We expected now to get the order to limber up and move to the rear; but instead, we were ordered to "Commence firing." Up to this time we had lost but two men and two or threehorses. We directed our fire into the woods in our front, and in a few minutes we saw a line of rebels coming through the woods just to the right of the church. Knowing that if that line was not stopped that Battery D was in a bad place, as they would flank us on the right, and the ground to our left was such that we could not get out that way, we sent round after round of canister at them in quick succession, and had the satisfaction of seeing the line waver and then break and return to the woods.
We were now feeling that we had things our own way again, but the minie bullets were beginning to come again, not so thick as before, but with a great deal of accuracy, and we soon found, that although we had driven the main line back, in the meantime quite a number of sharpshooters had dropped into the depression on the east side of the pike, and also behind a pile of rails on our right not over seventy-five yards away, and were making it very uncomfortable for us. The right piece of the centre section had three number ones shot down before they could load their piece, and had lost every man but Corp. Gray and private Mills. The piece was finally loaded, and a shell was sent into the pile of rails, which must have done some damage. The right piece had lost every horse on its limber, and the other pieces were suffering losses in men and horses.
It was now apparent that it was time for us to fall back if we wanted to save our battery. Capt. Monroe soon gave the order, and we fell back to Mumma's house, just under the hill to our rear. We had to leave one piece, but Lieut. Fisk soon returned with some men and the piece was taken to the rear with the prolonge, leaving the limber, which was recovered next day.
The battery soon moved back to the position we occupied in the morning, and replenished our ammunition. Lieut. Parkerwent on a hunt for horses to replace those that were killed and wounded. He succeeded in getting horses enough so that we were in shape to move at a moment's notice.
In this battle our battery lost four killed, sixteen wounded, and two missing (six of the slightly wounded staid with the battery). We lost thirty-eight horses. Capt. Monroe's horse was shot six times.
Capt. Campbell, of Battery B, Fourth United States, having been severely wounded, Capt. Monroe succeeded him as Chief of Artillery, and the command of Battery D passed to Lieut. Fisk.
The afternoon was well advanced when an order was received that we take position "In battery" along the ridge occupied by us in the early morning, and with us went four other batteries, making twenty-nine guns. Every officer was ordered to keep a sharp lookout, and at the first indication of an attempt by the enemy to place artillery in position, all the guns in that line were to commence firing, concentrating their fire upon that spot.
About five o'clock a horseman was seen to ride over the hill from which the rebel battery had shelled us in the morning, followed almost immediately by the teams of a battery, and rapidly making the left about, drop their pieces into battery, but before they had fired a shot, twenty-nine projectiles of various kinds and sizes were flying towards that unfortunate battery, creating, a few seconds later, the greatest consternation, as they exploded among the pieces and limbers; round after round followed in quick succession, and that battery beat a hasty retreat. Other batteries tried to maintain the position, but it was of no use; our fire was too frequent and well directed for anything to live upon that hill for any length of time. Gradually it became more and more quiet, so that by nine o'clock all firing had ceased, save an occasional picket shot.
Battery D remained in position. Through the night rumor had it that we had practically destroyed Lee's army, and that it only remained for us to up and at him in the morning, to drive him into the Potomac. But the next morning we were very much surprised at the entire absence of noise; instead of the roar of battle, we could not hear even the noise of a single picket gun. Our curiosity kept us hunting for a reason, until it was ascertained that we were under a flag of truce.
All day long we lay in our position, expecting that the truce would end, and we should resume the fight. During the forenoon we took advantage of the inaction to recover the limber left on the field, visit our wounded in the hospitals, refitting our disabled pieces, caissons, etc., and at last night closed in without our having fired a shot. This was not entirely satisfactory to us, for although we were not actually starving for a fight, still the impression of all, even the privates, was that we had our enemy at great disadvantage, which we were by this delay losing.
On the morning of the 19th of Sept., the battery was early prepared for an advance movement, but it was nearly noon before we moved out of park. Since early morning we had seen troops moving forward along the Hagerstown Pike, and were momentarily expecting to hear the roar of battle, but not a sound reached our ears until near the middle forenoon, when distant artillery could be heard. What has happened? Soon mounted messengers returned at full speed to McClellan's head-quarters, and the mortifying intelligence is given that there is no enemy in our front, Gen. Lee having taken advantage of the darkness of the night and moved his entire command across the Potomac at Shepherdstown Ford.
It is well that it was not possible for Gen. McClellan to hear all that was said of him by the soldiers of his army when this was fully understood by them; the feeling that here was onemore illustration of the superior generalship of the enemy was very depressing.
About 12 o'clock our battery pulled out of park, moved across the fields to the Hagerstown Pike, and started towards Sharpsburg. Our route carried us along that part of the road over which there had been such a fearful struggle on the 17th; nothing had been disturbed (except that the wounded had been removed), but lay just as it had been left on the evening of that day. As we reached that part where the cornfield was upon our left and the Dunker Church upon our right, the sight became sickening, even to men who had become inured to such scenes, for there lay within the reach of our vision hundreds, yea, thousands of dead, just as they had fallen, swelling into most horrible shapes, twice their natural size, and mortification, which had been hastened by a light rain on the night of the 18th, and a very hot sun on the morning of the 19th, had turned the exposed parts of the bodies black. We were glad when we had passed beyond the battlefield.
It was our impression that we had started in pursuit of the enemy, but that was soon corrected, for before we reached Sharpsburg we were ordered into camp, upon ground which had evidently been occupied very recently by the rebels, as was made plain to us by the debris which lay around, and emphasized by large numbers of a certain kind of live stock, which for some reason (probably an over-crowded condition) had left them, and now proceeded to fasten themselves upon us, much to our discomfort.
On the 20th our camp was moved to a more acceptable place, and we remained in it just one month.
Oct. 1st President Lincoln visited the army, and remained four days. During his stay a grand review was held of the Army of the Potomac, which had been increased to nearly 150,000, and was in superb condition, while Lee was at Winchester, Va., with his army, reported to be in a wretched condition; still McClellan did not show any disposition to move upon him, notwithstanding he was urged time after time by the President to do so.
All through October the weather was of the finest, just such as was needed for a campaign, but all through the month Gen. McClellan was inactive, and it was not until Nov. 1st that he was ready; then he moved, but it was too late, for on the 7th there was a heavy snowstorm—winter had commenced, and now movement would be necessarily slow and tedious. His opportunity had been thrown away.
Oct. 20th Battery D left camp near Sharpsburg and marched to Bakersville, going into camp with our Division Artillery, where it was said we were to quarter for the winter; but at two o'clock in the afternoon of the 26th, orders were received to pack up, and we were soon on the march again, which was continued until nine o'clock, through a drenching rainstorm, and finally made camp in a plowed field, which was very inconvenient for men and horses, as the mud was ankle deep.
On the 28th, our march was continued three or four miles, and we made camp near Crompton's Pass. The next day we continued on, went through the gap, and camped near Knoxville, Md. We remained here over the 29th.
A new disease had broken out among our horses, three-quarters of them having swollen tongues, and so badly affected that their tongues would protrude from their mouths, rendering it impossible for the poor animals to eat their grain or hay; and added to this, a hoof disease, caused by their being so constantly in the mud, had become so bad that in many cases the hoof nearly rotted off, necessitating the shooting of a considerable number of them.
Oct. 30th we crossed the Potomac into Virginia, at Berlin, and next day commenced our pursuit of the rebel army, witha four gun battery, being obliged to leave two of our guns because of lack of horses.
From the 31st of October to the 6th of November, we continued our march, reaching Warrenton on the afternoon of the 6th, where we remained until the 11th.
On the 7th the battery was ordered into position, expecting an attack. A furious snow storm prevailed all day, making us very uncomfortable, and as we were without tents, we were obliged to depend entirely upon our blankets for protection.
On the 10th it was officially announced that Gen. McClellan had been relieved from command of the army, and Gen. Burnside appointed to succeed him. Their addresses, one of farewell and the other assuming command, were read to us upon parade that night.
Towards the last of October Capt. J. Albert Monroe left us, having been promoted to Major of our regiment, and assigned to duty at Washington. He was a strict disciplinarian and a thorough and efficient drillmaster. Early in November Major Monroe was assigned to the duty of organizing and commanding the Artillery Camp of Instruction at Washington, in which duty he made a national reputation as an artillerist of the first order.
Lieut. Fisk, being the senior officer present, had command of the battery from a short time after Antietam until our arrival at Bakersville, when Lieut. Harkness, having returned from his sick leave, assumed command.
CHAPTER V.
Fredericksburg—Bell's Landing—Hampton—and Trip to the West.
On the 11th of November the battery marched to Waterloo, remaining until the 17th, and then continued on to Morristown. Here it was again rumored that we were to go into winter quarters, and a removal on the 19th into a fine grove rather strengthened our belief that there was some foundation for the rumor; but orders which were received late on the 21st that we were to be ready to move early the next morning, settled effectually the winter camp question at this place.
Next morning the battery made an early start, and at night reached Brook Station, on the Fredericksburg & Aquia Creek Railroad. The weather was perfectly horrible, a cold drizzling rain prevailing all day long, made the march very disagreeable.
Our stay here was extended until the 7th of Dec. Twice during that time we received marching orders, but heavy snow storms necessitated their being countermanded; but on the 7th we started, but after marching four or five miles we reached a hill so steep and icy that the horses were unable to pull the carriages to the top, and we made camp upon the hill with our pieces and caissons strung along from the top to the bottom.The next day we managed to get over the hill, and continued on to Fredericksburg. On the 9th we moved to a position opposite the city, and made camp.
Gen. Burnside, upon assuming command of the army, with the consent of Gen. Halleck, abandoned Gen. McClellan's plan, which was, by a rapid march upon Gordonsville, to interpose between Gen. Lee's divided forces (he having sent Gen. Longstreet over the Blue Ridge to resist the Union advance upon the Confederate capital), and beat them in detail, and adopted a new plan of operations. The capture of Richmond, rather than the destruction of Gen. Lee's army, was to be his objective.
The Union army at this time was 120,000 strong. Some precious time was wasted in its reorganization. Instead of the old corps formation, it was now organized into three Grand Divisions, each consisting of two corps. Gen. Sumner was placed in command of the right, Gen. Franklin of the left, and Gen. Hooker of the centre, and a large reserve commanded by Gen. Sigel.
The plan as stated by Gen. Burnside was to concentrate the army at Warrenton, make a feint of crossing the Rappahannock, leading the enemy to believe that an attack was about to be made upon Gordonsville, and then move the whole army to Fredericksburg, and thence march rapidly upon Richmond; but here again some one blundered. To cross the Rappahannock, it would be necessary to construct pontoon bridges. Gen. Burnside supposed that the matter had been fully attended to, and that the pontoons would be on hand at the time of his arrival, Nov. 15th; instead of which it was the 25th of the month before they arrived, and the 10th of December before things were ready for throwing the bridges across the river.
In the mean time the enemy had discovered the plan, and on the 22d Gen. Burnside and his division commanders had themortification of seeing the opposite heights covered with the enemy's batteries, and filled with his infantry. Gen. Lee's army, some 80,000 strong, had all been brought up, and it lay in a semicircle around Fredericksburg, each wing resting on the river—its right at Port Royal below the city, and its left a short distance above it.
On the 10th of December, everything being ready, Gen. Burnside gave orders that the bridges should be thrown across at an early hour the next morning; three were to be constructed immediately in front of Fredericksburg, and two a couple of miles below. The morning of the 11th was cold and raw, a dense fog prevailed, amid which the work commenced.
The heights upon the Falmouth side were close to the margin of the river, which at this point is about three hundred yards wide. Upon these heights there were placed in position one hundred and forty-seven guns. The bridges below the city were laid without much opposition; but in front of the city a galling fire, from behind stone walls and from windows, was opened upon the bridge builders, driving them back, and effectually preventing further work upon them.
About six o'clock another attempt was made, with the same result. Then Gen. Burnside ordered the guns mounted upon Safford Heights to open fire upon the city, and batter it down if necessary. More than a hundred guns responded immediately to the order, and a roar commenced which could be heard miles away, and that fairly shook the earth, lasting nearly three hours.
In the midst of this firing another attempt was made to lay the bridges; but, strange to say, there still were sharpshooters to oppose them, and they were obliged to fall back; then volunteers were called for to cross the river and drive the enemy out of their hiding places. Three regiments responded to thecall, were quickly conveyed across, and in a brief space of time the sharpshooters were driven away, nearly a hundred of them being made prisoners, and the bridges laid.
Before dark Sumner's and a few of Hooker's Division had crossed to the south side of the river. Considerable skirmishing occurred as the troops forced their way through the city and out upon the plains beyond.
Early on the morning of the 12th, the rest of the army crossed, and Battery D went with it. Our progress up the streets from the river was extremely dangerous, from the fact that the enemy had a perfect range, and succeeded in ricocheting shot after shot down the very centre of the street, obliging us to use the sidewalks. Occasionally they would explode a shell uncomfortably close; but we succeeded in reaching the upper part of the town without any serious casualty. Here we sought protection behind a large stone warehouse, where we remained all day, and until before light next morning, when we were moved up nearer the enemy.
All day of the 13th we lay under fire, protected by buildings. The enemy shelled Fredericksburg all the morning, and about noon the order was given for our infantry to advance upon Marye's Heights. The mist had cleared, and every movement of our troops could be distinctly seen by the rebels upon the heights. Then commenced a most furious cannonading, followed in a few moments, as our troops reached the stone wall at the foot of Marye's Hill, by volley after volley of musketry. So terrific was the fire from Marye's Hill that our artillery could not be advanced, and the infantry had to fall back.
The men of Battery D were soon convinced of the terrible work that was going on in front, from the great numbers of wounded which passed them, going to the rear. In fifteen minutes, of the 5600 led into battle by Gen. Hancock, 2000 were disabled. All day and until nearly dark on the 14th ourbattery remained in the place we had moved into in the morning.
Just before dark we were ordered to move forward across the plain to the left of the city and shell the works on Marye's Heights. We came into position on the edge of an embankment which was at least five or six feet high. We placed our pieces in position and then took our limbers and caissons back under the embankment, and when all was ready, we opened with a will. We thought we had quite a snap on our enemy, but in about three minutes they convinced us that we had "barked up the wrong tree," for they just sent in a shower of shells and minies that made us seek cover. We laid close to the embankment until they let up, and then loaded all our pieces and gave them a broadside. We fired two or three rounds, and then they had their turn again; this was repeated three or four times; but at last we were denied the privilege of even getting in a round or two, as their fire was kept up for a long time, and they were putting their shells just in the right place. We afterwards found out that they had platted the ground in their front, and knew to a nicety every position, and could drop a shell into any of them; and then it became apparent to all of us that we were not wanted there anyway, so we limbered up and retired to the lower part of the city.
Here we remained until two o'clock in the morning of the 15th, when we recrossed the river, and returned to our old camp. By daylight all our army had recrossed the river to the Falmouth side, and the battle of Fredericksburg was over.
Battery D, although under fire all the time, did not become engaged, save in this single instance, and was but little injured—First Sergeant R. Henry Lee's wounded hand, and a broken stock of a caisson being our only casualties.
Capt. W.W. Buckley, who had been promoted from First Lieutenant to Captain on Oct. 30th, and assigned to BatteryD, reached our camp on Dec. 10th, just in time to participate in this fight.
Dec. 17th the battery was moved about a mile and a half back from the river into a grove, and began to build winter quarters. A cellar about a foot deep, six feet long and four feet wide, was first dug; this was fixed around with pine slabs, dirt was then tamped around the outside of the slabs, a ridge-pole was raised in the crotch of two upright poles and covered with our shelter tents, and a mud chimney was built on the outside, the tent being tacked tightly around the fire-place. We had a bunk on either side, raised from the ground and filled with boughs. When these houses were completed and we had built good rousing fires in the fire-places, we were just as comfortable and happy as it was possible for soldiers to be.
From this time to Feb. 6th, 1863, our time was occupied in performing the ordinary duties of the soldier, such as drills, having inspections, etc., varying the operations between Jan. 10th and 21st, by being under marching orders for the purpose of crossing the Rappahannock River on an expedition against the rebels.
Gen. Burnside desired to redeem, if possible, the disaster which had befallen the Union army, and he originated a new plan, the purpose of which was an immediate advance upon Richmond. His plan was to make a feint above Fredericksburg, and to cross with the main body six miles below. A large force of cavalry with four guns was to cross at Kelly's Ford, push towards the Rapidan, destroy the railroad and bridges in the rear of Gen. Lee, traverse Virginia, and join the Union garrison at Suffolk.
This movement was stopped by order of the President, representations from dissatisfied officers had had their effect, and Gen. Burnside was ordered not to make the movement.
By Jan. 10th the plan had been changed. It was now proposed to cross the Rappahannock above Fredericksburg, flank the enemy and force a battle. The President gave his permission, and the troops were placed under marching orders. The pontoons were brought up to the vicinity of Banks' Ford, and everything made ready to throw the bridge across the swollen river. Most of the army had been brought up to the vicinity of the ford, and it was contemplated to make the movement on the morning of the 21st of Jan., but on the evening of the 20th a fearful storm of wind, sleet and rain came on, such as is seldom seen in that region, which continued all night, and when morning came the entire country had been converted into a vast bed of mud, and for hours the troops were hopelessly mired—it was impossible to move in either direction—every attempt to move only sank the wheels of the artillery and of the wagons deeper into the soft sticky mud. Orders were finally issued to the troops to return to winter quarters, and what is known as the "Mud March" was ended.
Battery D was fortunate enough not to have left its camp on this occasion; for ten days we were hitched up ready to move at a moment's notice, but happily were not called upon, and thus escaped a most disagreeable episode.
Stormy and cold weather prevailed during the last week of January, but as we were comfortably housed, rations plenty, and duty light, we managed to get through it without much discomfort.
February came in like a lion—the 2d was very cold, the 3d still colder, and on the 4th the men could do little else than sit by their fires, the cold was so intense.
On the 6th orders were received to pack up as soon as possible, and be ready to march in an hour. About eight o'clock the battery moved out of our winter camp and took up its line of march in a cold drenching rain, towards Bell's Landing on the Potomac River, distant about twelve miles. The roadswere exceedingly muddy, so that our progress was necessarily very slow; the very best we could do was about six miles on the first day; the pieces and caissons would become fast in the mud, and we would have to double our teams to pull them out. Our condition may be imagined—tired out, wet through, and no way of protecting ourselves from the cold storm, which continued through the night.
We succeeded after great difficulty in pulling our pieces and caissons through to the landing on the next day; but the battery wagon and forge not having arrived, six teams of horses were sent back after them, and they were found about five miles back, the forge being bottom side up in a creek, having run off the bridge the night before. We finally got it on the road and hauled it and the battery wagon to camp.
About two o'clock in the morning of the 9th, the men were aroused, and commenced loading the battery on canal boats. At nine o'clock the loading of the battery was completed. The boats were shoved out into the stream and anchored until four o'clock in the afternoon, when a steamer took our tow-line and towed us down the river a few miles, where we again anchored, and remained until the 11th, when we continued our journey; but about noon it commenced storming, and we put into St. Mary's Bay for a harbor. All day of the 12th the storm continued, and we remained in the harbor.
Within a hundred yards of where our boats lay, were some immense rocks, and at low tide large numbers of oysters could be seen clinging to their sides. Permission was given that the men could use the small boats to gather them, and soon large quantities were secured, and, as it may be imagined, to men whose diet had been principally "salt junk" and pork, this change in their diet was very acceptable.
The 13th opening clear and pleasant, an early start was made, and we moved on down to the mouth of the river, but the baywas found to be so rough that it was not considered safe to attempt crossing it, and we made harbor until three o'clock in the afternoon, when the wind having gone down, we started again towards Fortress Monroe. We reached Hampton at daylight, and immediately disembarked. The next day we went into camp near Hampton.
Hampton at this time was in ruins. When the rebel Gen. Magruder evacuated the place, he burned it, hardly leaving a house standing. It must have been a beautiful place before the war, but at the time of our arrival it had been given over to the negroes, who had built huts out of the ruins, and were taking life very easily.
One enterprising darkey had established an oyster house, and as soon as we were in camp he solicited our trade, but as we had not been paid in some time, about everybody was "broke;" we did have some "Kalamazoo" greenbacks, but they had lost their value. We felt that our constitutions needed a change of diet, and oysters were about the proper thing to tone us up, so we sent one of our number over to the oyster house and he bought a gallon of oysters and offered in payment a two dollar "Kalamazoo." The darkey had some doubts about the bill, but was assured it was genuine, and that he could go up to the captain and convince himself that it was all right; but before the darkey had time to go, the captain walked in; the bill was produced, and the captain gave him two dollars and eighty cents in good Government greenbacks, remarking that it was worth three dollars to him. This move established the worth of Kalamazoo greenbacks, and we had a fair supply of oysters. (Capt. Buckley was at this time on a sick furlough, buthis dress coatwas in camp.)
From the 15th of February until the 11th of March, we remained in camp at Hampton, the time being occupied with the regular round of camp duties. Snow and rain alternatedwith pleasant weather. Duties were light, and, with plenty to eat, a good comfortable place to sleep in, and the privilege of passes to visit the numerous places of interest in the vicinity, made us feel very well contented with our situation.
On the 27th of February Capt. Buckley returned from a sick furlough. Lieut. Parker, taking his turn at a furlough, left the battery on March 2d, for Rhode Island.
At two o'clock in the morning of the 6th, John T. Green died of measles, and was buried at three o'clock in the afternoon of the 7th, with military honors.
First Lieut. G.C. Harkness, at his request, was mustered out of service, and left for home on the 7th.
March 11th the battery moved to Newport News, where it remained until the 16th, on which day the camp was changed about a mile back towards Hampton.
Just at night on the 18th, orders were received to prepare five days rations and be ready to march at an early hour next morning. At six o'clock in the morning of the 19th, we started for Fortress Monroe. It began to snow soon after leaving camp; the storm rapidly increased, and by afternoon became a blizzard. It was found impossible for us to reach our destination, and we were obliged to camp. We passed a most disagreeable night; wood was very scarce, and it was with great difficulty that we gathered enough to keep us from freezing. Snow fell to the depth of eight or ten inches, adding much to our discomfort.
Next morning we continued on to Fortress Monroe, and from the wharf at that place loaded our battery upon the steamer John Brooks, and the horses upon two schooners, and started early on the morning of the 22d, in tow of the steamer, for Baltimore, Md. Our passage across Chesapeake Bay was rather tempestuous, indeed so rough was it at one time that the steamer was obliged to cut the tow-line and cast us adrift. She layto near us until morning, when she picked us up again, and we proceeded on our journey without further interruption, reaching Baltimore at sunrise on the morning of the 24th.
The battery was transferred as rapidly as possible from the boats to the cars, and at three o'clock in the afternoon left Baltimore over the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad for Parkersburg, on the Ohio River. Our train consisted of flat cars upon which the pieces and caissons were loaded, and freight cars in which the men and horses were accommodated, the only difference between those occupied by the men and those in which the horses were, being the placing of a few pine planks across the car for the men to sit upon. Two nights and one day were occupied in making this journey, arriving at Parkersburg on the 27th. Frequently long stops were made which enabled the men to make little foraging trips, and, as they were almost always very successful, there was a sudden increase both in the quantity and variety of their diet, which was very acceptable to them, and this, together with the constant change of scene, made the trip very enjoyable.
Most of the 27th was occupied in transferring the battery from the cars to a river steamboat, and in the evening commenced our trip down the Ohio River, which was continued all night, and until eight o'clock in the evening of the 28th, when the bow of our steamer was run up against the bank of the river some six or eight miles above Cincinnati. Early next morning we continued on down the river to Covington, where our mode of conveyance was again changed from boat to cars. We reached Lexington, Ky., about eight o'clock on the morning of the 30th, and unloaded our battery and went into camp about six miles from that city.
After the failure of Gen. Burnside's last movement with the Army of the Potomac, which resulted in the "mud march," he was relieved at his own request from that command, andwent immediately to Washington, and formally tendered his resignation as Major General of Volunteers to the President, but Mr. Lincoln refused to receive it, remarking that he had "other fish for him to fry."
After a short furlough, during which he visited Providence, where he received an enthusiastic ovation from his townsmen, Gen. Burnside returned to Washington, hoping to have command of his old Ninth Corps, but the President, after several consultations with him, on the 26th of March placed him in command of the Department of the Ohio. Upon accepting this command Gen. Burnside requested that he might be allowed to take the Ninth Corps with him. His request was granted, and as Battery D had been transferred to that corps, we were thus enabled to follow the fortunes of our much loved Burnside.
The battery remained in camp at Lexington just a week. On the evening of April 7th marching orders were received, and early on the 8th we packed and hitched up, but were delayed until nearly noon, while the men were paid. As soon as this was accomplished we commenced our march, but after making eight or ten miles, bivouacked until morning, when we continued our march, reaching Camp Dick Robinson before dark, after a pleasant journey of about twenty miles over one of the best of roads.
Battery D's camp was upon one side of the road and directly opposite the Seventh Rhode Island was encamped. As there were many acquaintances in the two organizations, this proximity made it very pleasant for the men of both commands.
On our way from Lexington to Camp Dick Robinson some of our men had stopped by the way to inspect the country in general and the whiskey distilleries in particular. An irresistible desire had seized them to learn just how that beverage—which, for a small outlay, would so soon make a millionaire of a pauper, or a brigadier of a private soldier—was made: sogreat was their interest that they took no heed of time, and their inspection lasted two days. The men of the battery began to think they would never see their comrades again; all of them were popular fellows and their return was anxiously awaited.
At last, one afternoon a great cloud of dust was seen rolling down the pike towards our camp, and occasionally as the curtain of dust was blown aside, a family carriage, with a colored driver mounted upon the box, a soldier by his side, with the horses upon the dead run, could be seen. As it drew nearer the soldier was recognized as one of the absentees, and when the carriage whirled from the pike through our camp, drew up before the captain's tent with a great flourish, while from inside our missing comrades one after another crawled out, formed a line, and as the captain appeared, saluted him and reported for duty, it was so ludicrous and audacious that it brought a shout of laughter from the men, and made it impossible for the captain to say anything more than "Go to your quarters," while he maintained a straight face.
Frequent trips were made by the men to distant villages in the vicinity; the weather for the most part being very pleasant and warm, made these trips through this beautiful country very enjoyable.
On the 26th we started early in the morning for Stamford, about eighteen miles distant. We reached our destination about three o'clock in the afternoon, and made camp, in which we remained until the 30th, when an order was received to pack up as soon as possible and proceed to Columbia, about twenty-five miles distant. We were soon on the road, and after marching about twenty miles, went into camp at Carpenter's Creek.
The next day, May 1st, was spent in bivouac, momentarily expecting orders to march, but nothing was received untilevening, when we were ordered to prepare to march at five o'clock in the morning. At daylight the order was countermanded.
May 2d we were allowed to pitch our A tents, which led us to think our stay at this place was to be prolonged. Fortunate it was for us that we pitched our tents, for a heavy thunder storm prevailed all day of the 3d, and nearly all day on the 4th, and without the tents we should have been in a sorry condition.
Late on the 4th orders were received to cook two days rations, and be ready to march at midnight, and shortly after that time "Boots and saddles" was blown, and we commenced a march of about fifteen miles, over a very rough road and through an all day rain, which, with the rain of the two previous days, transformed the red clay into several inches of a sticky paste, which made our progress very slow and tedious. Early on the morning of the 6th we continued our march, reaching the town of Bumpus about noon. Stopping only long enough to feed our horses and eat dinner, we then pushed on and made camp a few miles from Somerset.
On the 7th we moved our camp to Somerset, where we remained until June 4th, our time being occupied with general camp duties, drills, etc. Hay was very scarce, and every other day the horses were taken out and allowed to graze. These trips proved very pleasant for the men, as it brought them in contact with the farmers, and gave them opportunities to buy butter, eggs, and other desirable eatables.
On the 22d orders were received to turn in A tents and all our surplus baggage, and rumor had it that we were soon to start for East Tennessee; but day after day passed and nothing further was heard of such a movement.
On the 25th, the drivers being some three or four miles from camp grazing their horses, an orderly rode furiously into campwith an order to have the battery hitched up as soon as possible, and bringing the startling information that our pickets had been driven in by the enemy, who were fast approaching Somerset.
A messenger was immediately dispatched for the horses, and upon his reaching them there commenced as grand a hurdle race as one would care to witness—every one upon his own responsibility starting for camp—across fields, over fences and through ditches they went, making for the men in camp a most interesting and amusing finish. Upon their arrival the battery was hitched up, and remained in that condition, ready to move at a moment's notice until dark, when everything quieted down and assumed its usual condition.
It was while in this camp that the men of the battery had a rather startling illustration of the cavernous condition of this part of Kentucky. Our camp lay upon the ridge of quite a sizable basin, in the bottom of which there was a pond of perhaps five or six hundred feet in circumference. It had been there ever since we came to the place, and we had no reason to think that it was not a permanent fixture to the landscape; but one night about midnight the men were aroused by strange and unusual noises, evidently proceeding from the pond. Investigations were made, but nothing was ascertained beyond the fact that the water in the pond was falling very fast. Daylight was patiently waited for, when it was discovered that our pond had disappeared, and in the very centre of the depression was a hole as large as a hogshead, evidently leading into one of the numerous caverns with which the country thereabout is filled.
Gen. Burnside left Cincinnati on the 30th of May for Hickman's Bridge, Ky., for the purpose of leading the Ninth and Twenty-third Corps over the Cumberland Mountains into East Tennessee, but when he reached Lexington he was met by anorder from the War Department directing him to reinforce Gen. Grant, at Vicksburg. Gen. Burnside had at this time the Twenty-third Corps, formed from small bodies of troops which had been scattered about in Kentucky, Ohio and Indiana, whose organization he did not consider thoroughly perfected, and his old staunch and true Ninth Corps. With his usual unselfish noble-heartedness Gen. Burnside put behind him all his plans and desires and immediately put two divisions of the Ninth Corps in motion for Vicksburg, and telegraphed the Secretary of War for permission to accompany them, but the Secretary would not permit it, and Gen. Parks assumed command.
The order for this journey of the Ninth Corps reached Battery D at its camp in Somerset just before one o'clock on the morning of June 4th, and at sunrise the battery pulled out of park and started on its march for Lexington.
On the evening of the 5th we reached Stamford, and the men were kept up until after midnight signing the pay roll and receiving their pay. The night of the 6th we occupied our old quarters at Camp Dick Robinson.
At ten o'clock in the forenoon the battery arrived at the depot in Lexington, and the men immediately commenced to load the battery upon the cars for the purpose of commencing our proposed journey, but after having nearly completed this work, the order was countermanded; the battery was unloaded and moved about three miles from Lexington and encamped.
During the night word was brought to us that Louis LaFont, a member of the battery, had fallen or been thrown down stairs at the guard house in Lexington, and his neck broken. LaFont was a genial, good-natured man, much liked by his comrades, and his death cast a gloom over the whole company.
The next day the battery received orders temporarily transferring it to the Twenty-third Corps, together with marching orders for the 11th, and on that day it moved to Camp Nelson, about five miles distant, where the battery remained until July 12th. Our situation here was very pleasant, in the very centre as it was, of that beautiful blue grass country, surrounded by the most luxuriant fields of corn, wheat and rye, and such fields of clover. Our horses enjoyed it, and it made the drivers feel glad to see them growing so fat and sleek upon this excellent fodder.
As the 4th of July drew near we began to make great preparations for its celebration. Clark Walker, our carpenter, went to Nicholsvale and built a platform for dancing; arrangements were made with the citizens to provide a banquet for a fair consideration; in fact everything that could be thought of that would add to the success of the day was arranged. By daylight on the morning of the 4th the men were astir, cutting grass to be used as wadding (for at sunrise we were to fire a national salute), and piled it up near each gun.
Just as the sun appeared above the horizon, every cannonier was at his position—the guns having been previously loaded, filled almost to the muzzle with the wet grass—number four stood with his lanyard held taut in the position of ready, when out broke upon the morning air the order "By battery, fire." At that instant there came a report from the six guns of the battery that was heard for twenty miles, followed as rapidly as possible by other reports until one volley had been fired in honor of every State then in the Union.
After stable call had been attended to, the men were allowed to go to the village and carry out the programme previously arranged. The violinist of the battery, Dan Elliott, provided the music for the dancing, fairly eclipsing all of his former efforts. It was a very enjoyable occasion, the men returning to camp about six o'clock, well satisfied with the entire successof the celebration. At sunset the salute of the morning was repeated, thus making everyone feel that the day had been properly observed.
July 5th rumors of the approach of Gen. John Morgan, at the head of about 3000 mounted men and six guns, began to excite the citizens. Farmers made all possible haste to drive their cattle, horses, etc., within our lines; the battery placed its guns in position commanding the roads, while the infantry dug rifle pits and made every provision to give these raiders a very warm reception should they have the temerity to come our way.
The excitement continued for the next five days, but on the 11th it was learned that Morgan had avoided us, having passed many miles to the west of our position, and on the 8th had crossed the Ohio River into Indiana, where he was committing all sorts of depredations.
July 12th orders were received for the battery to march at nine o'clock in the forenoon for Lexington, load upon the cars and proceed at once to Cincinnati. At eight o'clock on the morning of the 13th Covington was reached, and as quick as the battery could be unloaded, we crossed the river into Cincinnati. That city was in a state of great excitement—Morgan was expected to ride into their streets at any moment, and with the greatly exaggerated reports of the enormity and cruelty of his depredations constantly ringing in their ears, it was not surprising that they should welcome with open arms anything which promised them protection from such a monster. All the militia was under arms, but the advent of a battery of light artillery, particularly a veteran organization that they knew had seen service, and lots of it, like Battery D, was very reassuring to them. Their pleasure was evidenced by the welcome they gave us; indeed so royal was the welcome I am afraid had John Morgan appeared to us that night he would have metvery little resistance from us, a circumstance which happened but once in the nearly four years service of Battery D.
No sooner had we landed on the levee than we began to receive an ovation which increased with every block, and when we crossed the Rhine—a canal which ran through the centre of the city—the demonstration reached its climax. This part of the town was largely occupied by Germans. There was a lager beer saloon upon each corner, and sometimes one or two between. As we passed, the saloon-keepers came out to us with each finger of both hands holding a glass of beer. Capt. Buckley had mounted the cannoniers and given strict orders that none should dismount without permission; but this precaution was wholly unnecessary, for the men had no desire to dismount with all this beer surrounding them. A few indulged once, more twice or thrice, and a much larger number so frequently that when we arrived in camp on the outskirts of the city, it was found that quite a number of the men were ready to turn in at once, and the temperance men would have the privilege of doing all the work of unharnessing, watering and feeding the horses, as a reward for their good behavior.
Early next morning the three sections of the battery were sent out upon three principal roads approaching the city from the north, and selecting positions which commanded these different roads for a considerable distance, went into battery. Our support was the militia from the city and the surrounding country, who felt, and we agreed with them, that should Morgan attempt to enter Cincinnati he would meet with a very warm reception. But Morgan did not attempt to enter the city, but passed some miles from our front, and was finally captured by Gen. Shackleford on the 26th, near New Lisbon.
July 16th the battery was withdrawn from picket duty, and encamped upon Vine Street Hill.
July 17th Gen. Burnside ordered Capt. Buckley to move thebattery to Ninth Street, within a short distance of his head-quarters, place the carriages in a wagon yard, the horses in a stable, and furnish the men with quarters in a hall near by. To say that the men were very much pleased with this arrangement but mildly expresses their feelings. It was a matter of much speculation among them as to just why this good luck had fallen to them. At first the men were inclined to think that it was because Gen. Burnside was kindly disposed towards us, and having an opportunity to give us a "soft snap," had improved it; but with the light of future events, they were inclined to think that, added to this reason, was a desire to keep the battery in the city near him, that he might use it as an intimidator against the draft rioters, whose grumbling and growling were growing louder and louder, and their nightly meetings in the different market places more numerously attended, as the draft proceeded.
The first intimation that the officers of the battery received that such duty would be required of us came a few evenings after the commencement of our new arrangement, when an orderly from head-quarters came to the hall and inquired for Capt. Buckley, who could not be found; in fact it unfortunately happened that the highest officer that could be found was a duty sergeant, which fact the orderly was obliged to report to the General, who ordered him to return to the battery, find an officer, and order him to report at head-quarters immediately. Lieut. Parker had returned by this time, and he immediately reported to Gen. Burnside, whom he found very wroth, and who proceeded to lecture him upon the great lack of attention to duty by the officers of Battery D, and ordered him to inform Capt. Buckley that he desired him to have his battery prepared to hitch up at a moment's notice, at any hour of the day or night. This gave us the knowledge that we were not in these comfortable quarters just for ourown pleasure, but that there was a probable duty connected with our situation. After this only a few men were allowed to leave at a time, all others were expected to be within hailing distance of the hall.
As often as every other day the battery was called out for parade, and was taken through the different portions of the city. On Sunday we were marched down to the levee, where we went through an inspection, and afterwards were drilled for an hour or two, just to remind the evil-disposed citizens that there was a six-gun battery still in their city, that would make short work with any mob who attempted any violence.
About half-past eight one evening the battery was ordered to hitch up as soon as possible, and as soon as ready it started for a market-place situated nearly in the centre of the city, where a crowd was reported to be gathering. As we neared the place the captain gave the order "Trot, march," and the battery swept around the corner into the market-place in a column of sections, dividing as it reached the market-house, the right pieces passing it on the right, the left pieces upon the left, uniting as they passed the house and continuing on to the end of the square, then countermarched and came back. By the time we had reached the end of the market-place there was hardly a person to be seen, everybody seemingly having become satisfied that Gen. Burnside was determined that there should be no hostile gathering in Cincinnati.
This was the only occasion when it was necessary to make such a demonstration as this. Everything quieted down, and from this time until the end of our stay, Aug. 10th, Battery D was not called upon to do any more intimidating.
At nine o'clock on the morning of Aug. 10th we crossed the Ohio River, loaded the battery on the cars, and at two o'clock in the afternoon left Covington en route for Lexington. Arriving just after midnight, the men were immediately put to workunloading the battery, and as soon as this was accomplished, and they had prepared and eaten their breakfast, "Boots and saddles" was blown, and the battery started for Camp Nelson, where we remained until the 15th, the time being occupied in general repairing and refitting, and every care was taken to get our battery in the best possible condition. New harnesses were drawn, the battery wagon was thoroughly overhauled and replenished, and clothing was issued to the men. Those of them who drew a liberal supply had reason to be thankful that they had done so; those who did not, regretted it before the coming campaign was over.
CHAPTER VI.
The Campaign in East Tennessee.
On the 11th of August Gen. Burnside arrived at Hickman's Bridge, Ky., and began making the final arrangements for his movement into East Tennessee. He received information that the Ninth Corps had been relieved by Gen. Grant, and was then on its way north, the advance regiments having already reached Cairo, and could be expected to arrive in Cincinnati not later than the 15th.
The Twenty-third Corps, under Gen. Hartzuff, had rendezvoused in three columns, at different points; one, under Gen. White, at Columbia; another, under Gen. Hascall, at Somerset; and the third, under Gen. Carter, at Crab Orchard. With this last column Gen. Burnside was to go.
On the 20th the General issued orders for a forward movement to take place on the 21st, andat lastthis long delayed, much wished for, and most fervently prayed for expedition was to start.
What significance those two words—At Last—had for thousands, yea, tens of thousands at this time. It signified to President Lincoln that at last one load which had been upon his heart for a year and a half—namely, his sympathy for theloyal people of East Tennessee—was about to be removed; it signified to those three great leaders of the Union men of that section—Andrew Johnson, Edward Maynard, and Parson Brownlow, that at last all their labor, efforts and prayers were about to bear fruit in the accomplishment of their most cherished desire.
It signified to Gen. Burnside that at last he could push forward an expedition which had had full possession of his heart—primarily, for the relief of a long-suffering, intensely loyal people—and secondly, to seize and hold as much as possible of the East Tennessee and Georgia Railroad.
It signified to Gen. Rosecrans that at last he need give himself no uneasiness about the rapid transfer of any portion of the Army of Virginia to Chattanooga, via the East Tennessee and Georgia Railroad, and after being used successfully against him, to be as rapidly returned back again.
But what an infinitely greater significance did these words have for the thousands of women and children in East Tennessee. In imagination I can see those mothers, wives and sisters (as they receive the news carried by some fleet-footed messenger over the Cumberland Mountains, by secluded paths) gather on their mountains, in their valleys, in towns and cities, and turning their eyes towards the mountains at the north, cry out in all the ecstacy of lightened hearts, "At last, thank God, dear fathers, husbands and brothers, you are coming back to us!" And in answer I can hear, coming from the throats of those fathers, husbands and brothers, who had come over the mountains into Kentucky in such numbers that they had organized eight full regiments of infantry and three of cavalry, "Yes! dear ones, at last we surely are coming, to protect you and our homes."
Our battery having been thoroughly refitted and prepared for the expedition, was ordered upon the 15th to report to Gen.Hascall, at Danville. Here it remained until the morning of the 17th, when it continued its journey to Stamford, laid over one day, and at two o'clock on the morning of the 19th was aroused by "Boots and saddles," marching as soon as ready, for Crab Orchard.
This place had in ante-bellum days been noted as a watering-place, or perhaps more properly speaking, sanitarium, it being possessed of numerous medicinal springs. If my memory serves me, it was more fortunate than most fakes of this sort, in that these springs were supposed to contain waters of different therapeutical effect. There was the alterative, tonic, and aperient water, a liberal and intelligently administered course of which would rejuvenate the most thoroughly used-up system in the world. No wonder that it was the Mecca toward which all the chronics of the South journeyed.
Any veteran will remember how apt an old soldier was who had been living upon salt junk, salt pork and hard-tack for a considerable time, to allow his imagination full scope whenever his surroundings reminded him of a full course dinner or banquet. Thus it was with Battery D on the evening that we spent at Crab Orchard.
A lot of us gathered on the piazza of the vacant hotel and gave orders for dinners that would have taxed the ability of a Delmonico or a Tillinghast to have filled; and the fearful drop that came when the men who had been personating waiters to help along the joke and had dashed away for the kitchen on receiving our orders to have them filled, and returned with a raw pork sandwich for each, profuse with their apologies from the proprietors, that they were unable to fill our orders because of the great rush of business, which had entirely destroyed their assortment of eatables.
We ate the sandwiches, using all the imagination that we possessed, then went to the springs and tried a course of thewaters. One of the springs, which I suppose must have been the alterative, was loud in its smell and loud in its taste, and we vowed we would have no more of it.
Crab Orchard is situated at the beginning of the foot-hills of the Cumberland Mountains, and from here the difficulties of the way will increase with every mile we travel. From this on for some eighty miles we are to march through a wilderness, from which we cannot expect to gather anything in the way of forage, consequently we must secure all the grain and hay that can be found, to take with us. All day of the 20th we spent in this work, scouring the country for ten miles around with indifferent success.
On the 21st we marched to Cub Creek, a small stream emptying into the Cumberland River. Next day we moved to Cumberland River and camped on its bank, near Smith's Ford. On this day our battery made twenty miles, which was considered astonishing by our corps commander. In a report to Gen. Burnside he said that the roads were the worst he ever saw, particularly the last five or six miles before we reached the river, but thought they would be better when we had crossed to the other side.
I think that my comrades of Battery D will smile at this prophecy when they remember what we really did find in the line of roads after we crossed the river. The approach to and exit from Smith's Ford were two of the steepest hills I ever remember to have seen, and the next morning when we began to cross I contemplated the work with fear and trembling; for I considered my position of wheel-driver on the sixth caisson a dangerous one. But as I stood upon the top of the hill and watched piece after piece and caisson after caisson go down safely, and feeling that I was perhaps as expert a driver as any of the others, and had a pair of horses—of which I propose to have something more to say later on—as reliable as any inthe battery, I began to have more confidence, and when my turn came made the descent successfully. On the other side it required the united efforts of six pairs of horses and all the cannoniers that could get a hand on the carriages, to make the ascent.
We spent the 24th in foraging for grain, and succeeded in finding enough for three or four feedings, which was very unsatisfactory. We had hardly enough to feed the horses, on small rations, for more than three days, and as on the morrow we were to commence our climb to the top of the Cumberland Mountains, should our horses give out we would be in a sorry plight.
On the 25th we continued our march, and to our surprise found the roads in much better condition than we expected, and were able to make about eighteen miles. We began to feel that perhaps our way was not to be so difficult after all; but the next morning before we had been on the road an hour we found that the good road was a delusion and a snare—a sort of "will-o'-the-wisp" to lure us on, and then suddenly throw before us difficulties which were almost insurmountable.
The road began to narrow rapidly, until it became simply a bridle-path, over which I do not believe a carriage had ever passed before. The ascent became steeper and steeper, many places being encountered over which the carriages had to be lifted by the men. The horses could hardly be driven over these precipitous places, much less be made to pull.
The infantry which had been ordered to accompany the battery to assist in getting us over the rough places, became tired very early, and the men of the battery becoming disgusted with their continual grumbling, and the awkward manner in which they rendered their assistance, drove them away, preferring to do it alone. Both men and horses performed herculean labor that day.
During the afternoon we had been encouraged by the report that there was very little more of this terribly hard labor to be performed. If we could only hold out just a little while we should reach the top of the mountain, and after we passed the "Pine Knot Tavern," the road would be level, and in much better condition.
I do not know whether it was the hope of getting through with the labor, or the anxiety to reach the tavern—many of them picturing to themselves an establishment something after the style of the good old New England tavern, filled with plenty to eat and drink—that stimulated the men to greater exertions or not, but for an hour or two our progress was much more rapid. It was after dark when we reached a spot large enough to park the battery at very close intervals, and bivouacked for the night.
Early on the morning of the 27th, after giving our horses all the corn left, we started on. Very soon we passed "Pine Knot Tavern," which consisted of a cellar half filled with the debris of what had been a small log cabin, the supports of which had rotted off and allowed the cabin to fall into the cellar.
Several natives, who had come from their homes, located in the ravines on either side of the mountain, to see us pass, and sell a few chickens (their stock had been exhausted long before we passed), were the first people we had seen since we entered the wilderness.
All day we marched at this high elevation. Occasionally a cloud would sweep across our path, enveloping us in fog for a while; then there would be places where we would pass out of the woods and a most magnificent landscape would unfold to our view. Sometimes it would be Kentucky, at others East Tennessee upon which we were looking. Taken all together it was the most enjoyable panoramic sort of a march that the battery ever made.
It was left, however, for the morning of the 29th to unfold the most magnificent sight that most of us had ever looked upon. As we gazed about, we found that our location gave us a view on both sides of the mountain. To the north we could see back into Kentucky, almost to our starting point, and trace the route which we had just come over, dotted here and there with the towns and villages through which we had passed. Many of us had wondered why that section of the State had been called the "Blue Grass Region;" the reason was plainly evident to us now, for there it lay before us, as blue as though it had been dyed.
Then we turned our eyes towards the south, and looked upon that land into which we were about to enter; beautiful it was to look upon, divided into valleys by spurs of the Cumberland Mountains, the ever-changing color of the landscape as the sun rose higher and higher, enabling us to see farther, until our eyes could discover the Smoky Mountains, the tops of which were covered with a smoke-like cloud, located beyond Knoxville.
As our eyes became tired of looking such a distance we fastened them upon the scenery near at hand, and found it as grand and romantic as any we had ever looked upon. Taken all together it was a most magnificent sight, and did not fail to arouse the most unenthusiastic nature in the battery.
While we are contemplating the scene before us, and before we commence our descent into these valleys, it will be well for us to consider what manner of people these are whom we are going to succor. That they are a peculiar people is perfectly evident from the fact that, living as they do in the almost geographical centre of the Slave States, they are by a large majority opposed to the institution of slavery. This is evidenced by the fact that the first abolition paper ever published in the United States emanated from a press in Jonesboro, Tennessee.Among the first abolition societies ever organized in this country were those of Eastern Tennessee, and in the year 1816 the Manumission Society, of Tennessee, held a meeting at Greenville, and issued an address advocating the abolition of slavery. Whence came this abhorrence of slavery, and this love of liberty? Certainly the origin of this people must have been different, totally different, from those who surrounded them on all sides.
I am indebted to my friend William Rule, Esq., of Knoxville, for the following account of the first settlement of East Tennessee:
"On the first day of May, 1769, a young farmer started out from the banks of the Yadkin River, in the State of North Carolina, accompanied by five stalwart hunters. It was about the time that the descendants of the Pilgrim Fathers in Massachusetts were denying themselves the luxury of tea rather than pay tribute to a tyrant king. About the same time the House of Burgesses was dissolved by the Colonial Governor of Virginia, for having dared to pass resolutions condemning the Stamp Act, and Governor Tryon, of North Carolina, was serving his royal master by oppressing the patriots of that colony.
The name of the young farmer was James Robertson, the founder of the first colony in Tennessee; and one of the hunters who accompanied him was Daniel Boone, whose daring exploits are familiar to everyone. They went, as did the messengers of old sent by Moses, to spy out beyond the Alleghanies a land where they and those who sent them might live free from the restraints and oppression of English rulers.
One year afterwards a colony was established beside the swift-running waters of the beautiful Watango River. It was composed of men and women of heroic mould, filled with inspirations of patriotism, resolved that their abiding place in the wilderness, surrounded by savages, should be "Freedom'shome or Glory's grave." It was the descendants of these patriots who became the first Abolitionists. It was these same people that, in February, 1861, when voting upon a proposition proposed by the Legislature as to whether a convention should or should not be called for the purpose of passing an ordinance of secession, declared by a majority of more than twenty-three thousand out of a total vote of forty-three thousand, against holding the convention."
It was these same people who furnished to the Union army during the Rebellion thirty-five thousand troops—two thousand more than our own State.
It should be borne in mind that these men could not go quietly and peacefully to enlisting places, situated in their own towns and cities, place their names upon the rolls in the presence of friends who encouraged and praised them for so doing, nor could they leave their families with the assurance that they would be looked after and taken care of by a kind and sympathetic State.
On the contrary they were obliged to travel on foot by night over mountains, swimming swift-running rivers, avoiding all roads, taking only unfrequented paths, because the Confederates, who realized that these men were bound to serve the Union cause, and were willing to endure any hardship or privation necessary to accomplish that object, were patrolling all the roads leading into Kentucky, for the purpose of capturing these patriots and carrying them off to rebel prisons. Journeys varying from two to three hundred miles were made by tens of thousands of these men, for the purpose of fighting for their country, leaving their families to the tender mercies of an enraged enemy.
Show me a people possessed of greater heroism, patriotism and love of country, than the men and women—of whom I propose to say more—of East Tennessee!
It had been the custom of Capt. Buckley after we entered the wilderness, to ride on before the battery after he had seen it under way, taking with him as orderly, William Fisk, and hunt for forage. On this morning they started as usual, and were nearly the first to pass the tavern. They were successful in securing two of the chickens before-mentioned, but could get no information as to any grain in that vicinity. Continuing on, it was well into the afternoon before they came across any other citizens. Turning a bend in the road they suddenly came in sight of a log cabin just off the trail we were following. No one was in sight, but a few vigorous hulloas from the captain brought into view two men and three women, evidently father, mother, son and two daughters.
Capt. Buckley, in his most suave manner, asked if they had grain or any knowledge of any in that vicinity. They very promptly answered that they had none, neither did they know of any, and the captain was about to continue his journey, when the younger daughter said, "John Cooper has some." "Who is John Cooper, and where does he live?" asked the captain. "A right smart piece down that road, on Pond's Creek," she replied, pointing to a path which opened from the main road directly opposite where they were standing. Mounting their horses the captain said to Fisk, "We will go and see John Cooper," and started down the path.
After riding a little more than two miles, they reached a log cabin, and noticing what appeared to be a grist-mill a little further on, the captain thought he would investigate before going to the house. The result of this investigation was between twenty-five and thirty bushels of corn, wheat and oats, upon which the captain's seal was immediately placed.
They went to the house and were pleasantly greeted by Susan Cooper, wife of John Cooper, as the lady informed them. In reply to the captain's question as to whom the grain belonged, she informed him that some of it was John's and the balance belonged to neighbors. No objection was made by her when informed by the captain that he should be obliged to take the grain, but he would leave a receipt for it, which would be paid if her husband was a Union man.
At the captain's suggestion Mrs. Cooper expressed a willingness to provide dinner for her guests, the number of which had been enlarged by the arrival of an artillery captain and two buglers, who had come down into the ravine in quest of grain, and had been invited by Capt. Buckley to partake of the meal then being prepared by Mrs. Cooper, which consisted of fried chicken and bacon, with a liberal supply of corn bread. The lady was considerably embarrassed by her inability to supply dishes for so large a company, and apologized for her impoverished condition in this direction by saying that "It was a long time since John had been where dishes could be put off."
Three things in connection with these people are thoroughly impressed upon my mind:—First, the very small environment within which they lived; secondly, their entire lack of interest in anything not entering upon their own lives; and, thirdly, the exceeding simplicity of their lives, and the little that was required to make them apparently contented and happy. Mrs. Cooper, for instance, living at the bottom of that ravine, the only entrance to which was down a narrow mountain pathway, in a log cabin having but one room, with about two acres of cleared land, surrounded upon all sides, save at the entrance, by a solid wall of rock towering seventy-five feet in height, passing months at a time without seeing anyone save the members of her own family, certainly had as monotonous an existence as could be imagined.
The grain secured by the captain did not reach our bivouac at Chitwood until late at night, but so badly was it needed by the horses—they having been without any grain for one dayat least—that the drivers were aroused and their horses fed immediately.