which abrogated the Koran. He declared that he is not the last Manifestation. There would be a greater, whom he calls "Him whom God would manifest," but the Bab expected that the next manifestation would be separated from his own by an interval such as had separated previous dispensations. Possibly the "Bayan" indicates 1511 or 2001 years as the interval.—Professor Browne, "Introduction to Mirza Jani's History."THE moralconduct of the founders of a religion, especially one that requires trust in the person of its author, is a necessary subject of investigation. The conduct of the immediate followers is not to the same degree a subject of criticism. From one point of view it is no argument against the truth of Bahaism that Bahais fail to live up to its precepts and principles, for this can be said of all religions. But the claims of Bahai writers make it necessary to consider their conduct. They boast of superior exemplary character and make this a proof of Bahaism. Hence it is necessary to show the groundlessness of their assertions. In the following review, which covers several chapters, the conduct of Baha, Abdul Baha and their early followers is treated together. The claim made for the founders is nothing short of blessed perfection. For the disciples, it is one of superlative excellence. Myron Phelps says:380"This faith does not expend itself on beautiful and unfruitful theories, but has a vital and effective power to mould life towards the very highest ideals of human character—as exemplified in the life of Abbas and the salient characteristicsof his followers." The Bahai historians say:381"They are remarkable only for their charity, kindliness, purity, godliness, rectitude, sincerity, integrity, generosity, chastity and strict avoidance of all forbidden things." "In their conduct, action, morality and demeanour was no place for objection.... People have confidence in their trustworthiness, faithfulness and godliness." Abul Fazl382speaks of the supernatural character and morals of the followers of Baha, who became universally celebrated for their just characters, good conduct and excellent morals. So Remey:383"The effect of this cause upon the lives of the peoples of every race and religion leaves no doubt as to the divine source of its teachings." Mirza Jani, speaking of the proofs the Babis gave to the Moslems, says:384"We say, 'We have witnessed miracles on the part of this man.' They retort, 'He is a sorcerer.' We say, 'Come, let us invoke God's curse on whomsoever is in error, leaving to Him the decision.' They reply, 'This is not permitted by our law.' We say, 'Let us kindle a fire and enter into the midst together.' They answer, 'You are mad.' We further say, 'Consider the godliness, piety and self-renunciation of those who believe.' They return us no answer." I propose to return the answer.1. One characteristic of the Bahai leaders isdishonesty in dealing with their history. This sometimes takes the form of the suppression and concealment of documents, sometimes of the omission or perversion of essential facts or their presentation in such a way as to falsify history. In the writing of political history and in scheming for the triumph of a political party, we may expect crookedness in dealing with facts, but in the propagating of a new religion designed to supersede Christianity and Islam, and purporting to be an improvement on them, we do not expect to find dishonesty and misrepresentation. Yet this is exactly what we find, namely, "a readiness to ignore or suppress facts, writings or views (undoubtedly historical), which they regard as useless or hurtful to their aims."385When Mirza Husain Ali (Baha Ullah) started out as a "Manifestation," it was necessary to get rid of certain facts and beliefs held by Babis. He must reduce the Bab from his position as the Point of Divinity—the Lord of a new Dispensation, as well as supplant and supersede the Bab's successor, Subh-i-Azal.386Thoroughly to accomplish this object (after the Babis leaders had been put out of the way), the history was rewritten. While claiming that the Bab gave testimony to Baha and taking to themselves the glory of Babi heroism and martyrdoms, the Bahais relegated the "Bayan" and other "revelations" of the Bab, not yet a score of years old, to dust-covered oblivion.387Subh-i-Azal avers that they wilfully destroyed them.He writes388that thirty or more bound books of the Bab were given in trust by him to his relatives (Baha and his family) as trustees. "They carried off the trust," and "making strenuous efforts, got into their hands such of the books of the Point as were obtainable, with the idea of destroying them and rendering their own works attractive." Professor Browne389informs us that it was very difficult to obtain a Babi book from Persian Bahais and next to impossible to get a glimpse of one at Acca, where the Bahais had them concealed. The "holy, divine books" were shelved from motives of policy.A primitive Babi work of first importance was the "History," by Mirza Jani. This was an original narrative of events, at first hand, prepared in sincerity by one who shortly suffered martyrdom for the cause (1852). But its facts did not suit the Bahais. So it was superseded, first by the "New History"390(1880), and secondly by the "Traveller's Narrative" (1886). Both these histories purport to be written by European travellers. We might excuse their being anonymous, to avoid possible persecution, but to make pretense that the authors are travellers who have come from afar ostensibly to investigate, andinto whose mouths are put praises of the religion, is but part of the insincerity noticeable in other things.391Mirza Jani's "History" passed out of sight, and it was only because a copy had been deposited by Count Gobineau in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris that it has reached our hands.392Of the "New History" little need be said, except that it perverted the history and "carefully omitted every fact, doctrine and expression,"393not in accord with the policy of Baha.Let us examine somewhat in detail how Abbas Abdul Baha treats facts in his "Traveller's Narrative." He is undoubtedly the principal author of this work.394The Persian Bahai, who sent Professor Browne the lithographed (Bombay) copy of it, wrote, "It contains the observations of His Holiness, the Lord, Mystery of God (May my personality be his sacrifice)." Professor Browne was also presented with a copy of it at Acca, which he published in Persian with an English translation. Of it he says,395"It was written to discredit the perfectly legitimate claims and to disparage the blameless character of his less successful rival" (Azal). "There is good ground forsuspecting adeliberate misstatement396of facts and dates." He specifies397various points in which Abbas Effendi perverted the facts. Undoubtedly one of the aims of Abbas was to eliminate Azal. The latter had been regularly appointed by the Bab as his successor,398but he refused to make way for Baha. The Bahais tried to get rid of the question by suppressing all mention of him, even of his name, and "of all documents tending to prove the position which he undoubtedly held."399They would have consigned him to oblivion.400The "New History" makes but one doubtful reference to Azal.401Professor Browne says, "Abbas Effendi,402in order to curtail the duration and extent of Subh-i-Azal's authority and to givecolour to their assertion that it was but temporary and nominal,deliberately and purposely antedatedthe Manifestation of Baha." And he continues to the present to misrepresent the facts. In "Answered Questions"403Baha is presented as the chief influence in Persia immediately after the Bab. Other Bahai writers repeat this error.4042. Another practice of the founders of Bahaism isfalsifying and changing the documents and texts of their Sacred Writings, namely, those of the Bab and Baha, according to the exigency of circumstances. Subh-i-Azal made the accusation "that the Bahais had tampered with the Bab's writings to give colour to their own doctrines and views."405I pass this by, to notice how they have tampered with their own"Revelations." For example, take Baha's "Epistle to the Shah of Persia." Its original text was published by Baron Rosen.406It is embodied by Abbas Effendi in the "Traveller's Narrative."407The two do not agree. "Very considerable alterations and suppressions were made in the text by the author of 'Traveller's Narrative.'"408"The text has evidently been toned down to suit a wider audience and to avoid giving offense to non-believers."409There is also another "Epistle to the Shah" which is contained in the "Surat-ul-Maluk." Its tone is strikingly different. The first is a careful diplomatic document which acknowledges the faults of the Babis, pleads pardon for the past and for religious toleration. It is monotheistic, representing Baha as a humble suffering servant, with no pretense to Divinity. The other "adopts a tone of fierce recrimination towards the Shah, and upbraids him for the Bab's death, saying, 'Would you had slain him as men slay one another, but ye slew him in such a way as the eyes of men have not seen the like thereof and heaven wept over him, and by God, the eye of existence hath not beheld the like of you; you slay the son of your prophet and then are of those who are joyful.'" He excuses the attempt on the life of the Shah, and threatens vengeance410on him. Thesetwo Epistles to the Shah have been a puzzle to the critics. This threatening, fierce letter seems so contrary to the policy of Baha. An adequate and not improbable explanation411would be that one letter was prepared for the perusal of his Majesty and the other for the Bahais, to impress them with the boldness of their prophet.Another example of this is seen in the suppression412of part of the "Lawh-i-Basharat" ("Glad Tidings"). Its fifteenth section commands Constitutional Government. When the Tablet was sent to Russia, this section was suppressed by Bahais. The Tablet was published in its mutilated form by Baron Rosen. Expediency, which rules Bahai practice, required that an incomplete "Divine Revelation" should reach Russia.Playing fast and loose with the "Revelations" prevailed still more at the time of the bitter quarrel and schism on the death of Baha. Though Baha's Tablets are regarded as "Holy Books" in the highest sense, yet the Bahais commit the grave offense of changing them so as to misrepresent facts. Mirza Mohammed Ali and Badi Ullah, younger sons of Baha, in refuting the claim of Abbas Effendi to beBaha's successor, say, "Has Abbas dared to change the texts uttered by Baha Ullah? Most certainly, Yes. We have in our possessionmanytexts of Baha Ullah which have been changed413by Abbas Effendi." Further, "he and his party have stolen the first paragraph of a sacred Tablet and have perverted its meaning, with deception."Khadim-Ullah,414the lifelong amanuensis of Baha, asserts that Abbas actually rejected a "Sacred Tablet," written in the handwriting of Baha Ullah. Other Tablets are repudiated. For in "Hidden Words"415Baha Ullah refers to the "Fifth Tablet of Paradise" and the "Ruby Tablet." Abbas Effendi warns against accepting any such Tablets if they should be brought to light. What other reason for this can we imagine than fear that their contentswould be against his claim. Enough has been said to show the truth of the charge that the Bahais deal dishonestly with the documents of their alleged revelation.A peculiar instance of forgery occurs in the writings of Baha Ullah. In his Epistle to the Shah Baha quotes certain verses as from the "Hidden Book of Fatima." This book, the Shiahs believe, was revealed by Gabriel to Fatima, the daughter of Mohammed, disappeared with the twelfth Imam, and will be brought back by the Mahdi at his coming. Professor Browne416wrote to Acca making inquiry about this "Book of Fatima" and the quotations from it. The authoritative reply which he received was, "That naught is known of such a book but the name, but Baha Ullah mentioned it in this manner to make known the appearance of the Kaim" (Mahdi). In other words, Baha was making a false pretense of quoting from the "Book of Fatima," as if he, as Mahdi, had brought it with him.3. Bahais makefalse representation of facts in political history. The "Traveller's Narrative" perverts the truth for "political opportunism."417Contrary to the contemporary historian, Mirza Jani, and the European chroniclers, the Shah is represented as ignorant and innocent of and averse to the repressive measures taken by his government against the Babis. Let me give specific proofs of this.At the first trial of the Bab, at Tabriz, according to Mirza Jani,418Nasr-ud-Din, then Crown Prince, whomhe dubs "bastard," treated the Bab disrespectfully by rolling a globe towards him and taunting him with ignorance of it and by ordering him to be bastinadoed. The "Traveller's Narrative,"419per contra, says, "The heavenly-cradled Crown Prince pronounced no sentence with regard to the Bab, but the Mullahs ordered a bastinado." The former history states that the Prime Minister consulted, about the execution of the Bab, with the Shah,420who gave him full authority to act in the matter," and that he then communicated with Prince Hamza Mirza, Governor of Azerbaijan, who proceeded to make plans for it. Abbas' Narrative421states that "the Minister, without the Royal command and without his cognizance and entirely on his own authority, issued commands to put the Bab to death"; "that Prince Hamza utterly refused to have part in the trial and execution." Gobineau422confirms the original account, and states that Prince Hamza "took a leading part in the condemnation of the Bab." It is certain that contemporary Babis423held the Shah responsible for their persecution and were bitter against him. Mirza Jani records the death of MohammedShah, by saying that "he went to hell"; the "New History" affirms "that he passed to the mansions of Paradise." Nasr-ud-Din was no puppet king, he was fully cognizant of the affairs of state. Regarding the imprisonment of Baha, the "Traveller's Narrative"424says, "His Majesty, moved by his own kindly spirit, ordered investigation and the release of Baha Ullah." He had just ordered the execution of twenty-eight Babis, with horrid cruelties, after the attempt on his life. Regarding the torture and execution of Badi, who bore the Epistle to the Shah, it says:425"It was contrary to the desire of the Shah, and he manifested regret for it." This and much in that Epistle is written with the idea of conciliating the Shah and obtaining toleration. It is a sensible attitude, did they not maintain it with so much misrepresentation and hypocrisy. The real spirit of Bahais towards Nasr-ud-Din is seen in Baha's "Surat-ul-Maluk," and is one of "fierce recrimination." Confirmation of this comes from conversations with Bahais.Another misrepresentation of history, which is universal among Bahais, is in belittling the plot to assassinate Nasr-ud-Din Shah in 1852. Abbas Effendi says,426"It was done by a certain Babi, by sheer madness, one other person being his accomplice." His sister, Bahiah Khanum, says,427It was "by a young Babi who had lost his reason." Kheiralla,428says, It was "by a weak-minded, insanebeliever." Similarly all their writers propagate a tradition that one irresponsible man made the attempt. It is permitted to doubt the Shiah historian, who gives a circumstantial account of how twelve Babis, including one high leader, laid the plot. But Count Gobineau429is entitled to credence when he says that there were a number of Babis in the plot and three took part in the attempt. A nephew of one of the accomplices told Professor Browne430that there were seven in the plot and three of them went out to commit the act. Why will not Bahai writers give the facts straight?Another misrepresentation fostered by them is that of calling the Babi martyrs Bahais. Thus Abdul Baha says,431"When they brought Kurrat-ul-Ayn the terrible news of the martyrdom of the Bahais, she did not waver." Again he says,432"Thousands of His (i. e., Baha Ullah's) followers have given their lives, and while under the sword shedding their blood they have proclaimed, 'Ya Baha-ul-Abha.'" He said433in Doctor Cadman's church, "The King of Persia killed 20,000 Bahais." Again,434"In all parts of Persia his enemies rose against Baha Ullah, imprisoning and killinghisconverts, razing thousands of dwellings." These are gross misstatements. In Kurrat-ul-Ayn's time there were no Bahais, only Babis. No such efforts as those described were ever made to crush Bahaism. The thousands who gavetheir lives were Babis. Perhaps some one remarks, "What's the difference?" Foreign writers may not know the difference, and an American audience certainly does not. But Abdul Baha, from whom I have quoted, makes a great difference. It arouses one's indignation to read Bahai literature, in which they claim credit for all that is noble in Babi annals, such as the martyrdoms, and yet they disparage and deny the Babis.Read Abul Fazl's "Bahai Proofs." He said435to Prince Naibus-Sultaneh, "The unseemly actions of the Babis cannot be denied nor excused, but to arrest Bahais for them is oppression, for these unfortunates haveno connection with the Babis, who took up arms,nor are they of the same religion or creed." In another place he writes436repudiating the wars and disorders of the Babis, and affirming that they were guilty of many censurable actions, such as taking men's property and pillaging the dead, and engaging in conflict and bloodshed. If then the Bahais repudiate them, they must not appropriate their glory, for the old Babis, with all their faults, were at least heroic. Bahaism has, on the contrary, the spirit oftagiya.I pass on to consider Abdul Baha's representations regarding Sultan Abdul Hamid. I present two quotations from Tablets addressed to American believers. The first says,437"Here one witnesses the fairness and impartiality of H. I. Majesty the Padishah of the Ottomans, who has dealt with the utmost justice andequity. In reality to-day, in the Asiatic world, the Padishah of the Ottoman Empire and the Shah of Persia, Muzaffar-ud-Din, are peerless and have no equals. These two kings have treated us with mildness—both are just. Therefore, pray ye and beseech for their confirmation in the threshold of the Almighty, especially for Abdul Hamid, who has dealt at all times in justice with these exiled ones." Abdul Hamid—a peerless, just one! Surely this would have remained among thehidden thingshad not one "Servant of God" (Abd-ul-Baha) revealed it to us about that other "Servant of God" (Abd-ul-Hamid). This "revelation" is dated 1906. After Abdul Hamid was deposed, Abdul Baha speaks438of "his oppression and tyranny," for the Sultan sent "an oppressive, august commission, that with all kinds of wiles, simulations, slander and fabrication of false stories, they might fasten guilt upon Abdul Baha. But soon fetters and manacles were placed around theunblessedneck of Abdul Hamid." Did the "Infallible Pen" err in the former character sketch? No, but Abdul Baha's oppression439of his brothers, in retaining their patrimony, resulted in a bitter quarrel and complaints, followed by an investigating Commission and Abdul Baha's imprisonment. On this account the whitewash scaled off from Abdul Hamid.Another form of misstatement is their habitual way of speaking of the imprisonment of Baha and Abdul Baha. Abdul Baha says of Baha,440"His blessed days ended in the cruel prison anddark dungeon." "He passed his days in the Most Great Prison."441Abdul Baha continually speaks of himself in such words as the following, "Forty years I was a prisoner; I was young when I was put in prison, and my hair was white when the prison doors opened."442"After all these long years of prison life." "My body can endure anything; my body has endured forty years of imprisonment."443Now, what are the facts?

It is well to note the sentiment of Oriental Bahais with regard to plural marriage. The opinion of those at Acca can be understood from Mr. Phelps' narrative.351Abbas Effendi (Abdul Baha) had two sons and six daughters. The sons died. After this,as his sister Behiah Khanum narrates, "Many influences and those of the very strongest character have been brought to induce my brother (Abdul Baha) to take another wife. Believers have urged it strongly for several reasons.Very many of them wish to take a second wifethemselves. Then there is a general wish that the Master might have a son to succeed him. The pressure brought to bear upon him has been very great, greater than you can imagine." Baha desired that Abbas should take a second wife, but he refused to do so unless Baha should command it. There is deep pathos in the words of Abbas352welling from his sorrow-stricken heart. "If it had been God's will that I should have a son, the two that were born to me would not have been taken away." Albeit he was forgetful of his theology which proclaims Baha as "God the Father incarnate." Why did not Baha preserve alive one of the sons rather than wish him to marry a companion-wife in order to have another? Mr. Phelps353attributes Abbas Effendi's refusal to adopt polygamy, notwithstanding these "very powerful influences which have urged him to do so" to "his appreciation of the sufferings and discontent which it causes among women."354Certainly the animosity and bitter quarrellings between the wives of Baha and their respective children, resulting in a permanent split inthe family and a schism355in the Bahai community, were sufficient to impress Abbas and his followers with the evil effects of plural marriage. The narrative shows, however, that public sentiment among the believers at Acca strongly favoured taking more than one wife. They evidently had no desire to give up the license granted to them by the "Kitab-ul-Akdas." They inclined to follow it and the example of Baha Ullah rather than the example of Abdul Baha.

In conclusion, it is evident that the law and example of Baha Ullah both sanction polygamy. By this the socialinequalityof the sexes is fixed. Any claim that Bahaism teaches and establishes equal rights for man and woman is vain and groundless boasting.

III.The regulation of divorceis another matter that vitally affects the relation of man and woman. The divorce law of Baha, as prescribed in the "Kitab-ul-Akdas," is a loose one. I again quote from Professor Browne's translation.356It will be noticed that the conditions of the law are set forth from the standpoint of the man. "If quarrels arise between a man and his wife, he may put her away. He may not give her absolute divorce at once, but must wait a year that perhaps he may become reconciled to her. At the end of this period, if he still wishes to put her away, he is at liberty to do so. Even after this hemay take her back at the end of any month so long as she has not become the wife of another man." "The practice of requiring a divorced woman to cohabit with another man before her former husband can take her back is prohibited." (This abolishes one of the vile laws of Mohammedanism.) "If a man is travelling with his wife and they quarrel, he must give her a sufficient sum of money to take her back to the place they started from and send her with a trustworthy escort." From these quotations it is evident that the wife is dependent on the good pleasure and whim357of the man. He may put away; he may take back. The law says nothing of her right to divorce him. It does not appear that she has the right to divorce her husband even in case he is guilty of adultery. The penalty for adultery is slight. A fine of nineteen miscals of gold, equal to fifty to sixty dollars, is imposed for the first offense and this is doubled for the second offense. The fines are to be paid to the "House of Justice." According to the "Bayan" of the Bab the husband must pay the divorced wife a dowry of ninety-five miscals of gold ($300) if they are city folks, and ninety-five miscals of silver ($10) if they are villagers. These are paltry sums even on the basis of Persian poverty. I may say, in passing, that the Laws of Inheritance give to the father a greater portion than to a mother, to a brother greaterthan to a sister, and gives the family residence to a male heir.

Freedom from the marriage bond is made easy by desertion. "Married men who travel must fix a definite time for their return and endeavour to return at that time. If their wives have no news from them for nine months, after the fixed period, they can go to another husband. But if they are patient it is better, since Godloves thosewho are patient."

How the husband who is away from his wife can act, we may judge by the example of a celebrated Bahai,358Maskin Kalam, who was agent for Baha to watch over and spy upon Azal and the Azalis in Cyprus. His wife was in Persia; he simply took another in Cyprus.

The ease with which desertion may be practiced under Bahai law is seen in the conduct of Doctor Kheiralla, one of the first apostles of Bahaism to America, and founder of the Chicago Assembly. Dr. H. H. Jessup wrote: "A cousin of Doctor Kheiralla, who is clerk in the American Press in Beirut, gave me the following statement: 'Doctor Kheiralla, after the death of his first wife in Egypt, in 1882, married first a Coptic widow in El Fayum, whom he abandoned, and then married a Greek girl, whom he also abandoned, and who was still living in 1897 in Cairo. He then married an English wife, who abandoned him when his matrimonial relations became known to her.'"359

According to the claims of Bahais these loose and imperfect divorce and marriage laws are to be accepted and administered universally under the future kingdom of Baha in its world-wide triumph!

It may be remarked in passing that Bahaism encourages the mixture of races by marriage. Already several American Bahais have married Persian women, and Persian men American women. One American Bahai woman has married a Japanese. Abdul Baha illustrates the relation of the races by a reference to animals. "Consider the kingdom of the animals. A pigeon of white plumage would not shun one of black or brown." In a tablet sent to America, he directs: "Gather together these two races, black and white, into one assembly and put such love into their hearts that they shall evenintermarry."360Again he says:361"The coloured people must attend all the unity meetings. There must be no distinctions. All are equal. If you have any influence to get the races to intermarry, it will be very valuable. Such unions will beget very strong and beautiful children." Mr. Gregory, an American negro, followed this advice by marrying an English woman, Miss L. A. M. Mathew.

IV.The social position of women under Bahaism.Professor Browne says: "Their (the Bahais) efforts to improve the social position of women have been much exaggerated."362It may be added that the success of their efforts has been small. It is plain that theBab recognized the deplorable condition of women under Islam and desired to improve it. His laws gave woman some liberties. She was permitted to put off the veil. The Bab interpreted the prohibition of the Koran to mean that "only the wives of the prophet had received the order to hide the face,"363so "he relieved believers from the painful restraint of the veil." Women might appear in society, hold conversation with men,364and go to the mosques at night. Baha renewed these rules of the Bab. Still he seems to have some distrust, for the "Kitab-ul-Akdas" says that "men are forbidden to enter any man's house without his permission or in his absence." Thus Bahai precepts tend in some degree to the liberation of woman, though they fall much behind high Christian ideals and customs.

There is observable a wide-spread and influential movement among Moslems for the amelioration of the condition of woman. This movement does not have its source and inspiration in, nor is it peculiar to nor confined to Bahaism. On the contrary, an oriental writer in a review of this remarkable tendency says: "Its birth in Moslem lands undoubtedly is due to the impact of the Occident upon the Orient, the missionary influence playing a large part in it."365The new Moslems of India, under the leadership of Justice Sayid Ali, as well as the Young Turks, Egyptians and others, advocate freedom and education for women and have gone much beyond theBahais in practice. The Turkish women in Constantinople, who aided in the establishment of the constitution and are aspiring to enlarged liberty under its ægis, know Bahaism, if at all, simply as a Persian heretical sect. The Persian women, described so graphically by Mr. Shuster in "The Strangling of Persia,"366who formed clubs and took such an active and heroic part in the constitutional agitation, were not Bahai women. The Bahai women, as well as the men, were forbidden by Abdul Baha to take part in the struggle for constitutional liberty.367Professor Browne laments the lack of patriotism shown in their conduct. Still the Bahais deserve some credit for the movement for the uplift of Persian womanhood. They might have done much more, notwithstanding the limitations to their liberty of action, had they followed out the first ideals of the Bab. These were exemplified in the celebrated Kurrat-ul-Ayn. This beautiful woman of genius—poet, scholar and theologian, was a pupil at Kerbela, of Haji Kazim, the chief of the Sheikhis. On his death she accepted the Bab, so that though a product of the Sheikhi sect, her fame accrues to the honour of the Babis. At Kerbela, she gave lectures on theology to the people from behind a curtain, and at times, borne away by her enthusiasm and eloquence, would allow her veil to slip off in thepresence of men. Her preaching and freedom of conduct was objected to even by Babis, but the Bab answered them, commending her and giving her the title of Janab-i-Tahira, "Her Excellency the Pure," and made her one of his nineteen "Letters of the Living," or apostles. She is said to have claimed to be a remanifestation of Fatima, the daughter of Mohammed. The Turkish government at Bagdad began prosecution against her. She returned to Persia and taught Babism even from the pulpit, at Kasvin, and also by means of poetry. What were the social results of her breaking through the restrictions of Islam? Her husband was Mullah Mohammed of Kasvin, who was opposed to the Bab. On account of this she refused to live with him. "In reply to all proposals of reconciliation, she answered: 'He, in that he rejects God's religion is unclean, while I am 'Pure'; between us there can be nothing in common.' So she refused to be reconciled to her husband,"368and regarded herself as divorced.369Afterwards "she set out secretly to join herself to Hazret-i-Kuddus (Lord, the Most Holy)," that is, Mullah Mohammed Ali of Barfurush. Together they attended, with Baha Ullah also, the celebrated conference at Badasht, at which "the abrogation of the laws of the previous dispensation was announced." There a sermon was preached by Hazret-i-Kuddus, which, says Professor Browne, lends some colour to the accusation that the Babisadvocated communism and community of wives."370This learned investigator further says: "The extraordinary proceedings at Badasht seem to have scandalized not only the Mohammedans but even a section of the Babis."371Mirza Jani, their first historian and a martyr, avers that not all "have understood the secret of what passed between Hazret-i-Kuddus and Kurrat-ul-Ayn at Badasht, and their real nature and what they meant."372The Mohammedan historians openly accuse them of immorality. The Sheikh of Kum, a Bahai, told Professor Browne, "After the Bab had declared the law of Islam abrogated and before he had promulgated new ordinances, there ensued a period of transition which we callfitrat(the interval), during which all things were lawful. So long as this continued, Kurrat-ul-Ayn may very possibly have consorted, for example, with Hazret-i-Kuddus, as though he had been her husband."373

It may be that the scandals that followed Kurrat-ul-Ayn's venture into public life and her tragic death in the cruel reprisals that followed the attempt of several Babis to assassinate the Shah, gave a backset to the efforts to liberate women in Persia. Certain it is that during the sixty years succeeding she has had no imitator or successor. Bahai women have continued to wear the veil and have remained secluded from the society of men, not only in Persiabut at Acca, the headquarters of Bahaism. The force of the new faith was not strong enough to free the women. Rather they have compromised with their environment. Only in the Caucasus and Trans-Caspia under Russian protection, have they partly unveiled. Not even their women of the second and third generation have been trained to act up to their precepts, but in Acca, as in Persia, they are secluded from the society of even brethren in the faith. They are more backward than some other sects and races of Moslems. I have been entertained in the households of Kurds and Ali Allahis and have dined and conversed with the host and his wife. I have, of course, conversed with the families of Christian converts from Islam, but the wife of a Bahai has never been introduced to me, even though I have known the husband intimately and visited him in his home a score of times in the course of as many years. In a few instances I have heard of Bahai women, in company of their husbands, receiving gentleman visitors, but these wives had resided in Russia. An Osmanli official, at times, receives and makes visits in company with his wife.374But the ladies of the household of Baha Ullah and Abdul Baha at Acca do not receive gentlemen as visitors even when they are faithful and honoured American believers. Mr. Myron Phelps, when preparing materials for his "Life of Abbas Effendi," spent a month at Acca.He wished to embody in his book the interesting narrative of Bahiah Khanum, the sister of Abbas. She, though more than half a century had passed over her head, did not grant him personal interviews.375Instead she told her narrative in installments day by day to Madame Canavarro, who then came out and repeated what she had heard to Mr. Phelps, who recorded it. He says: "Social custom prevented me from meeting this lady," and again, "Social custom prevented me from meeting the women."376

Now that the way is opened by the Revolution and by the Constitutionalists (who were not Bahais), liberal-minded men of all sects in Persia, Sufis, Sheikhis, Arifs, and even Mutasharis, as well as Bahais, are showing considerable zeal for the elevation of women, and for female education.

V. What does Bahaism teach as to thepolitical equality of man and woman? The future Bahai State and community is to be under the administration of Boards—called Houses of Justice, local, national, and universal. These are to be "divine agents," "representatives of God." They are to have absolute authority and to be infallible in their decisions. They will adjudicate questions of property, tithes, inheritance, divorce, and of war and peace. They will have charge of schools and of wives, children and servants as well as of religion. The number of members in each Board is to be at least nine, "according to the number of Baha."377The members are to be allmen. No women are to be admitted to these Boards or "Houses of Justice." This law evidently did not suit the notion of some of the American Bahai sisters, so they made bold to inquire about it. The "Infallible Interpreter," Abdul Baha, laid down the law plainly—which cannot be altered for 1,000 years at least. "From aspiritualpoint of view, there is no difference between womenand men. The House of Justice, however, according to the positive commandments of the Doctrine of God, has been specialized to themenfor a specific reason or exercise of wisdom on the part of God."378"As to you other maid-servants, give up your will and choose that of God." "The maid-servants of the merciful should not interfere with the affairs which have regard to the Board of Consultation, or House of Justice."379

To sum up, it has been demonstrated that Bahaism does not, by its laws, give woman equality with the man, either in the family or the state, either as to domestic rights or political rights; that in the matter of education it has not tried to give equal opportunities to girls; that it conforms to the social life of its environment without transforming it; that the claims of Abdul Baha before his audiences in Europe and America were without foundation, disproved both by the teaching and by the practice by Baha Ullah.

FOOTNOTES:314S. W.(Bahai), Dec. 12, 1913, p. 254.315S. W.(Bahai), March 21, 1913, p. 5.316Tablet of Tarazat.317Tablet of Tajalliyat.318Ishrakat.319Bahai News, Aug. 20, 1911.320Mr. Remey writes: "In most places the work is carried on by the women almost entirely. There is an absence of many men.... Men are most in need of being reached.... To-day I had a letter from a good maid-servant, saying that the only man inherassembly had refused to come to meetings, because he was the only man present. I mention this because it is typical of most assemblies in America.... In most places the men are doing but little." (Bahai News, Aug. 20, 1910, p. 3).321"Tablet of Ishrakat," p. 36.322Phelps, pp. 110, 229.323Afterwards withdrawn from Tabriz.324"Principles of the Bahai Movement," p. 16.325Mirza Abul Fazl's "Bahai Proofs," p. 105.326Ibid., pp. 95-96.327Phelps,Ibid., pp. 86-87.328Phelps,Ibid., p. 85.329Ibid., pp. 88-90.330See also Professor Browne in theJour. Roy. As. Soc., 1892.331"Life of Abbas Effendi," p. 139.332"New Hist.," pp. 374-375.333"Trav.'s Narr.," p. 384.334"New Hist.," p. 415.335Phelps, p. 73.336"New Hist.," p. xxiii; "Trav.'s Narr.," p. 361. Compare "A Year Among the Persians."337Phelps, p. 79.338"Baha Ullah," by Kheiralla, pp. 491-492.339"The Bahai Movement," by C. M. Remey, p. 24.340Phelps, p. 139.341"Trav.'s Narr.," p. 361.342"New Hist.," p. 273, Note 2.343"Tablets of Abdul Baha," Vol. I, pp. 209, 218.344"New Hist.," p. 415 and Note 1.345"Tablets," Vol. I, p. 107.346"Trav.'s Narr.," p. 84.347"Facts for Behaists," p. 59.348The Family of Baha Ullah (1817-1892)First wife, named Nawab, or Aseyeh, entitled Veraka-ulya, "the SupremeLeaf," married at Teheran, 1251A. H.,i. e., 1835A. D.Her children, (1) Aga Mirza Sadik, born at Teheran, died at 4 years.(2) Abbas Effendi, born at Teheran, 1841.(3) Bahiah Khanum, born at Teheran, 1844.N. B.: Some reverse the order of (2) and (3).(4) Ali Mohammed, born at Teheran, died at 7 years.(5) Aga Mahdi, born at Teheran, died at Acca, 1871.(6) Ali Mohammed, born at Bagdad, died at 2 years.Companion wife, Ayesha, title Mahd Ulya, "the Supreme Cradle,"marriedA. H.1266, 1850A. D.Her children, (1) Mohammed Ali, born at Bagdad, 1854.(2) Samadiah, Bagdad, 1857, died Acca, 1904.(3) Ali Mohammed, Bagdad, died at 2 years.(4) Saz-Habbieh, Bagdad, died Constantinople.(5) Zia Ullah, Adrianople, 1867, Haifa, 1898.(6) Badi Ullah, Adrianople.Concubine, a sister of Mirza Mahdi Kashani, taken at Bagdad.Her child, (1) One daughter, born 1873, at Acca, name Shuruk.The wives and concubine of Baha Ullah all survived him.349Phelps, p. 139.350"New Hist.," pp. 160-162, 164.351"Life of Abbas Effendi," p. 92.352Phelps, p. 94.353Phelps, p. 105.354A Chicago Bahai told me that Baha took several wives, that his experience of the evils of polygamy, the quarrels of his wives and children might be a warning to us not to follow his example!355See Professor Browne's Introduction to Mirza Jani's "History." Also Abul Fazl's "Bahai Proofs," pp. 113-119, and Kheiralla's "Facts for Behaists."356Jour. Roy. As. Soc., 1892.357"The wife is still in a helpless state; her fate remains entirely in the power of her husband's caprice "(Vatralsky inAmer. Jour. of Theology, 1902, p. 72).358"Trav.'s Narr.," pp. 378-379.359Outlook, of New York, quoted inThe Missionary Review, October, 1901, p. 773.360"A Heavenly Vista," by L. G. Gregory, p. 31.361Page 15.362"Encyc. Britt.," article, "Babism."363Dreyfus,Ibid., p. 128.364But if they limit themselves to twenty-eight words, it was better for them, says the "Bayan."365American Rev. of Rev., 1912, p. 719.366Pages 191-198.367"Observations of a Bahai Traveller," by Remey, pp. 53, 67; also Dreyfus,Ibid., p. 172.368"New Hist.," pp. 274, 441.369Her spirit of intolerance is condemned by Professor Browne.370"New Hist.," p. 357.371Mirza Jani's "History," Introduction, p. xlii.372"New Hist.," p. 365.373"A Year Among the Persians," p. 523.374"Mohammedan young men will no longer consent to marry girls they have not seen, but now in Beirut visit them and drive out with them on the public highways with the mothers as chaperones" (Jessup's "Fifty-three Years in Syria," p. 640).375Phelps, p. xxxix.376Ibid., p. 109; Chase, "In Galilee," p. 63; Goodall, "Daily Lessons," p. 19. Abdul Baha did not break through oriental custom nor serve the lady guests before himself. The lady pilgrim writes, "The first day at lunch, after Baha had partaken of the honey, he passed it to us" ("Daily Lessons," p. 16). Like the ordinary Moslem he was well pleased to sit down to eat with the foreign ladies but never arranged that the American Bahai men should sit down to meals with his ladies. Mr. C. M. Remey tells, in "Observations of a Bahai Traveller," of meeting Persian Bahai women but rarely in Persia (pp. 75-76). In Kasvin, in the garden of Kurrat-ul-Ayn, one woman partly raised her veil and gave him a greeting of welcome. In Teheran a lady, unveiled, and her husband entertained the Bahais. The husband and wife received the twenty men in one room and the wife received the dozen women in another room. They were separated by a curtain, through which Sprague and Remey spoke, telling of the liberty of women in the West. The lady of the house used her best persuasion to induce the other women to mix with the men. Finally "the women arose and drawing aside their veils with one accord entered the room. The men made place for the ladies by retreating to the other side of the room, while the newcomers found seats. When the women had arisen to the situation, they were quite equal to it. Then it was the men who were ill at ease. In fact their embarrassment was contagious, for even I began to be uneasy and scarcely dared to take a look at the faces opposite. Sherbets and other refreshments were served and chanting continued. Bit by bit the men gained their ease, but, as their embarrassment passed, the women seemed to lose courage. Little by little the veils were drawn over their faces. Then one moved as if to leave, where upon all arose and like a flock of affrighted birds fluttered from the room." This incident shows how little change has been affected in the social habits of Bahai women in sixty years after Kurrat-ul-Ayn.377B = 2, a = 1, h = 5, a = 1, total 9 in Persian Abjad counting.378"Tablets of Abdul Baha," Vol. I, p. 50.379Ibid., p. 27.

FOOTNOTES:

314S. W.(Bahai), Dec. 12, 1913, p. 254.

315S. W.(Bahai), March 21, 1913, p. 5.

316Tablet of Tarazat.

317Tablet of Tajalliyat.

318Ishrakat.

319Bahai News, Aug. 20, 1911.

320Mr. Remey writes: "In most places the work is carried on by the women almost entirely. There is an absence of many men.... Men are most in need of being reached.... To-day I had a letter from a good maid-servant, saying that the only man inherassembly had refused to come to meetings, because he was the only man present. I mention this because it is typical of most assemblies in America.... In most places the men are doing but little." (Bahai News, Aug. 20, 1910, p. 3).

321"Tablet of Ishrakat," p. 36.

322Phelps, pp. 110, 229.

323Afterwards withdrawn from Tabriz.

324"Principles of the Bahai Movement," p. 16.

325Mirza Abul Fazl's "Bahai Proofs," p. 105.

326Ibid., pp. 95-96.

327Phelps,Ibid., pp. 86-87.

328Phelps,Ibid., p. 85.

329Ibid., pp. 88-90.

330See also Professor Browne in theJour. Roy. As. Soc., 1892.

331"Life of Abbas Effendi," p. 139.

332"New Hist.," pp. 374-375.

333"Trav.'s Narr.," p. 384.

334"New Hist.," p. 415.

335Phelps, p. 73.

336"New Hist.," p. xxiii; "Trav.'s Narr.," p. 361. Compare "A Year Among the Persians."

337Phelps, p. 79.

338"Baha Ullah," by Kheiralla, pp. 491-492.

339"The Bahai Movement," by C. M. Remey, p. 24.

340Phelps, p. 139.

341"Trav.'s Narr.," p. 361.

342"New Hist.," p. 273, Note 2.

343"Tablets of Abdul Baha," Vol. I, pp. 209, 218.

344"New Hist.," p. 415 and Note 1.

345"Tablets," Vol. I, p. 107.

346"Trav.'s Narr.," p. 84.

347"Facts for Behaists," p. 59.

348The Family of Baha Ullah (1817-1892)First wife, named Nawab, or Aseyeh, entitled Veraka-ulya, "the SupremeLeaf," married at Teheran, 1251A. H.,i. e., 1835A. D.Her children, (1) Aga Mirza Sadik, born at Teheran, died at 4 years.(2) Abbas Effendi, born at Teheran, 1841.(3) Bahiah Khanum, born at Teheran, 1844.N. B.: Some reverse the order of (2) and (3).(4) Ali Mohammed, born at Teheran, died at 7 years.(5) Aga Mahdi, born at Teheran, died at Acca, 1871.(6) Ali Mohammed, born at Bagdad, died at 2 years.Companion wife, Ayesha, title Mahd Ulya, "the Supreme Cradle,"marriedA. H.1266, 1850A. D.Her children, (1) Mohammed Ali, born at Bagdad, 1854.(2) Samadiah, Bagdad, 1857, died Acca, 1904.(3) Ali Mohammed, Bagdad, died at 2 years.(4) Saz-Habbieh, Bagdad, died Constantinople.(5) Zia Ullah, Adrianople, 1867, Haifa, 1898.(6) Badi Ullah, Adrianople.Concubine, a sister of Mirza Mahdi Kashani, taken at Bagdad.Her child, (1) One daughter, born 1873, at Acca, name Shuruk.The wives and concubine of Baha Ullah all survived him.

348The Family of Baha Ullah (1817-1892)

First wife, named Nawab, or Aseyeh, entitled Veraka-ulya, "the SupremeLeaf," married at Teheran, 1251A. H.,i. e., 1835A. D.

Her children, (1) Aga Mirza Sadik, born at Teheran, died at 4 years.(2) Abbas Effendi, born at Teheran, 1841.(3) Bahiah Khanum, born at Teheran, 1844.N. B.: Some reverse the order of (2) and (3).(4) Ali Mohammed, born at Teheran, died at 7 years.(5) Aga Mahdi, born at Teheran, died at Acca, 1871.(6) Ali Mohammed, born at Bagdad, died at 2 years.

Companion wife, Ayesha, title Mahd Ulya, "the Supreme Cradle,"marriedA. H.1266, 1850A. D.

Her children, (1) Mohammed Ali, born at Bagdad, 1854.(2) Samadiah, Bagdad, 1857, died Acca, 1904.(3) Ali Mohammed, Bagdad, died at 2 years.(4) Saz-Habbieh, Bagdad, died Constantinople.(5) Zia Ullah, Adrianople, 1867, Haifa, 1898.(6) Badi Ullah, Adrianople.

Concubine, a sister of Mirza Mahdi Kashani, taken at Bagdad.

Her child, (1) One daughter, born 1873, at Acca, name Shuruk.

The wives and concubine of Baha Ullah all survived him.

349Phelps, p. 139.

350"New Hist.," pp. 160-162, 164.

351"Life of Abbas Effendi," p. 92.

352Phelps, p. 94.

353Phelps, p. 105.

354A Chicago Bahai told me that Baha took several wives, that his experience of the evils of polygamy, the quarrels of his wives and children might be a warning to us not to follow his example!

355See Professor Browne's Introduction to Mirza Jani's "History." Also Abul Fazl's "Bahai Proofs," pp. 113-119, and Kheiralla's "Facts for Behaists."

356Jour. Roy. As. Soc., 1892.

357"The wife is still in a helpless state; her fate remains entirely in the power of her husband's caprice "(Vatralsky inAmer. Jour. of Theology, 1902, p. 72).

358"Trav.'s Narr.," pp. 378-379.

359Outlook, of New York, quoted inThe Missionary Review, October, 1901, p. 773.

360"A Heavenly Vista," by L. G. Gregory, p. 31.

361Page 15.

362"Encyc. Britt.," article, "Babism."

363Dreyfus,Ibid., p. 128.

364But if they limit themselves to twenty-eight words, it was better for them, says the "Bayan."

365American Rev. of Rev., 1912, p. 719.

366Pages 191-198.

367"Observations of a Bahai Traveller," by Remey, pp. 53, 67; also Dreyfus,Ibid., p. 172.

368"New Hist.," pp. 274, 441.

369Her spirit of intolerance is condemned by Professor Browne.

370"New Hist.," p. 357.

371Mirza Jani's "History," Introduction, p. xlii.

372"New Hist.," p. 365.

373"A Year Among the Persians," p. 523.

374"Mohammedan young men will no longer consent to marry girls they have not seen, but now in Beirut visit them and drive out with them on the public highways with the mothers as chaperones" (Jessup's "Fifty-three Years in Syria," p. 640).

375Phelps, p. xxxix.

376Ibid., p. 109; Chase, "In Galilee," p. 63; Goodall, "Daily Lessons," p. 19. Abdul Baha did not break through oriental custom nor serve the lady guests before himself. The lady pilgrim writes, "The first day at lunch, after Baha had partaken of the honey, he passed it to us" ("Daily Lessons," p. 16). Like the ordinary Moslem he was well pleased to sit down to eat with the foreign ladies but never arranged that the American Bahai men should sit down to meals with his ladies. Mr. C. M. Remey tells, in "Observations of a Bahai Traveller," of meeting Persian Bahai women but rarely in Persia (pp. 75-76). In Kasvin, in the garden of Kurrat-ul-Ayn, one woman partly raised her veil and gave him a greeting of welcome. In Teheran a lady, unveiled, and her husband entertained the Bahais. The husband and wife received the twenty men in one room and the wife received the dozen women in another room. They were separated by a curtain, through which Sprague and Remey spoke, telling of the liberty of women in the West. The lady of the house used her best persuasion to induce the other women to mix with the men. Finally "the women arose and drawing aside their veils with one accord entered the room. The men made place for the ladies by retreating to the other side of the room, while the newcomers found seats. When the women had arisen to the situation, they were quite equal to it. Then it was the men who were ill at ease. In fact their embarrassment was contagious, for even I began to be uneasy and scarcely dared to take a look at the faces opposite. Sherbets and other refreshments were served and chanting continued. Bit by bit the men gained their ease, but, as their embarrassment passed, the women seemed to lose courage. Little by little the veils were drawn over their faces. Then one moved as if to leave, where upon all arose and like a flock of affrighted birds fluttered from the room." This incident shows how little change has been affected in the social habits of Bahai women in sixty years after Kurrat-ul-Ayn.

377B = 2, a = 1, h = 5, a = 1, total 9 in Persian Abjad counting.

378"Tablets of Abdul Baha," Vol. I, p. 50.

379Ibid., p. 27.

Its Record as to Morals

The Bahais are ignorant of the dogmas of Babism and of its history and its book. The "Traveller's Narrative," a work of Abbas Effendi, is a bad romance, composed solely for the purpose of proving that the Bab is simply a precursor and announcer of Baha Ullah. With extreme bias, he misconceives in every instance the true history, and the author has not even searched, as I have, in the immense works of the Bab for the autobiographical notes which are so plentiful. He is satisfied with the legends which fall in best with the end he is pursuing. It is regrettable that a man like Abbas Effendi should show himself ignorant of the life of the Bab.—"Beyan Persan," A. L. M. Nicolas, Vol. I, p. xvi.To represent him (the Bab) as simply the forerunner of Baha is an historic falsehood. It is another to pretend that the religion of the Bab was universalized by Baha Ullah.—Ibid., Vol. III, p. v.The Bab did not consider himself as the herald or forerunner of another dispensation, as a John the Baptist to Christ. This is devoid of historic foundation. In his own eyes as in those of his followers, M. Ali Mohammed inaugurated a new prophetic cycle and brought a new revelation which abrogated the Koran. He declared that he is not the last Manifestation. There would be a greater, whom he calls "Him whom God would manifest," but the Bab expected that the next manifestation would be separated from his own by an interval such as had separated previous dispensations. Possibly the "Bayan" indicates 1511 or 2001 years as the interval.—Professor Browne, "Introduction to Mirza Jani's History."

To represent him (the Bab) as simply the forerunner of Baha is an historic falsehood. It is another to pretend that the religion of the Bab was universalized by Baha Ullah.—Ibid., Vol. III, p. v.

The Bab did not consider himself as the herald or forerunner of another dispensation, as a John the Baptist to Christ. This is devoid of historic foundation. In his own eyes as in those of his followers, M. Ali Mohammed inaugurated a new prophetic cycle and brought a new revelation which abrogated the Koran. He declared that he is not the last Manifestation. There would be a greater, whom he calls "Him whom God would manifest," but the Bab expected that the next manifestation would be separated from his own by an interval such as had separated previous dispensations. Possibly the "Bayan" indicates 1511 or 2001 years as the interval.—Professor Browne, "Introduction to Mirza Jani's History."

THE moralconduct of the founders of a religion, especially one that requires trust in the person of its author, is a necessary subject of investigation. The conduct of the immediate followers is not to the same degree a subject of criticism. From one point of view it is no argument against the truth of Bahaism that Bahais fail to live up to its precepts and principles, for this can be said of all religions. But the claims of Bahai writers make it necessary to consider their conduct. They boast of superior exemplary character and make this a proof of Bahaism. Hence it is necessary to show the groundlessness of their assertions. In the following review, which covers several chapters, the conduct of Baha, Abdul Baha and their early followers is treated together. The claim made for the founders is nothing short of blessed perfection. For the disciples, it is one of superlative excellence. Myron Phelps says:380"This faith does not expend itself on beautiful and unfruitful theories, but has a vital and effective power to mould life towards the very highest ideals of human character—as exemplified in the life of Abbas and the salient characteristicsof his followers." The Bahai historians say:381"They are remarkable only for their charity, kindliness, purity, godliness, rectitude, sincerity, integrity, generosity, chastity and strict avoidance of all forbidden things." "In their conduct, action, morality and demeanour was no place for objection.... People have confidence in their trustworthiness, faithfulness and godliness." Abul Fazl382speaks of the supernatural character and morals of the followers of Baha, who became universally celebrated for their just characters, good conduct and excellent morals. So Remey:383"The effect of this cause upon the lives of the peoples of every race and religion leaves no doubt as to the divine source of its teachings." Mirza Jani, speaking of the proofs the Babis gave to the Moslems, says:384"We say, 'We have witnessed miracles on the part of this man.' They retort, 'He is a sorcerer.' We say, 'Come, let us invoke God's curse on whomsoever is in error, leaving to Him the decision.' They reply, 'This is not permitted by our law.' We say, 'Let us kindle a fire and enter into the midst together.' They answer, 'You are mad.' We further say, 'Consider the godliness, piety and self-renunciation of those who believe.' They return us no answer." I propose to return the answer.

1. One characteristic of the Bahai leaders isdishonesty in dealing with their history. This sometimes takes the form of the suppression and concealment of documents, sometimes of the omission or perversion of essential facts or their presentation in such a way as to falsify history. In the writing of political history and in scheming for the triumph of a political party, we may expect crookedness in dealing with facts, but in the propagating of a new religion designed to supersede Christianity and Islam, and purporting to be an improvement on them, we do not expect to find dishonesty and misrepresentation. Yet this is exactly what we find, namely, "a readiness to ignore or suppress facts, writings or views (undoubtedly historical), which they regard as useless or hurtful to their aims."385

When Mirza Husain Ali (Baha Ullah) started out as a "Manifestation," it was necessary to get rid of certain facts and beliefs held by Babis. He must reduce the Bab from his position as the Point of Divinity—the Lord of a new Dispensation, as well as supplant and supersede the Bab's successor, Subh-i-Azal.386Thoroughly to accomplish this object (after the Babis leaders had been put out of the way), the history was rewritten. While claiming that the Bab gave testimony to Baha and taking to themselves the glory of Babi heroism and martyrdoms, the Bahais relegated the "Bayan" and other "revelations" of the Bab, not yet a score of years old, to dust-covered oblivion.387Subh-i-Azal avers that they wilfully destroyed them.He writes388that thirty or more bound books of the Bab were given in trust by him to his relatives (Baha and his family) as trustees. "They carried off the trust," and "making strenuous efforts, got into their hands such of the books of the Point as were obtainable, with the idea of destroying them and rendering their own works attractive." Professor Browne389informs us that it was very difficult to obtain a Babi book from Persian Bahais and next to impossible to get a glimpse of one at Acca, where the Bahais had them concealed. The "holy, divine books" were shelved from motives of policy.

A primitive Babi work of first importance was the "History," by Mirza Jani. This was an original narrative of events, at first hand, prepared in sincerity by one who shortly suffered martyrdom for the cause (1852). But its facts did not suit the Bahais. So it was superseded, first by the "New History"390(1880), and secondly by the "Traveller's Narrative" (1886). Both these histories purport to be written by European travellers. We might excuse their being anonymous, to avoid possible persecution, but to make pretense that the authors are travellers who have come from afar ostensibly to investigate, andinto whose mouths are put praises of the religion, is but part of the insincerity noticeable in other things.391Mirza Jani's "History" passed out of sight, and it was only because a copy had been deposited by Count Gobineau in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris that it has reached our hands.392

Of the "New History" little need be said, except that it perverted the history and "carefully omitted every fact, doctrine and expression,"393not in accord with the policy of Baha.

Let us examine somewhat in detail how Abbas Abdul Baha treats facts in his "Traveller's Narrative." He is undoubtedly the principal author of this work.394The Persian Bahai, who sent Professor Browne the lithographed (Bombay) copy of it, wrote, "It contains the observations of His Holiness, the Lord, Mystery of God (May my personality be his sacrifice)." Professor Browne was also presented with a copy of it at Acca, which he published in Persian with an English translation. Of it he says,395"It was written to discredit the perfectly legitimate claims and to disparage the blameless character of his less successful rival" (Azal). "There is good ground forsuspecting adeliberate misstatement396of facts and dates." He specifies397various points in which Abbas Effendi perverted the facts. Undoubtedly one of the aims of Abbas was to eliminate Azal. The latter had been regularly appointed by the Bab as his successor,398but he refused to make way for Baha. The Bahais tried to get rid of the question by suppressing all mention of him, even of his name, and "of all documents tending to prove the position which he undoubtedly held."399They would have consigned him to oblivion.400The "New History" makes but one doubtful reference to Azal.401Professor Browne says, "Abbas Effendi,402in order to curtail the duration and extent of Subh-i-Azal's authority and to givecolour to their assertion that it was but temporary and nominal,deliberately and purposely antedatedthe Manifestation of Baha." And he continues to the present to misrepresent the facts. In "Answered Questions"403Baha is presented as the chief influence in Persia immediately after the Bab. Other Bahai writers repeat this error.404

2. Another practice of the founders of Bahaism isfalsifying and changing the documents and texts of their Sacred Writings, namely, those of the Bab and Baha, according to the exigency of circumstances. Subh-i-Azal made the accusation "that the Bahais had tampered with the Bab's writings to give colour to their own doctrines and views."405I pass this by, to notice how they have tampered with their own"Revelations." For example, take Baha's "Epistle to the Shah of Persia." Its original text was published by Baron Rosen.406It is embodied by Abbas Effendi in the "Traveller's Narrative."407The two do not agree. "Very considerable alterations and suppressions were made in the text by the author of 'Traveller's Narrative.'"408"The text has evidently been toned down to suit a wider audience and to avoid giving offense to non-believers."409

There is also another "Epistle to the Shah" which is contained in the "Surat-ul-Maluk." Its tone is strikingly different. The first is a careful diplomatic document which acknowledges the faults of the Babis, pleads pardon for the past and for religious toleration. It is monotheistic, representing Baha as a humble suffering servant, with no pretense to Divinity. The other "adopts a tone of fierce recrimination towards the Shah, and upbraids him for the Bab's death, saying, 'Would you had slain him as men slay one another, but ye slew him in such a way as the eyes of men have not seen the like thereof and heaven wept over him, and by God, the eye of existence hath not beheld the like of you; you slay the son of your prophet and then are of those who are joyful.'" He excuses the attempt on the life of the Shah, and threatens vengeance410on him. Thesetwo Epistles to the Shah have been a puzzle to the critics. This threatening, fierce letter seems so contrary to the policy of Baha. An adequate and not improbable explanation411would be that one letter was prepared for the perusal of his Majesty and the other for the Bahais, to impress them with the boldness of their prophet.

Another example of this is seen in the suppression412of part of the "Lawh-i-Basharat" ("Glad Tidings"). Its fifteenth section commands Constitutional Government. When the Tablet was sent to Russia, this section was suppressed by Bahais. The Tablet was published in its mutilated form by Baron Rosen. Expediency, which rules Bahai practice, required that an incomplete "Divine Revelation" should reach Russia.

Playing fast and loose with the "Revelations" prevailed still more at the time of the bitter quarrel and schism on the death of Baha. Though Baha's Tablets are regarded as "Holy Books" in the highest sense, yet the Bahais commit the grave offense of changing them so as to misrepresent facts. Mirza Mohammed Ali and Badi Ullah, younger sons of Baha, in refuting the claim of Abbas Effendi to beBaha's successor, say, "Has Abbas dared to change the texts uttered by Baha Ullah? Most certainly, Yes. We have in our possessionmanytexts of Baha Ullah which have been changed413by Abbas Effendi." Further, "he and his party have stolen the first paragraph of a sacred Tablet and have perverted its meaning, with deception."

Khadim-Ullah,414the lifelong amanuensis of Baha, asserts that Abbas actually rejected a "Sacred Tablet," written in the handwriting of Baha Ullah. Other Tablets are repudiated. For in "Hidden Words"415Baha Ullah refers to the "Fifth Tablet of Paradise" and the "Ruby Tablet." Abbas Effendi warns against accepting any such Tablets if they should be brought to light. What other reason for this can we imagine than fear that their contentswould be against his claim. Enough has been said to show the truth of the charge that the Bahais deal dishonestly with the documents of their alleged revelation.

A peculiar instance of forgery occurs in the writings of Baha Ullah. In his Epistle to the Shah Baha quotes certain verses as from the "Hidden Book of Fatima." This book, the Shiahs believe, was revealed by Gabriel to Fatima, the daughter of Mohammed, disappeared with the twelfth Imam, and will be brought back by the Mahdi at his coming. Professor Browne416wrote to Acca making inquiry about this "Book of Fatima" and the quotations from it. The authoritative reply which he received was, "That naught is known of such a book but the name, but Baha Ullah mentioned it in this manner to make known the appearance of the Kaim" (Mahdi). In other words, Baha was making a false pretense of quoting from the "Book of Fatima," as if he, as Mahdi, had brought it with him.

3. Bahais makefalse representation of facts in political history. The "Traveller's Narrative" perverts the truth for "political opportunism."417Contrary to the contemporary historian, Mirza Jani, and the European chroniclers, the Shah is represented as ignorant and innocent of and averse to the repressive measures taken by his government against the Babis. Let me give specific proofs of this.

At the first trial of the Bab, at Tabriz, according to Mirza Jani,418Nasr-ud-Din, then Crown Prince, whomhe dubs "bastard," treated the Bab disrespectfully by rolling a globe towards him and taunting him with ignorance of it and by ordering him to be bastinadoed. The "Traveller's Narrative,"419per contra, says, "The heavenly-cradled Crown Prince pronounced no sentence with regard to the Bab, but the Mullahs ordered a bastinado." The former history states that the Prime Minister consulted, about the execution of the Bab, with the Shah,420who gave him full authority to act in the matter," and that he then communicated with Prince Hamza Mirza, Governor of Azerbaijan, who proceeded to make plans for it. Abbas' Narrative421states that "the Minister, without the Royal command and without his cognizance and entirely on his own authority, issued commands to put the Bab to death"; "that Prince Hamza utterly refused to have part in the trial and execution." Gobineau422confirms the original account, and states that Prince Hamza "took a leading part in the condemnation of the Bab." It is certain that contemporary Babis423held the Shah responsible for their persecution and were bitter against him. Mirza Jani records the death of MohammedShah, by saying that "he went to hell"; the "New History" affirms "that he passed to the mansions of Paradise." Nasr-ud-Din was no puppet king, he was fully cognizant of the affairs of state. Regarding the imprisonment of Baha, the "Traveller's Narrative"424says, "His Majesty, moved by his own kindly spirit, ordered investigation and the release of Baha Ullah." He had just ordered the execution of twenty-eight Babis, with horrid cruelties, after the attempt on his life. Regarding the torture and execution of Badi, who bore the Epistle to the Shah, it says:425"It was contrary to the desire of the Shah, and he manifested regret for it." This and much in that Epistle is written with the idea of conciliating the Shah and obtaining toleration. It is a sensible attitude, did they not maintain it with so much misrepresentation and hypocrisy. The real spirit of Bahais towards Nasr-ud-Din is seen in Baha's "Surat-ul-Maluk," and is one of "fierce recrimination." Confirmation of this comes from conversations with Bahais.

Another misrepresentation of history, which is universal among Bahais, is in belittling the plot to assassinate Nasr-ud-Din Shah in 1852. Abbas Effendi says,426"It was done by a certain Babi, by sheer madness, one other person being his accomplice." His sister, Bahiah Khanum, says,427It was "by a young Babi who had lost his reason." Kheiralla,428says, It was "by a weak-minded, insanebeliever." Similarly all their writers propagate a tradition that one irresponsible man made the attempt. It is permitted to doubt the Shiah historian, who gives a circumstantial account of how twelve Babis, including one high leader, laid the plot. But Count Gobineau429is entitled to credence when he says that there were a number of Babis in the plot and three took part in the attempt. A nephew of one of the accomplices told Professor Browne430that there were seven in the plot and three of them went out to commit the act. Why will not Bahai writers give the facts straight?

Another misrepresentation fostered by them is that of calling the Babi martyrs Bahais. Thus Abdul Baha says,431"When they brought Kurrat-ul-Ayn the terrible news of the martyrdom of the Bahais, she did not waver." Again he says,432"Thousands of His (i. e., Baha Ullah's) followers have given their lives, and while under the sword shedding their blood they have proclaimed, 'Ya Baha-ul-Abha.'" He said433in Doctor Cadman's church, "The King of Persia killed 20,000 Bahais." Again,434"In all parts of Persia his enemies rose against Baha Ullah, imprisoning and killinghisconverts, razing thousands of dwellings." These are gross misstatements. In Kurrat-ul-Ayn's time there were no Bahais, only Babis. No such efforts as those described were ever made to crush Bahaism. The thousands who gavetheir lives were Babis. Perhaps some one remarks, "What's the difference?" Foreign writers may not know the difference, and an American audience certainly does not. But Abdul Baha, from whom I have quoted, makes a great difference. It arouses one's indignation to read Bahai literature, in which they claim credit for all that is noble in Babi annals, such as the martyrdoms, and yet they disparage and deny the Babis.

Read Abul Fazl's "Bahai Proofs." He said435to Prince Naibus-Sultaneh, "The unseemly actions of the Babis cannot be denied nor excused, but to arrest Bahais for them is oppression, for these unfortunates haveno connection with the Babis, who took up arms,nor are they of the same religion or creed." In another place he writes436repudiating the wars and disorders of the Babis, and affirming that they were guilty of many censurable actions, such as taking men's property and pillaging the dead, and engaging in conflict and bloodshed. If then the Bahais repudiate them, they must not appropriate their glory, for the old Babis, with all their faults, were at least heroic. Bahaism has, on the contrary, the spirit oftagiya.

I pass on to consider Abdul Baha's representations regarding Sultan Abdul Hamid. I present two quotations from Tablets addressed to American believers. The first says,437"Here one witnesses the fairness and impartiality of H. I. Majesty the Padishah of the Ottomans, who has dealt with the utmost justice andequity. In reality to-day, in the Asiatic world, the Padishah of the Ottoman Empire and the Shah of Persia, Muzaffar-ud-Din, are peerless and have no equals. These two kings have treated us with mildness—both are just. Therefore, pray ye and beseech for their confirmation in the threshold of the Almighty, especially for Abdul Hamid, who has dealt at all times in justice with these exiled ones." Abdul Hamid—a peerless, just one! Surely this would have remained among thehidden thingshad not one "Servant of God" (Abd-ul-Baha) revealed it to us about that other "Servant of God" (Abd-ul-Hamid). This "revelation" is dated 1906. After Abdul Hamid was deposed, Abdul Baha speaks438of "his oppression and tyranny," for the Sultan sent "an oppressive, august commission, that with all kinds of wiles, simulations, slander and fabrication of false stories, they might fasten guilt upon Abdul Baha. But soon fetters and manacles were placed around theunblessedneck of Abdul Hamid." Did the "Infallible Pen" err in the former character sketch? No, but Abdul Baha's oppression439of his brothers, in retaining their patrimony, resulted in a bitter quarrel and complaints, followed by an investigating Commission and Abdul Baha's imprisonment. On this account the whitewash scaled off from Abdul Hamid.

Another form of misstatement is their habitual way of speaking of the imprisonment of Baha and Abdul Baha. Abdul Baha says of Baha,440"His blessed days ended in the cruel prison anddark dungeon." "He passed his days in the Most Great Prison."441Abdul Baha continually speaks of himself in such words as the following, "Forty years I was a prisoner; I was young when I was put in prison, and my hair was white when the prison doors opened."442"After all these long years of prison life." "My body can endure anything; my body has endured forty years of imprisonment."443Now, what are the facts?

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