Chapter 7

[Dread and seclusion of menstruous women among the Tinneh or Déné Indians; customs and beliefs of the Carrier Indians in regard to menstruous women.]

But the beliefs and superstitions of this sort that prevail among the western tribes of the great Déné or Tinneh stock, to which the Chippeways belong, have been so well described by an experienced missionary, that I will give his description in his own words. Prominent among the ceremonial rites of these Indians, he says, "are the observances peculiar to the fair sex, and many of them are remarkably analogous to those practised by the Hebrew women, so much so that, were it not savouring of profanity, the ordinances of the Déné ritual code might be termed a new edition 'revised and considerably augmented' of the Mosaic ceremonial law. Among the Carriers,235as soon as a girl has experienced the first flow of the menses which in the female constitution are a natural discharge, her father believed himself under the obligation of atoning for her supposedly sinful condition by a small impromptu distribution of clothes among the natives. This periodical state of women was considered as one of legal impurityfateful both to the man who happened to have any intercourse, however indirect, with her, and to the woman herself who failed in scrupulously observing all the rites prescribed by ancient usage for persons in her condition.

[Seclusion of Carrier girls at puberty.]

"Upon entering into that stage of her life, the maiden was immediately sequestered from company, even that of her parents, and compelled to dwell in a small branch hut by herself away from beaten paths and the gaze of passers-by. As she was supposed to exercise malefic influence on any man who might inadvertently glance at her, she had to wear a sort of head-dress combining in itself the purposes of a veil, a bonnet, and a mantlet. It was made of tanned skin, its forepart was shaped like a long fringe completely hiding from view the face and breasts; then it formed on the head a close-fitting cap or bonnet, and finally fell in a broad band almost to the heels. This head-dress was made and publicly placed on her head by a paternal aunt, who received at once some present from the girl's father. When, three or four years later, the period of sequestration ceased, only this same aunt had the right to take off her niece's ceremonial head-dress. Furthermore, the girl's fingers, wrists, and legs at the ankles and immediately below the knees, were encircled with ornamental rings and bracelets of sinew intended as a protection against the malign influences she was supposed to be possessed with.236To a belt girding her waist were suspended two bone implements called respectivelyTsoenkuz(bone tube) andTsiltsoet(head scratcher). The former was a hollowed swan bone to drink with, any other mode of drinking being unlawful to her. The latter was fork-like and was called into requisition whenever she wanted to scratch her head—immediate contact of the fingers with the head being reputed injurious to her health. While thus secluded, she was calledasta, thatis 'interred alive' in Carrier, and she had to submit to a rigorous fast and abstinence. Her only allowed food consisted of dried fish boiled in a small bark vessel which nobody else must touch, and she had to abstain especially from meat of any kind, as well as fresh fish. Nor was this all she had to endure; even her contact, however remote, with these two articles of diet was so dreaded that she could not cross the public paths or trails, or the tracks of animals. Whenever absolute necessity constrained her to go beyond such spots, she had to be packed or carried over them lest she should contaminate the game or meat which had passed that way, or had been brought over these paths; and also for the sake of self-preservation against tabooed, and consequently to her, deleterious food. In the same way she was never allowed to wade in streams or lakes, for fear of causing death to the fish.

"It was also a prescription of the ancient ritual code for females during this primary condition to eat as little as possible, and to remain lying down, especially in course of each monthly flow, not only as a natural consequence of the prolonged fast and resulting weakness; but chiefly as an exhibition of a becoming penitential spirit which was believed to be rewarded by long life and continual good health in after years.

[Seclusion of Carrier women at their monthly periods; reasons for the seclusion of menstruous women among the Indians.]

"These mortifications or seclusion did not last less than three or four years. Useless to say that during all that time marriage could not be thought of, since the girl could not so much as be seen by men. When married, the same sequestration was practised relatively to husband and fellow-villagers—without the particular head-dress and rings spoken of—on the occasion of every recurring menstruation. Sometimes it was protracted as long as ten days at a time, especially during the first years of cohabitation. Even when she returned to her mate, she was not permitted to sleep with him on the first nor frequently on the second night, but would choose a distant corner of the lodge to spread her blanket, as if afraid to defile him with her dread uncleanness."237Elsewhere the same writer tells us that most ofthe devices to which these Indians used to resort for the sake of ensuring success in the chase "were based on their regard for continence and their excessive repugnance for, and dread of, menstruating women."238But the strict observances imposed on Tinneh or Déné women at such times were designed at the same time to protect the women themselves from the evil consequences of their dangerous condition. Thus it was thought that women in their courses could not partake of the head, heart, or hind part of an animal that had been caught in a snare without exposing themselves to a premature death through a kind of rabies. They might not cut or carve salmon, because to do so would seriously endanger their health, and especially would enfeeble their arms for life. And they had to abstain from cutting up the grebes which are caught by the Carriers in great numbers every spring, because otherwise the blood with which these fowls abound would occasion haemorrhage or an unnaturally prolonged flux in the transgressor.239Similarly Indian women of the Thompson tribe abstained from venison and the flesh of other large game during menstruation, lest the animals should be displeased and the menstrual flow increased.240For a similar reason, probably, Shuswap girls during their seclusion at puberty are forbidden to eat anything that bleeds.241The same principle may perhaps partly explain the rule, of which we have had some examples, that women at such times should refrain from fish and flesh, and restrict themselves to a vegetable diet.

[Similar rules of seclusion enjoined on menstruous women in ancient Hindoo, Persian, and Hebrew codes.]

The philosophic student of human nature will observe, or learn, without surprise that ideas thus deeply ingrainedin the savage mind reappear at a more advanced stage of society in those elaborate codes which have been drawn up for the guidance of certain peoples by lawgivers who claim to have derived the rules they inculcate from the direct inspiration of the deity. However we may explain it, the resemblance which exists between the earliest official utterances of the deity and the ideas of savages is unquestionably close and remarkable; whether it be, as some suppose, that God communed face to face with man in those early days, or, as others maintain, that man mistook his wild and wandering thoughts for a revelation from heaven. Be that as it may, certain it is that the natural uncleanness of woman at her monthly periods is a conception which has occurred, or been revealed, with singular unanimity to several ancient legislators. The Hindoo lawgiver Manu, who professed to have received his institutes from the creator Brahman, informs us that the wisdom, the energy, the strength, the sight, and the vitality of a man who approaches a woman in her courses will utterly perish; whereas, if he avoids her, his wisdom, energy, strength, sight, and vitality will all increase.242The Persian lawgiver Zoroaster, who, if we can take his word for it, derived his code from the mouth of the supreme being Ahura Mazda, devoted special attention to the subject. According to him, the menstrous flow, at least in its abnormal manifestations, is a work of Ahriman, or the devil. Therefore, so long as it lasts, a woman "is unclean and possessed of the demon; she must be kept confined, apart from the faithful whom her touch would defile, and from the fire which her very look would injure; she is not allowed to eat as much as she wishes, as the strength she might acquire would accrue to the fiends. Her food is not given her from hand to hand, but is passed to her from a distance, in a long leaden spoon."243The Hebrew lawgiver Moses, whose divine legation is as little open to question as that of Manu and Zoroaster, treats the subject at still greater length; but I must leave to the reader the task of comparing the inspired ordinanceson this head with the merely human regulations of the Carrier Indians which they so closely resemble.

[Superstitions as to menstruous women in ancient and modern Europe.]

Amongst the civilized nations of Europe the superstitions which cluster round this mysterious aspect of woman's nature are not less extravagant than those which prevail among savages. In the oldest existing cyclopaedia—theNatural Historyof Pliny—the list of dangers apprehended from menstruation is longer than any furnished by mere barbarians. According to Pliny, the touch of a menstruous woman turned wine to vinegar, blighted crops, killed seedlings, blasted gardens, brought down the fruit from trees, dimmed mirrors, blunted razors, rusted iron and brass (especially at the waning of the moon), killed bees, or at least drove them from their hives, caused mares to miscarry, and so forth.244Similarly, in various parts of Europe, it is still believed that if a woman in her courses enters a brewery the beer will turn sour; if she touches beer, wine, vinegar, or milk, it will go bad; if she makes jam, it will not keep; if she mounts a mare, it will miscarry; if she touches buds, they will wither; if she climbs a cherry tree, it will die.245In Brunswick people think that if a menstruous woman assists at the killing of a pig, the pork will putrefy.246In the Greek island of Calymnos a woman at such times may notgo to the well to draw water, nor cross a running stream, nor enter the sea. Her presence in a boat is said to raise storms.247

[The intention of secluding menstruous women is to neutralize the dangerous influences which are thought to emanate from them in that condition; suspension between heaven and earth.]

Thus the object of secluding women at menstruation is to neutralize the dangerous influences which are supposed to emanate from them at such times. That the danger is believed to be especially great at the first menstruation appears from the unusual precautions taken to isolate girls at this crisis. Two of these precautions have been illustrated above, namely, the rules that the girl may not touch the ground nor see the sun. The general effect of these rules is to keep her suspended, so to say, between heaven and earth. Whether enveloped in her hammock and slung up to the roof, as in South America, or raised above the ground in a dark and narrow cage, as in New Ireland, she may be considered to be out of the way of doing mischief, since, being shut off both from the earth and from the sun, she can poison neither of these great sources of life by her deadly contagion. In short, she is rendered harmless by being, in electrical language, insulated. But the precautions thus taken to isolate or insulate the girl are dictated by a regard for her own safety as well as for the safety of others. For it is thought that she herself would suffer if she were to neglect the prescribed regimen. Thus Zulu girls, as we have seen, believe that they would shrivel to skeletons if the sun were to shine on them at puberty, and in some Brazilian tribes the young women think that a transgression of the rules would entail sores on the neck and throat. In short, the girl is viewed as charged with a powerful force which, if not kept within bounds, may prove destructive both to herself and to all with whom she comes in contact. To repress this force within the limits necessary for the safety of all concerned is the object of the taboos in question.

[The same explanation applies to the similar rules of seclusion observed by divine kings and priests; suspension between heaven and earth.]

The same explanation applies to the observance of the same rules by divine kings and priests. The uncleanness, as it is called, of girls at puberty and the sanctity of holy men do not, to the primitive mind, differ materially from each other. They are only different manifestations of the same mysterious energy which, like energy in general, is in itself neither goodnor bad, but becomes beneficent or maleficent according to its application.248Accordingly, if, like girls at puberty, divine personages may neither touch the ground nor see the sun, the reason is, on the one hand, a fear lest their divinity might, at contact with earth or heaven, discharge itself with fatal violence on either; and, on the other hand, an apprehension that the divine being, thus drained of his ethereal virtue, might thereby be incapacitated for the future performance of those magical functions, upon the proper discharge of which the safety of the people and even of theworld is believed to hang. Thus the rules in question fall under the head of the taboos which we examined in the second part of this work;249they are intended to preserve the life of the divine person and with it the life of his subjects and worshippers. Nowhere, it is thought, can his precious yet dangerous life be at once so safe and so harmless as when it is neither in heaven nor in earth, but, as far as possible, suspended between the two.250

[Stories of immortality attained by suspension between heaven and earth.]

In legends and folk-tales, which reflect the ideas of earlier ages, we find this suspension between heaven and earth attributed to beings who have been endowed with the coveted yet burdensome gift of immortality. The wizened remains of the deathless Sibyl are said to have been preserved in a jar or urn which hung in a temple of Apollo at Cumae; and when a group of merry children, tired, perhaps, of playing in the sunny streets, sought the shade of the temple and amused themselves by gathering underneath the familiar jar and calling out, "Sibyl, what do you wish?" a hollow voice, like an echo, used to answer from the urn, "I wish to die."251A story, taken down from the lips of a German peasant at Thomsdorf, relates that once upon a time there was a girl in London who wished to live for ever, so they say:

"London, London is a fine town.A maiden prayed to live for ever."

"London, London is a fine town.A maiden prayed to live for ever."

"London, London is a fine town.

A maiden prayed to live for ever."

And still she lives and hangs in a basket in a church, and every St. John's Day, about the hour of noon, she eats a roll of bread.252Another German story tells of a lady whoresided at Danzig and was so rich and so blest with all that life can give that she wished to live always. So when she came to her latter end, she did not really die but only looked like dead, and very soon they found her in a hollow of a pillar in the church, half standing and half sitting, motionless. She stirred never a limb, but they saw quite plainly that she was alive, and she sits there down to this blessed day. Every New Year's Day the sacristan comes and puts a morsel of the holy bread in her mouth, and that is all she has to live on. Long, long has she rued her fatal wish who set this transient life above the eternal joys of heaven.253A third German story tells of a noble damsel who cherished the same foolish wish for immortality. So they put her in a basket and hung her up in a church, and there she hangs and never dies, though many a year has come and gone since they put her there. But every year on a certain day they give her a roll, and she eats it and cries out, "For ever! for ever! for ever!" And when she has so cried she falls silent again till the same time next year, and so it will go on for ever and for ever.254A fourth story, taken down near Oldenburg in Holstein, tells of a jolly dame that ate and drank and lived right merrily and had all that heart could desire, and she wished to live always. For the first hundred years all went well, but after that she began to shrink and shrivel up, till at last she could neither walk nor stand nor eat nor drink. But die she could not. At first they fed her as if she were a little child, but when she grew smaller and smaller they put her in a glass bottle and hung her up in the church. And there she still hangs, in the church of St. Mary, at Lübeck. She is as small as a mouse, but once a year she stirs.255

Notes:

Footnote 64:(return)Pechuel-Loesche, "Indiscretes aus Loango,"Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, x. (1878) p. 23.

Pechuel-Loesche, "Indiscretes aus Loango,"Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, x. (1878) p. 23.

Footnote 65:(return)Rev. J. Macdonald, "Manners, Customs, Superstitions, and Religions of South African Tribes,"Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xx. (1891) p. 118.

Rev. J. Macdonald, "Manners, Customs, Superstitions, and Religions of South African Tribes,"Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xx. (1891) p. 118.

Footnote 66:(return)Dudley Kidd,The Essential Kafir(London, 1904), p. 209. The prohibition to drink milk under such circumstances is also mentioned, though without the reason for it, by L. Alberti (De Kaffersaan de Zuidkust van Afrika, Amsterdam, 1810, p. 79), George Thompson (Travels and Adventures in Southern Africa, London, 1827, ii. 354sq.), and Mr. Warner (in Col. Maclean'sCompendium of Kafir Laws and Customs; Cape Town, 1866, p. 98). As to the reason for the prohibition, seebelow, p. 80.

Dudley Kidd,The Essential Kafir(London, 1904), p. 209. The prohibition to drink milk under such circumstances is also mentioned, though without the reason for it, by L. Alberti (De Kaffersaan de Zuidkust van Afrika, Amsterdam, 1810, p. 79), George Thompson (Travels and Adventures in Southern Africa, London, 1827, ii. 354sq.), and Mr. Warner (in Col. Maclean'sCompendium of Kafir Laws and Customs; Cape Town, 1866, p. 98). As to the reason for the prohibition, seebelow, p. 80.

Footnote 67:(return)C.W. Hobley,Ethnology of A-Kamba and other East African Tribes(Cambridge, 1910), p. 65.

C.W. Hobley,Ethnology of A-Kamba and other East African Tribes(Cambridge, 1910), p. 65.

Footnote 68:(return)Rev. J. Roscoe,The Baganda(London, 1911), p. 80. As to the interpretation which the Baganda put on the act of jumping or stepping over a woman, seeid., pp. 48, 357 note 1. Apparently some of the Lower Congo people interpret the act similarly. See J.H. Weeks, "Notes on some Customs of the Lower Congo People,"Folk-lore, xix. (1908) p. 431. Among the Baganda the separation of children from their parents took place after weaning; girls usually went to live either with an elder married brother or (if there was none such) with one of their father's brothers; boys in like manner went to live with one of their father's brothers. See J. Roscoe,op. cit.p. 74. As to the prohibition to touch food with the hands, seeTaboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 138sqq., 146sqq., etc.

Rev. J. Roscoe,The Baganda(London, 1911), p. 80. As to the interpretation which the Baganda put on the act of jumping or stepping over a woman, seeid., pp. 48, 357 note 1. Apparently some of the Lower Congo people interpret the act similarly. See J.H. Weeks, "Notes on some Customs of the Lower Congo People,"Folk-lore, xix. (1908) p. 431. Among the Baganda the separation of children from their parents took place after weaning; girls usually went to live either with an elder married brother or (if there was none such) with one of their father's brothers; boys in like manner went to live with one of their father's brothers. See J. Roscoe,op. cit.p. 74. As to the prohibition to touch food with the hands, seeTaboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 138sqq., 146sqq., etc.

Footnote 69:(return)Rev. J. Roscoe,The Baganda, p. 80.

Rev. J. Roscoe,The Baganda, p. 80.

Footnote 70:(return)De la Loubere,Du royaume de Siam(Amsterdam, 1691), i. 203. In Travancore it is believed that women at puberty and after childbirth are peculiarly liable to be attacked by demons. See S. Mateer,The Land of Charity(London, 1871), p. 208.

De la Loubere,Du royaume de Siam(Amsterdam, 1691), i. 203. In Travancore it is believed that women at puberty and after childbirth are peculiarly liable to be attacked by demons. See S. Mateer,The Land of Charity(London, 1871), p. 208.

Footnote 71:(return)Rev. J. Roscoe,The Baganda, p. 80.

Rev. J. Roscoe,The Baganda, p. 80.

Footnote 72:(return)C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane,The Great Plateau of Northern Nigeria(London, 1911), pp. 158-160.

C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane,The Great Plateau of Northern Nigeria(London, 1911), pp. 158-160.

Footnote 73:(return)R. Sutherland Rattray,Some Folk-lore, Stories and Songs in Chinyanja(London, 1907), pp. 102-105.

R. Sutherland Rattray,Some Folk-lore, Stories and Songs in Chinyanja(London, 1907), pp. 102-105.

Footnote 74:(return)Rev. H. Cole, "Notes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,"Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) pp. 309sq.

Rev. H. Cole, "Notes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,"Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) pp. 309sq.

Footnote 75:(return)R. Sutherland Rattray,op. cit.pp. 191sq.

R. Sutherland Rattray,op. cit.pp. 191sq.

Footnote 76:(return)The Grihya Sutras, translated by H. Oldenberg, Part i. p. 357, Part ii. p. 267 (Sacred Books of the East, vols. xxix., xxx.).

The Grihya Sutras, translated by H. Oldenberg, Part i. p. 357, Part ii. p. 267 (Sacred Books of the East, vols. xxix., xxx.).

Footnote 77:(return)Rev. J. Roscoe,The Baganda(London, 1911), pp. 393sq., compare pp. 396, 398.

Rev. J. Roscoe,The Baganda(London, 1911), pp. 393sq., compare pp. 396, 398.

Footnote 78:(return)SeeTotemism and Exogamy, iv. 224sqq.

SeeTotemism and Exogamy, iv. 224sqq.

Footnote 79:(return)Sir Harry H. Johnston,British Central Africa(London, 1897), p. 411.

Sir Harry H. Johnston,British Central Africa(London, 1897), p. 411.

Footnote 80:(return)Oscar Baumann,Durch Massailand zur Nilquelle(Berlin, 1894), p. 178.

Oscar Baumann,Durch Massailand zur Nilquelle(Berlin, 1894), p. 178.

Footnote 81:(return)Lionel Decle,Three Years in Savage Africa(London, 1898), p. 78. Compare E. Jacottet,Études sur les Langues du Haut-Zambèze, Troisième Partie (Paris, 1901), pp. 174sq.(as to the A-Louyi).

Lionel Decle,Three Years in Savage Africa(London, 1898), p. 78. Compare E. Jacottet,Études sur les Langues du Haut-Zambèze, Troisième Partie (Paris, 1901), pp. 174sq.(as to the A-Louyi).

Footnote 82:(return)E. Béguin,Les Ma-rotsé(Lausanne and Fontaines, 1903), p. 113.

E. Béguin,Les Ma-rotsé(Lausanne and Fontaines, 1903), p. 113.

Footnote 83:(return)Henri A. Junod,The Life of a South African Tribe(Neuchatel, 1912-1913), i. 178sq.

Henri A. Junod,The Life of a South African Tribe(Neuchatel, 1912-1913), i. 178sq.

Footnote 84:(return)G. McCall Theal,Kaffir Folk-lore(London, 1886), p. 218.

G. McCall Theal,Kaffir Folk-lore(London, 1886), p. 218.

Footnote 85:(return)L. Alberti,De Kaffers aan de Zuidkust van Afrika(Amsterdam, 1810), pp. 79sq.; H. Lichtenstein,Reisen im südlichen Africa(Berlin, 1811-1812), i. 428.

L. Alberti,De Kaffers aan de Zuidkust van Afrika(Amsterdam, 1810), pp. 79sq.; H. Lichtenstein,Reisen im südlichen Africa(Berlin, 1811-1812), i. 428.

Footnote 86:(return)Gustav Fritsch,Die Eingeborenen Süd-Afrika's(Breslau, 1872), p. 112. This statement applies especially to the Ama-Xosa.

Gustav Fritsch,Die Eingeborenen Süd-Afrika's(Breslau, 1872), p. 112. This statement applies especially to the Ama-Xosa.

Footnote 87:(return)G. McCall Theal,Kaffir Folk-lore, p. 218.

G. McCall Theal,Kaffir Folk-lore, p. 218.

Footnote 88:(return)Rev. Canon Henry Callaway,Nursery Tales, Traditions, and Histories of the Zulus(Natal and London, 1868), p. 182, note 20. From one of the Zulu texts which the author edits and translates (p. 189) we may infer that during the period of her seclusion a Zulu girl may not light a fire. Compareabove, p. 28.

Rev. Canon Henry Callaway,Nursery Tales, Traditions, and Histories of the Zulus(Natal and London, 1868), p. 182, note 20. From one of the Zulu texts which the author edits and translates (p. 189) we may infer that during the period of her seclusion a Zulu girl may not light a fire. Compareabove, p. 28.

Footnote 89:(return)E. Casalis,The Basutos(London, 1861), p. 268.

E. Casalis,The Basutos(London, 1861), p. 268.

Footnote 90:(return)J. Merolla, "Voyage to Congo," in J. Pinkerton'sVoyages and Travels(London, 1808-1814), xvi. 238; Father Campana, "Congo; Mission Catholique de Landana,"Les Missions Catholiques, xxvii. (1895) p. 161; R.E. Dennett,At the Back of the Black Man's Mind(London, 1906), pp. 69sq.. According to Merolla, it is thought that if girls did not go through these ceremonies, they would "never be fit for procreation." The other consequences supposed to flow from the omission of the rites are mentioned by Father Campana. From Mr. Dennett's account (op. cit.pp. 53, 67-71) we gather that drought and famine are thought to result from the intercourse of a man with a girl who has not yet passed through the "paint-house," as the hut is called where the young women live in seclusion. According to O. Dapper, the women of Loango paint themselves red on every recurrence of their monthly sickness; also they tie a cord tightly round their heads and take care neither to touch their husband's food nor to appear before him (Description de l'Afrique, Amsterdam, 1686, p. 326).

J. Merolla, "Voyage to Congo," in J. Pinkerton'sVoyages and Travels(London, 1808-1814), xvi. 238; Father Campana, "Congo; Mission Catholique de Landana,"Les Missions Catholiques, xxvii. (1895) p. 161; R.E. Dennett,At the Back of the Black Man's Mind(London, 1906), pp. 69sq.. According to Merolla, it is thought that if girls did not go through these ceremonies, they would "never be fit for procreation." The other consequences supposed to flow from the omission of the rites are mentioned by Father Campana. From Mr. Dennett's account (op. cit.pp. 53, 67-71) we gather that drought and famine are thought to result from the intercourse of a man with a girl who has not yet passed through the "paint-house," as the hut is called where the young women live in seclusion. According to O. Dapper, the women of Loango paint themselves red on every recurrence of their monthly sickness; also they tie a cord tightly round their heads and take care neither to touch their husband's food nor to appear before him (Description de l'Afrique, Amsterdam, 1686, p. 326).

Footnote 91:(return)The Rev. G. Brown, quoted by the Rev. B. Danks, "Marriage Customs of the New Britain Group,"Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xviii. (1889) pp. 284.sq.; id., Melanesians and Polynesians(London, 1910), pp. 105-107. Compareid., "Notes on the Duke of York Group, New Britain, and New Ireland,"Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, xlvii. (1877) pp. 142sq.; A. Hahl, "Das mittlere Neumecklenburg,"Globus, xci. (1907) p. 313. Wilfred Powell's description of the New Ireland custom is similar (Wanderings in a Wild Country, London, 1883, p. 249). According to him, the girls wear wreaths of scented herbs round the waist and neck; an old woman or a little child occupies the lower floor of the cage; and the confinement lasts only a month. Probably the long period mentioned by Dr. Brown is that prescribed for chiefs' daughters. Poor people could not afford to keep their children so long idle. This distinction is sometimes expressly stated. Seeabove, p. 30. Among the Goajiras of Colombia rich people keep their daughters shut up in separate huts at puberty for periods varying from one to four years, but poor people cannot afford to do so for more than a fortnight or a month. See F.A. Simons, "An Exploration of the Goajira Peninsula,"Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, N.S., vii. (1885) p. 791. In Fiji, brides who were being tattooed were kept from the sun (Thomas Williams,Fiji and the Fijians, Second Edition, London, 1860, i. 170). This was perhaps a modification of the Melanesian custom of secluding girls at puberty. The reason mentioned by Mr. Williams, "to improve her complexion," can hardly have been the original one.

The Rev. G. Brown, quoted by the Rev. B. Danks, "Marriage Customs of the New Britain Group,"Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xviii. (1889) pp. 284.sq.; id., Melanesians and Polynesians(London, 1910), pp. 105-107. Compareid., "Notes on the Duke of York Group, New Britain, and New Ireland,"Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, xlvii. (1877) pp. 142sq.; A. Hahl, "Das mittlere Neumecklenburg,"Globus, xci. (1907) p. 313. Wilfred Powell's description of the New Ireland custom is similar (Wanderings in a Wild Country, London, 1883, p. 249). According to him, the girls wear wreaths of scented herbs round the waist and neck; an old woman or a little child occupies the lower floor of the cage; and the confinement lasts only a month. Probably the long period mentioned by Dr. Brown is that prescribed for chiefs' daughters. Poor people could not afford to keep their children so long idle. This distinction is sometimes expressly stated. Seeabove, p. 30. Among the Goajiras of Colombia rich people keep their daughters shut up in separate huts at puberty for periods varying from one to four years, but poor people cannot afford to do so for more than a fortnight or a month. See F.A. Simons, "An Exploration of the Goajira Peninsula,"Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, N.S., vii. (1885) p. 791. In Fiji, brides who were being tattooed were kept from the sun (Thomas Williams,Fiji and the Fijians, Second Edition, London, 1860, i. 170). This was perhaps a modification of the Melanesian custom of secluding girls at puberty. The reason mentioned by Mr. Williams, "to improve her complexion," can hardly have been the original one.

Footnote 92:(return)Rev. R.H. Rickard, quoted by Dr. George Brown,Melanesians and Polynesians, pp. 107sq.. His observations were made in 1892.

Rev. R.H. Rickard, quoted by Dr. George Brown,Melanesians and Polynesians, pp. 107sq.. His observations were made in 1892.

Footnote 93:(return)R. Parkinson,Dreissig Jahre in der Südsee(Stuttgart, 1907), p. 272. The natives told Mr. Parkinson that the confinement of the girls lasts from twelve to twenty months. The length of it may have been reduced since Dr. George Brown described the custom in 1876.

R. Parkinson,Dreissig Jahre in der Südsee(Stuttgart, 1907), p. 272. The natives told Mr. Parkinson that the confinement of the girls lasts from twelve to twenty months. The length of it may have been reduced since Dr. George Brown described the custom in 1876.

Footnote 94:(return)J. Chalmers and W. Wyatt Gill,Work and Adventure in New Guinea(London, 1885), p. 159.

J. Chalmers and W. Wyatt Gill,Work and Adventure in New Guinea(London, 1885), p. 159.

Footnote 95:(return)H. Zahn and S. Lehner, in R. Neuhauss'sDeutsch New-Guinea(Berlin, 1911), iii. 298, 418-420. The customs of the two tribes seem to be in substantial agreement, and the accounts of them supplement each other. The description of the Bukaua practice is the fuller.

H. Zahn and S. Lehner, in R. Neuhauss'sDeutsch New-Guinea(Berlin, 1911), iii. 298, 418-420. The customs of the two tribes seem to be in substantial agreement, and the accounts of them supplement each other. The description of the Bukaua practice is the fuller.

Footnote 96:(return)C.A.L.M. Schwaner,Borneo, Beschrijving van het stroomgebied van den Barito(Amsterdam, 1853-1854), ii. 77sq.; W.F.A. Zimmermann,Die Inseln des Indischen und Stillen Meeres(Berlin, 1864-1865), ii. 632sq.; Otto Finsch,Neu Guinea und seine Bewohner(Bremen, 1865), pp. 116sq..

C.A.L.M. Schwaner,Borneo, Beschrijving van het stroomgebied van den Barito(Amsterdam, 1853-1854), ii. 77sq.; W.F.A. Zimmermann,Die Inseln des Indischen und Stillen Meeres(Berlin, 1864-1865), ii. 632sq.; Otto Finsch,Neu Guinea und seine Bewohner(Bremen, 1865), pp. 116sq..

Footnote 97:(return)J.G.F. Riedel,De sluik—en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua(The Hague, 1886), p. 138.

J.G.F. Riedel,De sluik—en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua(The Hague, 1886), p. 138.

Footnote 98:(return)A. Senfft, "Ethnographische Beiträge über die Karolineninsel Yap,"Petermanns Mitteilungen, xlix. (1903) p. 53;id., "Die Rechtssitten der Jap-Eingeborenen,"Globus, xci. (1907) pp. 142sq..

A. Senfft, "Ethnographische Beiträge über die Karolineninsel Yap,"Petermanns Mitteilungen, xlix. (1903) p. 53;id., "Die Rechtssitten der Jap-Eingeborenen,"Globus, xci. (1907) pp. 142sq..

Footnote 99:(return)Dr. C.G. Seligmann, inJournal of the Anthropological Institute, xxix. (1899) pp. 212sq.; id., inReports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, v. (Cambridge, 1904) pp. 203sq.

Dr. C.G. Seligmann, inJournal of the Anthropological Institute, xxix. (1899) pp. 212sq.; id., inReports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, v. (Cambridge, 1904) pp. 203sq.

Footnote 100:(return)Dr. C.G. Seligmann, inReports of the Cambridge Expedition to Torres Straits, v. (Cambridge, 1904) p. 205.

Dr. C.G. Seligmann, inReports of the Cambridge Expedition to Torres Straits, v. (Cambridge, 1904) p. 205.

Footnote 101:(return)L. Crauford, inJournal of the Anthropological Institute, xxiv. (1895) p. 181.

L. Crauford, inJournal of the Anthropological Institute, xxiv. (1895) p. 181.

Footnote 102:(return)Dr. C.G. Seligmann,op. cit.v. 206.

Dr. C.G. Seligmann,op. cit.v. 206.

Footnote 103:(return)Walter E. Roth,North Queensland Ethnography, Bulletin No. 5, Superstition, Magic, and Medicine(Brisbane, 1903), pp. 24sq.

Walter E. Roth,North Queensland Ethnography, Bulletin No. 5, Superstition, Magic, and Medicine(Brisbane, 1903), pp. 24sq.

Footnote 104:(return)Walter E. Roth,op. cit.p. 25.

Walter E. Roth,op. cit.p. 25.

Footnote 105:(return)Dr. C.G. Seligmann, inReports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, v. (Cambridge, 1904), p. 205.

Dr. C.G. Seligmann, inReports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, v. (Cambridge, 1904), p. 205.

Footnote 106:(return)From notes kindly sent me by Dr. C.G. Seligmann. The practice of burying a girl at puberty was observed also by some Indian tribes of California, but apparently rather for the purpose of producing a sweat than for the sake of concealment. The treatment lasted only twenty-four hours, during which the patient was removed from the ground and washed three or four times, to be afterwards reimbedded. Dancing was kept up the whole time by the women. See H. R. Schoolcraft,Indian Tribes of the United States(Philadelphia, 1853-1856), v. 215.

From notes kindly sent me by Dr. C.G. Seligmann. The practice of burying a girl at puberty was observed also by some Indian tribes of California, but apparently rather for the purpose of producing a sweat than for the sake of concealment. The treatment lasted only twenty-four hours, during which the patient was removed from the ground and washed three or four times, to be afterwards reimbedded. Dancing was kept up the whole time by the women. See H. R. Schoolcraft,Indian Tribes of the United States(Philadelphia, 1853-1856), v. 215.

Footnote 107:(return)Dr. C.G. Seligmann, inReports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, v. 201sq.

Dr. C.G. Seligmann, inReports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, v. 201sq.

Footnote 108:(return)A.L. Kroeber, "The Religion of the Indians of California,"University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. iv. No. 6 (September, 1907), p. 324.

A.L. Kroeber, "The Religion of the Indians of California,"University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. iv. No. 6 (September, 1907), p. 324.

Footnote 109:(return)Roland B. Dixon, "The Northern Maidu,"Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, vol. xvii. Part iii. (May 1905) pp. 232sq., compare pp. 233-238.

Roland B. Dixon, "The Northern Maidu,"Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, vol. xvii. Part iii. (May 1905) pp. 232sq., compare pp. 233-238.

Footnote 110:(return)Stephen Powers,Tribes of California(Washington, 1877), p. 85 (Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. iii.).

Stephen Powers,Tribes of California(Washington, 1877), p. 85 (Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. iii.).

Footnote 111:(return)Stephen Powers,op. cit.p. 235.

Stephen Powers,op. cit.p. 235.

Footnote 112:(return)Charles Wilkes,Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition, New Edition (New York, 1851), iv. 456.

Charles Wilkes,Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition, New Edition (New York, 1851), iv. 456.

Footnote 113:(return)Franz Boas,Chinook Texts(Washington, 1894), pp. 246sq.The account, taken down from the lips of a Chinook Indian, is not perfectly clear; some of the restrictions were prolonged after the girl's second monthly period.

Franz Boas,Chinook Texts(Washington, 1894), pp. 246sq.The account, taken down from the lips of a Chinook Indian, is not perfectly clear; some of the restrictions were prolonged after the girl's second monthly period.

Footnote 114:(return)G.M. Sproat,Scenes and Studies of Savage Life(London, 1868), pp. 93sq.

G.M. Sproat,Scenes and Studies of Savage Life(London, 1868), pp. 93sq.

Footnote 115:(return)Franz Boas, inSixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada, pp. 40-42 (separate reprint from theReport of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, Leeds meeting, 1890). The rule not to lie down is observed also during their seclusion at puberty by Tsimshian girls, who always sit propped up between boxes and mats; their heads are covered with small mats, and they may not look at men nor at fresh salmon and olachen. See Franz Boas, inFifth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada, p. 41 (separate reprint from theReport of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, Newcastle-upon-Tyne meeting, 1889); G.M. Dawson,Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands, 1878(Montreal, 1880), pp. 130 Bsq.Some divine kings are not allowed to lie down. SeeTaboo and the Perils of the Soul, p. 5.

Franz Boas, inSixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada, pp. 40-42 (separate reprint from theReport of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, Leeds meeting, 1890). The rule not to lie down is observed also during their seclusion at puberty by Tsimshian girls, who always sit propped up between boxes and mats; their heads are covered with small mats, and they may not look at men nor at fresh salmon and olachen. See Franz Boas, inFifth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada, p. 41 (separate reprint from theReport of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, Newcastle-upon-Tyne meeting, 1889); G.M. Dawson,Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands, 1878(Montreal, 1880), pp. 130 Bsq.Some divine kings are not allowed to lie down. SeeTaboo and the Perils of the Soul, p. 5.

Footnote 116:(return)George M. Dawson,Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands, 1878(Montreal, 1880), p. 130 B; J.R. Swanton,Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida(Leyden and New York, 1905), pp. 48-50 (The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, New York). Speaking of the customs observed at Kloo, where the girls had to abstain from salmon for five years, Mr. Swanton says (p. 49): "When five years had passed, the girl came out, and could do as she pleased." This seems to imply that the girl was secluded in the house for five years. We have seen (above, p. 32) that in New Ireland the girls used sometimes to be secluded for the same period.

George M. Dawson,Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands, 1878(Montreal, 1880), p. 130 B; J.R. Swanton,Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida(Leyden and New York, 1905), pp. 48-50 (The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, New York). Speaking of the customs observed at Kloo, where the girls had to abstain from salmon for five years, Mr. Swanton says (p. 49): "When five years had passed, the girl came out, and could do as she pleased." This seems to imply that the girl was secluded in the house for five years. We have seen (above, p. 32) that in New Ireland the girls used sometimes to be secluded for the same period.

Footnote 117:(return)G.H. von Langsdorff,Reise um die Welt(Frankfort, 1812), ii. 114sq.; H.J. Holmberg, "Ethnographische Skizzen über die Völker des Russischen Amerika,"Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae, iv. (Helsingfors, 1856) pp. 319sq.; T. de Pauly,Description Ethnographique des Peuples de la Russie(St. Petersburg, 1862),Peuples de l'Amérique Russe, p. 13; A. Erman, "Ethnographische Wahrnehmungen und Erfahrungen an den Küsten des Berings-Meeres,"Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, ii. (1870) pp. 318sq.; H.H. Bancroft,Native Races of the Pacific States(London, 1875-1876), i. 110sq.; Rev. Sheldon Jackson, "Alaska and its Inhabitants,"The American Antiquarian, ii. (Chicago, 1879-1880) pp. 111sq.; A. Woldt,Captain Jacobsen's Reise an der Nordwestkiiste Americas, 1881-1883(Leipsic, 1884), p. 393; Aurel Krause,Die Tlinkit-Indianer(Jena, 1885), pp. 217sq.; W.M. Grant, inJournal of American Folk-lore, i. (1888) p. 169; John R. Swanton, "Social Conditions, Beliefs, and Linguistic Relationship of the Tlingit Indians,"Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology(Washington, 1908), p. 428.

G.H. von Langsdorff,Reise um die Welt(Frankfort, 1812), ii. 114sq.; H.J. Holmberg, "Ethnographische Skizzen über die Völker des Russischen Amerika,"Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae, iv. (Helsingfors, 1856) pp. 319sq.; T. de Pauly,Description Ethnographique des Peuples de la Russie(St. Petersburg, 1862),Peuples de l'Amérique Russe, p. 13; A. Erman, "Ethnographische Wahrnehmungen und Erfahrungen an den Küsten des Berings-Meeres,"Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, ii. (1870) pp. 318sq.; H.H. Bancroft,Native Races of the Pacific States(London, 1875-1876), i. 110sq.; Rev. Sheldon Jackson, "Alaska and its Inhabitants,"The American Antiquarian, ii. (Chicago, 1879-1880) pp. 111sq.; A. Woldt,Captain Jacobsen's Reise an der Nordwestkiiste Americas, 1881-1883(Leipsic, 1884), p. 393; Aurel Krause,Die Tlinkit-Indianer(Jena, 1885), pp. 217sq.; W.M. Grant, inJournal of American Folk-lore, i. (1888) p. 169; John R. Swanton, "Social Conditions, Beliefs, and Linguistic Relationship of the Tlingit Indians,"Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology(Washington, 1908), p. 428.

Footnote 118:(return)Franz Boas, inTenth Report of the Committee on the North-Western Tribes of Canada, p. 45 (separate reprint from theReport of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, Ipswich meeting, 1895).

Franz Boas, inTenth Report of the Committee on the North-Western Tribes of Canada, p. 45 (separate reprint from theReport of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, Ipswich meeting, 1895).

Footnote 119:(return)Franz Boas, inFifth Report of the Committee on the North-Western Tribes of Canada, p. 42 (separate reprint from theReport of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, Newcastle-upon-Tyne meeting, 1889);id., inSeventh Report, etc., p. 12 (separate reprint from theReport of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, Cardiff meeting, 1891).

Franz Boas, inFifth Report of the Committee on the North-Western Tribes of Canada, p. 42 (separate reprint from theReport of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, Newcastle-upon-Tyne meeting, 1889);id., inSeventh Report, etc., p. 12 (separate reprint from theReport of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, Cardiff meeting, 1891).

Footnote 120:(return)"Customs of the New Caledonian women belonging to the Nancaushy Tine, or Stuart's Lake Indians, Natotin Tine, or Babine's and Nantley Tine, or Fraser Lake Tribes," from information supplied by Gavin Hamilton, chief factor of the Hudson's Bay Company's service, who has been for many years among these Indians, both he and his wife speaking their languages fluently (communicated by Dr. John Rae),Journal of the Anthropological Institute, vii. (1878) pp. 206sq.

"Customs of the New Caledonian women belonging to the Nancaushy Tine, or Stuart's Lake Indians, Natotin Tine, or Babine's and Nantley Tine, or Fraser Lake Tribes," from information supplied by Gavin Hamilton, chief factor of the Hudson's Bay Company's service, who has been for many years among these Indians, both he and his wife speaking their languages fluently (communicated by Dr. John Rae),Journal of the Anthropological Institute, vii. (1878) pp. 206sq.

Footnote 121:(return)Émile Petitot,Traditions Indiennes du Canada Nord-ouest(Paris, 1886), pp. 257sq.

Émile Petitot,Traditions Indiennes du Canada Nord-ouest(Paris, 1886), pp. 257sq.

Footnote 122:(return)Fr. Julius Jetté, S.J., "On the Superstitions of the Ten'a Indians,"Anthropos, vi. (1911) pp. 700-702.

Fr. Julius Jetté, S.J., "On the Superstitions of the Ten'a Indians,"Anthropos, vi. (1911) pp. 700-702.

Footnote 123:(return)CompareThe Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 70sqq.

CompareThe Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 70sqq.

Footnote 124:(return)James Teit,The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, pp. 311-317 (The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, New York, April, 1900). As to the customs observed among these Indians by the father of a girl at such times in order not to lose his luck in hunting, seeSpirits of the Corn and of the Wild, ii. 268.

James Teit,The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, pp. 311-317 (The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, New York, April, 1900). As to the customs observed among these Indians by the father of a girl at such times in order not to lose his luck in hunting, seeSpirits of the Corn and of the Wild, ii. 268.

Footnote 125:(return)James Teit,The Lillooet Indians(Leyden and New York, 1906), pp. 263-265 (The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, New York). Compare C. Hill Tout, "Report on the Ethnology of the Stlatlumh of British Columbia,"Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxv. (1905) p. 136.

James Teit,The Lillooet Indians(Leyden and New York, 1906), pp. 263-265 (The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, New York). Compare C. Hill Tout, "Report on the Ethnology of the Stlatlumh of British Columbia,"Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxv. (1905) p. 136.

Footnote 126:(return)Franz Boas, inSixth Report of the Committee on the North-Western Tribes of Canada, pp. 89sq. (separate reprint from theReport of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, Leeds meeting, 1890).

Franz Boas, inSixth Report of the Committee on the North-Western Tribes of Canada, pp. 89sq. (separate reprint from theReport of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, Leeds meeting, 1890).

Footnote 127:(return)James Teit,The Shuswap(Leyden and New York, 1909), pp. 587sq.(The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, New York).

James Teit,The Shuswap(Leyden and New York, 1909), pp. 587sq.(The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, New York).

Footnote 128:(return)G.H. Loskiel,History of the Mission of the United Brethren among the Indians of North America(London, 1794), Part i. pp. 56sq.

G.H. Loskiel,History of the Mission of the United Brethren among the Indians of North America(London, 1794), Part i. pp. 56sq.

Footnote 129:(return)G.B. Grinnell, "Cheyenne Woman Customs,"American Anthropologist, New Series, iv. (New York, 1902) pp. 13sq. The Cheyennes appear to have been at first settled on the Mississippi, from which they were driven westward to the Missouri. SeeHandbook of American Indians north of Mexico, edited by F.W. Hodge (Washington, 1907-1910), i. 250sqq.

G.B. Grinnell, "Cheyenne Woman Customs,"American Anthropologist, New Series, iv. (New York, 1902) pp. 13sq. The Cheyennes appear to have been at first settled on the Mississippi, from which they were driven westward to the Missouri. SeeHandbook of American Indians north of Mexico, edited by F.W. Hodge (Washington, 1907-1910), i. 250sqq.

Footnote 130:(return)H.J. Holmberg, "Ueber die Völker des Russischen Amerika,"Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae, iv. (Helsingfors, 1856) pp. 401sq.; Ivan Petroff,Report on the Population, Industries and Resources of Alaska, p. 143.

H.J. Holmberg, "Ueber die Völker des Russischen Amerika,"Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae, iv. (Helsingfors, 1856) pp. 401sq.; Ivan Petroff,Report on the Population, Industries and Resources of Alaska, p. 143.

Footnote 131:(return)E.W. Nelson, "The Eskimo about Bering Strait,"Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Part i. (Washington, 1899) p. 291.

E.W. Nelson, "The Eskimo about Bering Strait,"Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Part i. (Washington, 1899) p. 291.

Footnote 132:(return)Jose Guevara, "Historia del Paraguay, Rio de la Plata, y Tucuman," pp. 16sq., in Pedro de Angelis,Coleccion de Obras y Documentos relativos a la Historia antigua y moderna de las Provincias del Rio de la Plata, vol. ii. (Buenos-Ayres, 1836); J.F. Lafitau,Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriquains(Paris, 1724), i. 262sq.

Jose Guevara, "Historia del Paraguay, Rio de la Plata, y Tucuman," pp. 16sq., in Pedro de Angelis,Coleccion de Obras y Documentos relativos a la Historia antigua y moderna de las Provincias del Rio de la Plata, vol. ii. (Buenos-Ayres, 1836); J.F. Lafitau,Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriquains(Paris, 1724), i. 262sq.

Footnote 133:(return)Father Ignace Chomé, inLettres Édifiantes et Curieuses, Nouvelle Edition (Paris, 1780-1783), viii. 333. As to the Chiriguanos, see C.F. Phil. von Martius,Zur Ethnographie Amerika's, zumal Brasiliens(Leipsic, 1867), pp. 212sqq.; Colonel G.E. Church,Aborigines of South America(London, 1912), pp. 207-227.

Father Ignace Chomé, inLettres Édifiantes et Curieuses, Nouvelle Edition (Paris, 1780-1783), viii. 333. As to the Chiriguanos, see C.F. Phil. von Martius,Zur Ethnographie Amerika's, zumal Brasiliens(Leipsic, 1867), pp. 212sqq.; Colonel G.E. Church,Aborigines of South America(London, 1912), pp. 207-227.

Footnote 134:(return)A. Thouar,Explorations dans l'Amérique du Sud(Paris, 1891), pp. 48sq.; G. Kurze, "Sitten und Gebräuche der Lengua-Indianer,"Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena, xxiii. (1905) pp. 26sq.The two accounts appear to be identical; but the former attributes the custom to the Chiriguanos, the latter to the Lenguas. As the latter account is based on the reports of the Rev. W.B. Grubb, a missionary who has been settled among the Indians of the Chaco for many years and is our principal authority on them, I assume that the ascription of the custom to the Lenguas is correct. However, in the volume on the Lengua Indians, which has been edited from Mr. Grubb's papers (An Unknown People in an Unknown Land, London, 1911), these details as to the seclusion of girls at puberty are not mentioned, though what seems to be the final ceremony is described (op. cit.pp. 177sq.). From the description we learn that boys dressed in ostrich feathers and wearing masks circle round the girl with shrill cries, but are repelled by the women.

A. Thouar,Explorations dans l'Amérique du Sud(Paris, 1891), pp. 48sq.; G. Kurze, "Sitten und Gebräuche der Lengua-Indianer,"Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena, xxiii. (1905) pp. 26sq.The two accounts appear to be identical; but the former attributes the custom to the Chiriguanos, the latter to the Lenguas. As the latter account is based on the reports of the Rev. W.B. Grubb, a missionary who has been settled among the Indians of the Chaco for many years and is our principal authority on them, I assume that the ascription of the custom to the Lenguas is correct. However, in the volume on the Lengua Indians, which has been edited from Mr. Grubb's papers (An Unknown People in an Unknown Land, London, 1911), these details as to the seclusion of girls at puberty are not mentioned, though what seems to be the final ceremony is described (op. cit.pp. 177sq.). From the description we learn that boys dressed in ostrich feathers and wearing masks circle round the girl with shrill cries, but are repelled by the women.

Footnote 135:(return)Alcide d'Orbigny,Voyage dans l'Amérique Méridionalevol. iii. 1to Partie (Paris and Strasburg, 1844), pp. 205sq.

Alcide d'Orbigny,Voyage dans l'Amérique Méridionalevol. iii. 1to Partie (Paris and Strasburg, 1844), pp. 205sq.

Footnote 136:(return)A. Thouar,Explorations dans l'Amérique du Sud(Paris, 1891) pp. 56sq.; Father Cardus, quoted in J. Pelleschi'sLos Indios Matacos(Buenos Ayres, 1897), pp. 47sq.

A. Thouar,Explorations dans l'Amérique du Sud(Paris, 1891) pp. 56sq.; Father Cardus, quoted in J. Pelleschi'sLos Indios Matacos(Buenos Ayres, 1897), pp. 47sq.

Footnote 137:(return)A. Thouar,op. cit.p. 63.

A. Thouar,op. cit.p. 63.

Footnote 138:(return)Francis de Castelnau,Expédition dans les parties centrales de l'Amérique du Sud(Paris, 1850-1851), v. 25.

Francis de Castelnau,Expédition dans les parties centrales de l'Amérique du Sud(Paris, 1850-1851), v. 25.

Footnote 139:(return)D. Luis de la Cruz, "Descripcion de la Naturaleza de los Terrenos que se comprenden en los Andes, poseidos por los Peguenches y los demas espacios hasta el rio de Chadileuba," p. 62, in Pedro de Angelis,Coleccion de Obras y Documentos relativos a la Historia antigua y moderna de las Provincias del Rio de la Plata, vol. i. (Buenos-Ayres, 1836). Apparently the Peguenches are an Indian tribe of Chili.

D. Luis de la Cruz, "Descripcion de la Naturaleza de los Terrenos que se comprenden en los Andes, poseidos por los Peguenches y los demas espacios hasta el rio de Chadileuba," p. 62, in Pedro de Angelis,Coleccion de Obras y Documentos relativos a la Historia antigua y moderna de las Provincias del Rio de la Plata, vol. i. (Buenos-Ayres, 1836). Apparently the Peguenches are an Indian tribe of Chili.

Footnote 140:(return)J.B. von Spix und C.F. Ph. von Martius,Reise in Brasilien(Munich, 1823-1831), iii. 1186, 1187, 1318.

J.B. von Spix und C.F. Ph. von Martius,Reise in Brasilien(Munich, 1823-1831), iii. 1186, 1187, 1318.

Footnote 141:(return)André Thevet,Cosmographie Universelle(Paris, 1575), ii. 946 B [980]sq.;id., Les Singularites de la France Antarctique, autrement nommée Amerique(Antwerp, 1558), p. 76; J.F. Lafitau,Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriquains(Paris, 1724), i. 290sqq.

André Thevet,Cosmographie Universelle(Paris, 1575), ii. 946 B [980]sq.;id., Les Singularites de la France Antarctique, autrement nommée Amerique(Antwerp, 1558), p. 76; J.F. Lafitau,Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriquains(Paris, 1724), i. 290sqq.

Footnote 142:(return)R. Schomburgk,Reisen in Britisch Guiana(Leipsic, 1847-1848), ii. 315sq.; C.F.Ph. von Martius,Zur Ethnographie Amerika's, zumal Brasiliens(Leipsic, 1867), p. 644.

R. Schomburgk,Reisen in Britisch Guiana(Leipsic, 1847-1848), ii. 315sq.; C.F.Ph. von Martius,Zur Ethnographie Amerika's, zumal Brasiliens(Leipsic, 1867), p. 644.

Footnote 143:(return)Labat,Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais en Guinée, Isles voisines, et à Cayenne, iv. 365sq.(Paris, 1730), pp. 17sq.(Amsterdam, 1731).

Labat,Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais en Guinée, Isles voisines, et à Cayenne, iv. 365sq.(Paris, 1730), pp. 17sq.(Amsterdam, 1731).

Footnote 144:(return)A. Caulin,Historia Coro-graphica natural y evangelica dela Nueva Andalucia(1779), p. 93. A similar custom, with the omission of the stinging, is reported of the Tamanaks in the region of the Orinoco. See F.S. Gilij,Saggio di Storia Americana, ii. (Rome, 1781), p. 133.

A. Caulin,Historia Coro-graphica natural y evangelica dela Nueva Andalucia(1779), p. 93. A similar custom, with the omission of the stinging, is reported of the Tamanaks in the region of the Orinoco. See F.S. Gilij,Saggio di Storia Americana, ii. (Rome, 1781), p. 133.

Footnote 145:(return)A.R. Wallace,Narrative of Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro, p. 496 (p. 345 of the Minerva Library edition, London, 1889).

A.R. Wallace,Narrative of Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro, p. 496 (p. 345 of the Minerva Library edition, London, 1889).

Footnote 146:(return)Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 105sqq.;The Scapegoat> pp. 259sqq.

Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 105sqq.;The Scapegoat> pp. 259sqq.

Footnote 147:(return)J.B. von Spix and C.F.Ph. von Martius,Reise in Brasilien(Munich, 1823-1831), iii. 1320.

J.B. von Spix and C.F.Ph. von Martius,Reise in Brasilien(Munich, 1823-1831), iii. 1320.

Footnote 148:(return)W. Lewis Herndon,Exploration of the Valley of the Amazon(Washington, 1854), pp. 319sq.The scene was described to Mr. Herndon by a French engineer and architect, M. de Lincourt, who witnessed it at Manduassu, a village on the Tapajos river. Mr. Herndon adds: "TheTocandeiraants not only bite, but are also armed with a sting like the wasp; but the pain felt from it is more violent. I think it equal to that occasioned by the sting of the black scorpion." He gives the name of the Indians as Mahues, but I assume that they are the same as the Mauhes described by Spix and Martius.

W. Lewis Herndon,Exploration of the Valley of the Amazon(Washington, 1854), pp. 319sq.The scene was described to Mr. Herndon by a French engineer and architect, M. de Lincourt, who witnessed it at Manduassu, a village on the Tapajos river. Mr. Herndon adds: "TheTocandeiraants not only bite, but are also armed with a sting like the wasp; but the pain felt from it is more violent. I think it equal to that occasioned by the sting of the black scorpion." He gives the name of the Indians as Mahues, but I assume that they are the same as the Mauhes described by Spix and Martius.

Footnote 149:(return)Francis de Castelnau,Expédition dans les parties centrals de l'Amérique du Sud(Paris, 1850-1851), v. 46.

Francis de Castelnau,Expédition dans les parties centrals de l'Amérique du Sud(Paris, 1850-1851), v. 46.

Footnote 150:(return)L'Abbé Durand, "Le Rio Negro du Nord et son bassin,"Bulletin de la Société de Géographie(Paris), vi. Série, iii. (1872) pp. 21sq.The writer says that the candidate has to keep his arms plunged up to the shoulders in vessels full of ants, "as in a bath of vitriol," for hours. He gives the native name of the ant asissauba.

L'Abbé Durand, "Le Rio Negro du Nord et son bassin,"Bulletin de la Société de Géographie(Paris), vi. Série, iii. (1872) pp. 21sq.The writer says that the candidate has to keep his arms plunged up to the shoulders in vessels full of ants, "as in a bath of vitriol," for hours. He gives the native name of the ant asissauba.

Footnote 151:(return)J. Crevaux,Voyages dans l'Amérique du Sud(Paris, 1883), pp. 245-250.

J. Crevaux,Voyages dans l'Amérique du Sud(Paris, 1883), pp. 245-250.

Footnote 152:(return)H. Coudreau,Chez nos Indiens: quatre années dans la Guyane Française(Paris, 1895), p. 228. For details as to the different modes of administering themarakéseeibid.pp. 228-235.

H. Coudreau,Chez nos Indiens: quatre années dans la Guyane Française(Paris, 1895), p. 228. For details as to the different modes of administering themarakéseeibid.pp. 228-235.

Footnote 153:(return)Father Geronimo Boscana, "Chinigchinich," inLife in California by an American[A. Robinson] (New York, 1846), pp. 273sq.

Father Geronimo Boscana, "Chinigchinich," inLife in California by an American[A. Robinson] (New York, 1846), pp. 273sq.

Footnote 154:(return)F. Stuhlmann,Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika(Berlin, 1894), p. 506.

F. Stuhlmann,Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika(Berlin, 1894), p. 506.

Footnote 155:(return)As a confirmation of this view it may be pointed out that beating or scourging is inflicted on inanimate objects expressly for the purpose indicated in the text. Thus the Indians of Costa Rica hold that there are two kinds of ceremonial uncleanness,nyaandbu-ku-rú. Anything that has been connected with a death isnya. Butbu-ku-rúis much more virulent. It can not only make one sick but kill. "Bu-ku-rúemanates in a variety of ways; arms, utensils, even houses become affected by it after long disuse, and before they can be used again must be purified. In the case of portable objects left undisturbed for a long time, the custom is to beat them with a stick before touching them. I have seen a woman take a long walking-stick and beat a basket hanging from the roof of a house by a cord. On asking what that was for, I was told that the basket contained her treasures, that she would probably want to take something out the next day, and that she was driving off thebu-ku-rú. A house long unused must be swept, and then the person who is purifying it must take a stick and beat not only the movable objects, but the beds, posts, and in short every accessible part of the interior. The next day it is fit for occupation. A place not visited for a long time or reached for the first time isbu-ku-rú. On our return from the ascent of Pico Blanco, nearly all the party suffered from little calenturas, the result of extraordinary exposure to wet and cold and of want of food. The Indians said that the peak was especiallybu-ku-rúsince nobody had ever been on it before." One day Mr. Gabb took down some dusty blow-guns amid cries ofbu-ku-rúfrom the Indians. Some weeks afterwards a boy died, and the Indians firmly believed that thebu-ku-rúof the blow-guns had killed him. "From all the foregoing, it would seem thatbu-ku-rúis a sort of evil spirit that takes possession of the object, and resents being disturbed; but I have never been able to learn from the Indians that they consider it so. They seem to think of it as a property the object acquires. But the worstbu-ku-rúof all, is that of a young woman in her first pregnancy. She infects the whole neighbourhood. Persons going from the house where she lives, carry the infection with them to a distance, and all the deaths or other serious misfortunes in the vicinity are laid to her charge. In the old times, when the savage laws and customs were in full force, it was not an uncommon thing for the husband of such a woman to pay damages for casualties thus caused by his unfortunate wife." See Wm. M. Gabb, "On the Indian Tribes and Languages of Costa Rica,"Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society held at Philadelphia, xiv. (Philadelphia, 1876) pp. 504sq.

As a confirmation of this view it may be pointed out that beating or scourging is inflicted on inanimate objects expressly for the purpose indicated in the text. Thus the Indians of Costa Rica hold that there are two kinds of ceremonial uncleanness,nyaandbu-ku-rú. Anything that has been connected with a death isnya. Butbu-ku-rúis much more virulent. It can not only make one sick but kill. "Bu-ku-rúemanates in a variety of ways; arms, utensils, even houses become affected by it after long disuse, and before they can be used again must be purified. In the case of portable objects left undisturbed for a long time, the custom is to beat them with a stick before touching them. I have seen a woman take a long walking-stick and beat a basket hanging from the roof of a house by a cord. On asking what that was for, I was told that the basket contained her treasures, that she would probably want to take something out the next day, and that she was driving off thebu-ku-rú. A house long unused must be swept, and then the person who is purifying it must take a stick and beat not only the movable objects, but the beds, posts, and in short every accessible part of the interior. The next day it is fit for occupation. A place not visited for a long time or reached for the first time isbu-ku-rú. On our return from the ascent of Pico Blanco, nearly all the party suffered from little calenturas, the result of extraordinary exposure to wet and cold and of want of food. The Indians said that the peak was especiallybu-ku-rúsince nobody had ever been on it before." One day Mr. Gabb took down some dusty blow-guns amid cries ofbu-ku-rúfrom the Indians. Some weeks afterwards a boy died, and the Indians firmly believed that thebu-ku-rúof the blow-guns had killed him. "From all the foregoing, it would seem thatbu-ku-rúis a sort of evil spirit that takes possession of the object, and resents being disturbed; but I have never been able to learn from the Indians that they consider it so. They seem to think of it as a property the object acquires. But the worstbu-ku-rúof all, is that of a young woman in her first pregnancy. She infects the whole neighbourhood. Persons going from the house where she lives, carry the infection with them to a distance, and all the deaths or other serious misfortunes in the vicinity are laid to her charge. In the old times, when the savage laws and customs were in full force, it was not an uncommon thing for the husband of such a woman to pay damages for casualties thus caused by his unfortunate wife." See Wm. M. Gabb, "On the Indian Tribes and Languages of Costa Rica,"Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society held at Philadelphia, xiv. (Philadelphia, 1876) pp. 504sq.

Footnote 156:(return)J. Chaffanjon,L'Orénoque et le Caura(Paris, 1889), pp. 213-215.

J. Chaffanjon,L'Orénoque et le Caura(Paris, 1889), pp. 213-215.

Footnote 157:(return)Shib Chunder Bose,The Hindoos as they are(London and Calcutta, 1881), p. 86. Similarly, after a Brahman boy has been invested with the sacred thread, he is for three days strictly forbidden to see the sun. He may not eat salt, and he is enjoined to sleep either on a carpet or a deer's skin, without a mattress or mosquito curtain (ibid.p. 186). In Bali, boys who have had their teeth filed, as a preliminary to marriage, are kept shut up in a dark room for three days (R. Van Eck, "Schetsen van het eiland Bali,"Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indië, N.S., ix. (1880) pp. 428sq.).

Shib Chunder Bose,The Hindoos as they are(London and Calcutta, 1881), p. 86. Similarly, after a Brahman boy has been invested with the sacred thread, he is for three days strictly forbidden to see the sun. He may not eat salt, and he is enjoined to sleep either on a carpet or a deer's skin, without a mattress or mosquito curtain (ibid.p. 186). In Bali, boys who have had their teeth filed, as a preliminary to marriage, are kept shut up in a dark room for three days (R. Van Eck, "Schetsen van het eiland Bali,"Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indië, N.S., ix. (1880) pp. 428sq.).

Footnote 158:(return)(Sir) H.H. Risley,Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Ethnographic Glossary(Calcutta, 1891-1892), i. 152.

(Sir) H.H. Risley,Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Ethnographic Glossary(Calcutta, 1891-1892), i. 152.

Footnote 159:(return)Edgar Thurston,Castes and Tribes of Southern India(Madras, 1909), vii. 63sq.

Edgar Thurston,Castes and Tribes of Southern India(Madras, 1909), vii. 63sq.

Footnote 160:(return)Edgar Thurston,op. cit.iii. 218.

Edgar Thurston,op. cit.iii. 218.

Footnote 161:(return)Edgar Thurston,op. cit.vi. 157.

Edgar Thurston,op. cit.vi. 157.

Footnote 162:(return)S. Mateer,Native Life in Travancore(London, 1883), p. 45.

S. Mateer,Native Life in Travancore(London, 1883), p. 45.

Footnote 163:(return)Arthur A. Perera, "Glimpses of Singhalese Social Life,"Indian Antiquaryxxxi, (1902) p. 380.

Arthur A. Perera, "Glimpses of Singhalese Social Life,"Indian Antiquaryxxxi, (1902) p. 380.

Footnote 164:(return)J. Moura,Le Royaume du Cambodge(Paris, 1883), i. 377.

J. Moura,Le Royaume du Cambodge(Paris, 1883), i. 377.

Footnote 165:(return)Étienne Aymonier, "Notes sur les coutumes et croyances superstitieuses des Cambodgiens,"Cochinchine Française: Excursions et Reconnaissances, No. 16 (Saigon, 1883), pp. 193sq.Compareid., Notice sur le Cambodge(Paris, 1875), p. 50id., Notes sur le Laos(Saigon, 1885), p. 177.

Étienne Aymonier, "Notes sur les coutumes et croyances superstitieuses des Cambodgiens,"Cochinchine Française: Excursions et Reconnaissances, No. 16 (Saigon, 1883), pp. 193sq.Compareid., Notice sur le Cambodge(Paris, 1875), p. 50id., Notes sur le Laos(Saigon, 1885), p. 177.

Footnote 166:(return)Svend Grundtvig,Dänische Volks-märchen, übersetzt von A. Strodtmann, Zweite Sammlung (Leipsic, 1879), pp. 199sqq.

Svend Grundtvig,Dänische Volks-märchen, übersetzt von A. Strodtmann, Zweite Sammlung (Leipsic, 1879), pp. 199sqq.

Footnote 167:(return)Christian Schneller,Märchen und Sagen aus Wälschtirol(Innsbruck, 1867), No. 22, pp. 51sqq.

Christian Schneller,Märchen und Sagen aus Wälschtirol(Innsbruck, 1867), No. 22, pp. 51sqq.

Footnote 168:(return)Bernbard Schmidt,Griechische Märchen, Sagen und Volkslieder(Leipsic, 1877), p. 98.

Bernbard Schmidt,Griechische Märchen, Sagen und Volkslieder(Leipsic, 1877), p. 98.

Footnote 169:(return)J.G. von Hahn,Griechische und albanesische Märchen(Leipsic, 1864), No. 41, vol. i. pp. 245sqq.

J.G. von Hahn,Griechische und albanesische Märchen(Leipsic, 1864), No. 41, vol. i. pp. 245sqq.

Footnote 170:(return)Laura Gonzenbach,Sicilianische Märchen(Leipsic, 1870), No. 28, vol. i. pp. 177sqq.The incident of the bone occurs in other folk-tales. A prince or princess is shut up for safety in a tower and makes his or her escape by scraping a hole in the wall with a bone which has been accidentally conveyed into the tower; sometimes it is expressly said that care was taken to let the princess have no bones with her meat (J.G. von Hahn,op. cit.No. 15; L. Gonzenbach,op. cit.Nos. 26, 27;Der Pentamerone, aus dem Neapolitanischen übertragenvon Felix Liebrecht (Breslau, 1846), No. 23, vol. i. pp. 294sqq.). From this we should infer that it is a rule with savages not to let women handle the bones of animals during their monthly seclusions. We have already seen the great respect with which the savage treats the bones of game (Spirits of the Corn and of the Wildii. 238sqq., 256sqq.); and women in their courses are specially forbidden to meddle with the hunter or fisher, as their contact or neighbourhood would spoil his sport (see below, pp.77,78sq.,87,89sqq.). In folk-tales the hero who uses the bone is sometimes a boy; but the incident might easily be transferred from a girl to a boy after its real meaning had been forgotten. Amongst the Tinneh Indians a girl at puberty is forbidden to break the bones of hares (above, p. 48). On the other hand, she drinks out of a tube made of a swan's bone (above, pp.48,49), and the same instrument is used for the same purpose by girls of the Carrier tribe of Indians (see below, p.92). We have seen that a Tlingit (Thlinkeet) girl in the same circumstances used to drink out of the wing-bone of a white-headed eagle (above, p.45), and that among the Nootka and Shuswap tribes girls at puberty are provided with bones or combs with which to scratch themselves, because they may not use their fingers for this purpose (above, pp.44,53).

Laura Gonzenbach,Sicilianische Märchen(Leipsic, 1870), No. 28, vol. i. pp. 177sqq.The incident of the bone occurs in other folk-tales. A prince or princess is shut up for safety in a tower and makes his or her escape by scraping a hole in the wall with a bone which has been accidentally conveyed into the tower; sometimes it is expressly said that care was taken to let the princess have no bones with her meat (J.G. von Hahn,op. cit.No. 15; L. Gonzenbach,op. cit.Nos. 26, 27;Der Pentamerone, aus dem Neapolitanischen übertragenvon Felix Liebrecht (Breslau, 1846), No. 23, vol. i. pp. 294sqq.). From this we should infer that it is a rule with savages not to let women handle the bones of animals during their monthly seclusions. We have already seen the great respect with which the savage treats the bones of game (Spirits of the Corn and of the Wildii. 238sqq., 256sqq.); and women in their courses are specially forbidden to meddle with the hunter or fisher, as their contact or neighbourhood would spoil his sport (see below, pp.77,78sq.,87,89sqq.). In folk-tales the hero who uses the bone is sometimes a boy; but the incident might easily be transferred from a girl to a boy after its real meaning had been forgotten. Amongst the Tinneh Indians a girl at puberty is forbidden to break the bones of hares (above, p. 48). On the other hand, she drinks out of a tube made of a swan's bone (above, pp.48,49), and the same instrument is used for the same purpose by girls of the Carrier tribe of Indians (see below, p.92). We have seen that a Tlingit (Thlinkeet) girl in the same circumstances used to drink out of the wing-bone of a white-headed eagle (above, p.45), and that among the Nootka and Shuswap tribes girls at puberty are provided with bones or combs with which to scratch themselves, because they may not use their fingers for this purpose (above, pp.44,53).

Footnote 171:(return)Sophocles,Antigone, 944sqq.; Apollodorus,Bibliotheca, ii. 4. I; Horace,Odes, iii. 16. Isqq.; Pausanias, ii. 23. 7.

Sophocles,Antigone, 944sqq.; Apollodorus,Bibliotheca, ii. 4. I; Horace,Odes, iii. 16. Isqq.; Pausanias, ii. 23. 7.

Footnote 172:(return)W. Radloff,Proben der Volks-litteratur der türkischen Stämme Süd-Siberiens,iii. (St. Petersburg, 1870) pp. 82sq.

W. Radloff,Proben der Volks-litteratur der türkischen Stämme Süd-Siberiens,iii. (St. Petersburg, 1870) pp. 82sq.

Footnote 173:(return)H. Ternaux-Compans,Essai sur l'ancien Cundinamarca(Paris, N.D.), p. 18.

H. Ternaux-Compans,Essai sur l'ancien Cundinamarca(Paris, N.D.), p. 18.

Footnote 174:(return)George Turner, LL.D.,Samoa, a Hundred Years ago and long before(London, 1884), p. 200. For other examples of such tales, see Adolph Bastian,Die Voelker des Oestlichen Asien, i. 416, vi. 25;Panjab Notes and Queries, ii. p. 148, § 797 (June, 1885); A. Pfizmaier, "Nachrichten von den alten Bewohnern des heutigen Corea,"Sitzungsberichte der philosoph. histor. Classe der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften(Vienna), lvii. (1868) pp. 495sq.

George Turner, LL.D.,Samoa, a Hundred Years ago and long before(London, 1884), p. 200. For other examples of such tales, see Adolph Bastian,Die Voelker des Oestlichen Asien, i. 416, vi. 25;Panjab Notes and Queries, ii. p. 148, § 797 (June, 1885); A. Pfizmaier, "Nachrichten von den alten Bewohnern des heutigen Corea,"Sitzungsberichte der philosoph. histor. Classe der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften(Vienna), lvii. (1868) pp. 495sq.

Footnote 175:(return)Thomas J. Hutchinson, "On the Chaco and other Indians of South America,"Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London, N.S. iii. (1865) p. 327. Amongst the Lengua Indians of the Paraguayan Chaco the marriage feast is now apparently extinct. See W. Barbrooke Grubb,An Unknown People in an Unknown Land(London, 1911), p. 179.

Thomas J. Hutchinson, "On the Chaco and other Indians of South America,"Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London, N.S. iii. (1865) p. 327. Amongst the Lengua Indians of the Paraguayan Chaco the marriage feast is now apparently extinct. See W. Barbrooke Grubb,An Unknown People in an Unknown Land(London, 1911), p. 179.

Footnote 176:(return)Monier Williams,Religious Thought and Life in India(London, 1883), p. 354.

Monier Williams,Religious Thought and Life in India(London, 1883), p. 354.

Footnote 177:(return)H. Vambery,Das Türkenvolk(Leipsic, 1885), p. 112.

H. Vambery,Das Türkenvolk(Leipsic, 1885), p. 112.

Footnote 178:(return)Hans Egede,A Description of Greenland(London, 1818), p. 209.

Hans Egede,A Description of Greenland(London, 1818), p. 209.

Footnote 179:(return)Revue des Traditions Populaires, xv. (1900) p. 471.

Revue des Traditions Populaires, xv. (1900) p. 471.

Footnote 180:(return)Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 145sqq.

Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 145sqq.

Footnote 181:(return)H.E.A. Meyer, "Manners and Customs of the Aborigines of the Encounter Bay Tribe, South Australia,"The Native Tribes of South Australia(Adelaide, 1879), p. 186.

H.E.A. Meyer, "Manners and Customs of the Aborigines of the Encounter Bay Tribe, South Australia,"The Native Tribes of South Australia(Adelaide, 1879), p. 186.

Footnote 182:(return)E.J. Eyre,Journals of Expeditions of Discovery into Central Australia(London, 1845), ii. 304.

E.J. Eyre,Journals of Expeditions of Discovery into Central Australia(London, 1845), ii. 304.

Footnote 183:(return)E.J. Eyre,op. cit.ii. 295.

E.J. Eyre,op. cit.ii. 295.

Footnote 184:(return)R. Brough Smyth,The Aborigines of Victoria(Melbourne and London, 1878), i. 236.

R. Brough Smyth,The Aborigines of Victoria(Melbourne and London, 1878), i. 236.

Footnote 185:(return)Samuel Gason, inJournal of the Anthropological Institute, xxiv. (1895) p. 171.

Samuel Gason, inJournal of the Anthropological Institute, xxiv. (1895) p. 171.

Footnote 186:(return)Baldwin Spencer and F.J. Gillen,Native Tribes of Central Australia(London, 1899), p. 473;idem, Northern Tribes of Central Australia(London, 1904), p. 615.

Baldwin Spencer and F.J. Gillen,Native Tribes of Central Australia(London, 1899), p. 473;idem, Northern Tribes of Central Australia(London, 1904), p. 615.

Footnote 187:(return)James Dawson,Australian Aborigines(Melbourne, Sydney, and Adelaide, 1881), pp. ci.sq.

James Dawson,Australian Aborigines(Melbourne, Sydney, and Adelaide, 1881), pp. ci.sq.

Footnote 188:(return)Rev. William Ridley, "Report on Australian Languages and Traditions,"Journal of the Anthropological Institute, ii. (1873) p. 268. Compareid., Kamilaroi and other Australian Languages(Sydney, 1875), p. 157.

Rev. William Ridley, "Report on Australian Languages and Traditions,"Journal of the Anthropological Institute, ii. (1873) p. 268. Compareid., Kamilaroi and other Australian Languages(Sydney, 1875), p. 157.

Footnote 189:(return)A.W. Howitt,The Native Tribes of South-East Australia(London, 1904.), pp. 776sq., on the authority of Mr. J.C. Muirhead. The Wakelbura are in Central Queensland. Compare Captain W.E. Armit, quoted inJournal of the Anthropological Institute, ix. (1880) pp. 459sq.

A.W. Howitt,The Native Tribes of South-East Australia(London, 1904.), pp. 776sq., on the authority of Mr. J.C. Muirhead. The Wakelbura are in Central Queensland. Compare Captain W.E. Armit, quoted inJournal of the Anthropological Institute, ix. (1880) pp. 459sq.

Footnote 190:(return)Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, v. (Cambridge, 1904) pp. 196, 207.

Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, v. (Cambridge, 1904) pp. 196, 207.

Footnote 191:(return)Ch. Keysser, "Aus dem Leben der Kaileute," in R. Neuhauss'sDeutsch Neu-Guinea(Berlin, 1911), iii. 91.

Ch. Keysser, "Aus dem Leben der Kaileute," in R. Neuhauss'sDeutsch Neu-Guinea(Berlin, 1911), iii. 91.

Footnote 192:(return)M.J. van Baarda, "Fabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der Galelareezen,"Bijdragen tot de Taal-Landen Volkenkinde van Nederlandsch-Indië, xlv. (1895) p. 489.

M.J. van Baarda, "Fabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der Galelareezen,"Bijdragen tot de Taal-Landen Volkenkinde van Nederlandsch-Indië, xlv. (1895) p. 489.

Footnote 193:(return)J.L. van der Toorn, "Het animisme bij den Minangkabauer der Padangsche Bovenlanden,"Bijdragen tot de Taal-Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, xxxix. (1890) p. 66.

J.L. van der Toorn, "Het animisme bij den Minangkabauer der Padangsche Bovenlanden,"Bijdragen tot de Taal-Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, xxxix. (1890) p. 66.

Footnote 194:(return)W.H.I. Bleek,A Brief Account of Bushman Folk-lore(London, 1875), p. 14; compareibid., p. 10.

W.H.I. Bleek,A Brief Account of Bushman Folk-lore(London, 1875), p. 14; compareibid., p. 10.

Footnote 195:(return)Rev. James Macdonald, "Manners, Customs, Superstitions and Religions of South African Tribes,"Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xx. (1891) p. 138;id., Light in Africa, Second Edition (London, 1890), p. 221.

Rev. James Macdonald, "Manners, Customs, Superstitions and Religions of South African Tribes,"Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xx. (1891) p. 138;id., Light in Africa, Second Edition (London, 1890), p. 221.

Footnote 196:(return)Dudley Kidd,The Essential Kafir(London, 1904), p. 238; Mr. Warren's Notes, in Col. Maclean'sCompendium of Kafir Laws and Customs(Cape Town, 1866), p. 93; Rev. J. Macdonald,Light in Africa, p. 221;id., Religion and Myth(London, 1893), p. 198. Compare Henri A. Junod, "Les conceptions physiologiques des Bantou Sud-Africains et leurs tabous,"Revue d'Ethnographie et de Sociologie, i. (1910) p. 139. The danger of death to the cattle from the blood of women is mentioned only by Mr. Kidd. The part of the village which is frequented by the cattle, and which accordingly must be shunned by women, has a special name,inkundhla(Mr. Warner's Notes,l.c.).

Dudley Kidd,The Essential Kafir(London, 1904), p. 238; Mr. Warren's Notes, in Col. Maclean'sCompendium of Kafir Laws and Customs(Cape Town, 1866), p. 93; Rev. J. Macdonald,Light in Africa, p. 221;id., Religion and Myth(London, 1893), p. 198. Compare Henri A. Junod, "Les conceptions physiologiques des Bantou Sud-Africains et leurs tabous,"Revue d'Ethnographie et de Sociologie, i. (1910) p. 139. The danger of death to the cattle from the blood of women is mentioned only by Mr. Kidd. The part of the village which is frequented by the cattle, and which accordingly must be shunned by women, has a special name,inkundhla(Mr. Warner's Notes,l.c.).

Footnote 197:(return)Rev. J. Roscoe, "The Bahima, a Cow Tribe of Enkole,"Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xxxvii. (1907) p. 106.

Rev. J. Roscoe, "The Bahima, a Cow Tribe of Enkole,"Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xxxvii. (1907) p. 106.

Footnote 198:(return)Rev. J. Roscoe,The Baganda(London, 1911), p. 419.

Rev. J. Roscoe,The Baganda(London, 1911), p. 419.

Footnote 199:(return)Rev. J. Roscoe,The Baganda, p. 96.

Rev. J. Roscoe,The Baganda, p. 96.

Footnote 200:(return)Rev. J. Roscoe, "Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,"Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxi. (1901) p. 121;id., "Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,"Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 39;id., The Baganda, p. 352.

Rev. J. Roscoe, "Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,"Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxi. (1901) p. 121;id., "Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,"Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 39;id., The Baganda, p. 352.

Footnote 201:(return)Rev. J. Roscoe,The Baganda, p. 459.

Rev. J. Roscoe,The Baganda, p. 459.

Footnote 202:(return)C.W. Hobley, "Further Researches into Kikuyu and Kamba Religious Beliefs and Customs,"Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xli. (1911) p. 409.

C.W. Hobley, "Further Researches into Kikuyu and Kamba Religious Beliefs and Customs,"Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xli. (1911) p. 409.

Footnote 203:(return)Mervyn W.H. Beech,The Suk, their Language and Folklore(Oxford, 1911), p. 11.

Mervyn W.H. Beech,The Suk, their Language and Folklore(Oxford, 1911), p. 11.

Footnote 204:(return)H.S. Stannus, "Notes on some Tribes of British Central Africa,"Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xl. (1910) p. 305; R. Sutherland Rattray,Some Folk-lore Stories and Songs in Chinyanja(London, 1907), p. 191. See above, p.27.

H.S. Stannus, "Notes on some Tribes of British Central Africa,"Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xl. (1910) p. 305; R. Sutherland Rattray,Some Folk-lore Stories and Songs in Chinyanja(London, 1907), p. 191. See above, p.27.

Footnote 205:(return)Jakob Spieth,Die Ewe-Stämme(Berlin, 1906), p. 192.

Jakob Spieth,Die Ewe-Stämme(Berlin, 1906), p. 192.

Footnote 206:(return)Anton Witte, "Menstruation und Pubertätsfeier der Mädchen in Kpandugebiet Togo,"Baessler-Archiv, i. (1911) p. 279.

Anton Witte, "Menstruation und Pubertätsfeier der Mädchen in Kpandugebiet Togo,"Baessler-Archiv, i. (1911) p. 279.

Footnote 207:(return)Th. Nöldeke,Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sassaniden, aus der arabischen Chronik des Tabari übersetzt(Leyden, 1879), pp. 33-38. I have to thank my friend Professor A.A. Bevan for pointing out to me this passage. Many ancient cities had talismans on the preservation of which their safety was believed to depend. The Palladium of Troy is the most familiar instance. See Chr. A. Lobeck,Aglaophamus(Königsberg, 1829), pp. 278sqq., and my note on Pausanias, viii. 47. 5 (vol. iv. pp. 433sq.).

Th. Nöldeke,Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sassaniden, aus der arabischen Chronik des Tabari übersetzt(Leyden, 1879), pp. 33-38. I have to thank my friend Professor A.A. Bevan for pointing out to me this passage. Many ancient cities had talismans on the preservation of which their safety was believed to depend. The Palladium of Troy is the most familiar instance. See Chr. A. Lobeck,Aglaophamus(Königsberg, 1829), pp. 278sqq., and my note on Pausanias, viii. 47. 5 (vol. iv. pp. 433sq.).

Footnote 208:(return)J. Mergel,Die Medezin der Talmudisten(Leipsic and Berlin, 1885), pp. 15sq.

J. Mergel,Die Medezin der Talmudisten(Leipsic and Berlin, 1885), pp. 15sq.

Footnote 209:(return)Maimonides, quoted by D. Chwolsohn,Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus(St. Petersburg, 1856), ii. 483. According to the editor (p. 735) by the East Maimonides means India and eastern countries generally.

Maimonides, quoted by D. Chwolsohn,Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus(St. Petersburg, 1856), ii. 483. According to the editor (p. 735) by the East Maimonides means India and eastern countries generally.

Footnote 210:(return)L'abbé Béchara Chémali, "Naissance et premier âge au Liban,"Anthropos, v. (1910) p. 735.

L'abbé Béchara Chémali, "Naissance et premier âge au Liban,"Anthropos, v. (1910) p. 735.

Footnote 211:(return)Eijub Abela, "Beiträge zur Kenntniss abergläubischer Gebräuche in Syrien,"Zeitschrift des deutschen Palaestina-Vereins, vii. (1884) p. 111.

Eijub Abela, "Beiträge zur Kenntniss abergläubischer Gebräuche in Syrien,"Zeitschrift des deutschen Palaestina-Vereins, vii. (1884) p. 111.

Footnote 212:(return)J. Chalmers, "Toaripi,"Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxvii. (1898) p. 328.

J. Chalmers, "Toaripi,"Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxvii. (1898) p. 328.

Footnote 213:(return)W. Crooke,Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Qudh(Calcutta, 1896), ii. 87.

W. Crooke,Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Qudh(Calcutta, 1896), ii. 87.

Footnote 214:(return)W. Crooke, inNorth Indian Notes and Queries, i. p. 67, § 467 (July, 1891).

W. Crooke, inNorth Indian Notes and Queries, i. p. 67, § 467 (July, 1891).


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