FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[i-1]The Works of John Adams, ed. by C. F. Adams (Boston, 1856), f, 660.[i-2]W. P. Trent, "Benjamin Franklin,"McClure's Magazine, VIII, 273 (Jan., 1897).[i-3]Cited in C. R. Weld'sHistory of the Royal Society(London, 1848), I, 146. For Baconian influence see I, 57 f. See also Edwin Greenlaw, "The New Science and English Literature in the Seventeenth Century,"Johns Hopkins Alumni Magazine, XIII, 331-59 (1925). Of dominant tendencies he stresses (a) a "new realism, or sense of fact and reliance on observation and experiment"; (b) the disregard for authority in favor of free inquiry; and (c) the development of faith in progress, inspiring men to improve their worldly condition.[i-4]E. A. Burtt,The Metaphysical Foundations of Modern Physical Science, 208. Newtonianism as a method and a philosophy has been ably examined by recent scholars. See, for examples, C. Becker,The Declaration of Independence, especially chap. II, andThe Heavenly City of the Eighteenth-Century Philosophers; and in Bibliography, pp. cli ff., below, W. M. Horton (chap. II); C. S. Duncan; H. Drennon; L. Bloch; E. HalÃ©vy. See also Isabel St. John Bliss, "Young'sNight Thoughtsin Relation to Contemporary Christian Apologetics,"Publications of the Modern Language Association, XLIX, 37-70 (March, 1934); J. H. Randall,The Making of the Modern Mind(Boston, 1926), chap. X ff.; H. H. Clark, "An Historical Interpretation of Thomas Paine's Religion,"University of California Chronicle, XXXV, 56-87 (Jan., 1933), and "Toward a Reinterpretation of Thomas Paine,"American Literature, V, 133-45 (May, 1933).[i-5]Burtt,op. cit.223.[i-6]Article, "Deism."[i-7]Article, "Nature."[i-8]P. Smith,A History of Modern Culture(New York, 1934), II, 17-8.[i-9]See S. Hefelbower,The Relation of John Locke to English Deism.[i-10]Primitivism and the Idea of Progress in English Popular Literature of the Eighteenth Century, 168-9: "One inference that might be drawn from the theory was that while the infant whose mind is a blank page at birth is not so well off from the primitivistic point of view as the one who comes into the world already equipped with a complete set of the laws of nature and a predisposition to obey them, he is infinitely better off than the infant whose poor little mind had been loaded with original sin by his remote ancestors. For the orthodox baby, born in sin, there is almost no hope, except in supernatural aid; but if we suppose that man's ideas are all derived, as Locke postulated, from sense-impressions, then we may conclude that all men, rich and poor, primitive and civilized, are on an equal footing intellectually at birth. Although the primitive child does not have the help of civilization in the development of his mind, neither does he have its superstitions, prejudices, and corrupting influences; and he might actually be better off than the product of civilizationâ€”at least so many a primitivist argued. But one might draw another inference from thetabula rasatheory. Men, however corrupt they are now, may still have a chance of regeneration if their mind is really like blank paper at birth." For eighteenth-century primitivism see also H. N. Fairchild,The Noble Savage(New York, 1928).[i-11]H. J. Laski,Political Thought in England from Locke to Bentham(New York, 1920), 9. See also W. A. Dunning,A History of Political Theories from Luther to Montesquieu; G. S. Veitch,Genesis of Parliamentary Reform; and G. P. Gooch,English Democratic Ideas in the Seventeenth Century(2d ed., Cambridge, England, 1927).[i-12]K. Martin,French Liberal Thought in the Eighteenth Century, 13.[i-13]See J. B. Bury,The Idea of Progress, chap. VIII; and J. Morley,Diderot and the EncyclopÃ¦dists, I, 6: "The great central moral of it all was this: that human nature is good, that the world is capable of being made a desirable abiding-place, and that the evil of the world is the fruit of bad education and bad institutions."[i-14]"Shaftesbury and the Ethical Poets in England, 1700-1760,"Publications of the Modern Language Association, XXXI (N. S.XXIV), 277 (June, 1916).[i-15]See Bury,op. cit.; Whitney,op. cit.; and J. Delvaille,Essai sur l'histoire de l'idÃ©e de progrÃ¨s(Paris, 1910).[i-16]R. Crane, "Anglican Apologetics and the Idea of Progress, 1699-1745,"Modern Philology, XXXI, 273-306 (Feb., 1934), and 349-82 (May, 1934).[i-17]The Heavenly City of the Eighteenth-Century Philosophers, 30-1.[i-18]N. L. Torrey,Voltaire and the English Deists.[i-19]D. Mornet,French Thought in the Eighteenth Century, 50-1. Also see hisLes sciences de la nature en France au XVIIIesiÃ¨cle(Paris, 1911), and R. L. Cru,Diderot as a Disciple of English Thought(New York, 1913). See Morley,op. cit., I, 31 ff., and Martin,op. cit.[i-20]An Account of the Destruction of the Jesuits in France(Glasgow, 1766), 61.[i-21]Consult M. Roustan,The Pioneers of the French Revolution, and L. Ducros,French Society in the Eighteenth Century.[i-22]Quoted in J. Fiske'sThe Beginnings of New England, 73. For the seventeenth-century New England way, see especially F. H. Foster,A Genetic History of the New England Theology(Chicago, 1907); P. Miller,Orthodoxy in Massachusetts, 1630-1650: A Genetic Study(Cambridge, Mass., 1933); B. Wendell,Cotton Mather, The Puritan Priest; I. W. Riley,American Philosophy: The Early Schools, 3-58 andpassim; H. W. Schneider,The Puritan Mind; J. Haroutunian,Piety versus Moralism; R. and L. Boas,Cotton Mather: Keeper of the Puritan Conscience(New York, 1928). See Bk. V of Mather'sMagnalia, "prose epic of New England Puritanism" (B. Wendell,Literary History of America, 50).[i-23]Prior to the Treaty of Paris (1763) the American colonies were indebted primarily to English liberalism for ideas subversive of colonial orthodoxy. If works of FÃ©nelon, Fontenelle, Bayle, Voltaire, and Rousseau are occasionally found in the colonies prior to 1763, these are dwarfed beside the impact of such English minds as those of Trenchard and Gordon, Collins, Wollaston, Tillotson, Boyle, Shaftesbury, Locke, and Newton. It was only in the twilight of the century that French liberalism, itself nursed on English speculation, began to impinge on the thought-life of the colonies. See H. M. Jones,America and French Culture. Also see L. Rosenthal, "Rousseau at Philadelphia,"Magazine of American History, VII, 46-55. See works of Riley, Koch, Gohdes, Morais, in Bibliography, pp. cli ff., below.[i-24]Fiske,op. cit., 124.[i-25]F. J. Turner,The Frontier in American History(New York, 1920), 30.[i-26]Ibid., 38.[i-27]Whitney,op. cit., 83-4.[i-28]See R. M. Jones,The Quakers in the American Colonies(London, 1921).[i-29]T. Hornberger's "The Date, the Source, and the Significance of Cotton Mather's Interest in Science,"American Literature, VI, 413-20 (Jan., 1935), offers evidence to show that Mather's thought in this work is latent in earlier works.[i-30]K. Murdock (ed.),Selections from Cotton Mather(New York, 1926), xlix-l; see G. L. Kittredge items (Murdock, lxii), and Hornberger,op. cit.[i-31]Murdock,op. cit., 286.[i-32]Ibid., 292.[i-33]Ibid., 349.[i-34]Riley,op. cit., 196.[i-35]Quoted in H. M. Morais,Deism in Eighteenth Century America, 25.[i-36]Ibid., 17. See also G. A. Koch,Republican Religion.[i-37]Travels in North America, in the Years 1780, 1781, and 1782(London, 1787), I, 445.[i-38]F. E. Brasch, "Newton's First Critical Disciple in the American Coloniesâ€”John Winthrop," inSir Isaac Newton, 1727-1927(Baltimore, 1928), 301.[i-39]H. and C. Schneider (eds.),Samuel Johnson, President of Kings College: His Career and Writings(New York, 1929), I, 6.[i-40]Ibid., I, 8-9. It will be remembered that Thomas Young was struck with science and deism while at Yale: he it was who introduced liberal ideas to that militant prince of deists (with Thomas Paine), Ethan Allen.[i-41]Jacobus Rohaultus physica Latine reddita et annotata ex, Js. Newtonii principiis(1697).[i-42]Literary Diary, I, 556 (1775).[i-43]D. Stimson,The Gradual Acceptance of the Copernican Theory, 48.[i-44]See S. E. Morison, "The Harvard School of Astronomy in the Seventeenth Century,"New England Quarterly, VII, 3 (March, 1934).[i-45]Ibid., 7. In 1672 Harvard received her first telescope. Such men as Winthrop and Thomas Brattle were actively interested in science.[i-46]F. Cajori,The Teaching and History of Mathematics in the United States, U. S. Bureau of Education, Circular of Information, No. 3, 1890 (Washington, D. C.), 22.[i-47]Brasch,op. cit., 308.[i-48]Dictionary of American Biography, VII, 591-2.[i-49]The Newtonian System of the World ...(Westminster, 1728), 30.[i-50]Ibid., 6.[i-51]See J. Quincy,History of Harvard University(Boston, 1860 [1840]), II, 4-21.[i-52]Jan. 12, 1727, Feb. 23, and others. Also see June 13 and July 11 of 1734.[i-53]See advertisements inBoston Gazette, June 17-24, 1734, quoted in W. G. Bleyer'sMain Currents in the History of American Journalism, 73-4.[i-54]Op. cit., 25.[i-55]Literary Diary, II, 334.[i-56]Through the kindness of the Hollis family, Harvard (by 1764) gained a remarkable collection of scientific instruments, possessed the Boylean lectures, Transactions of the Royal Society and of the Academy of Science in Paris, the works of Boyle and Newton, "with a great variety of other mathematical and philosophical treatises" (Quincy,op. cit., II, 481). Notable among these items are Chambers'sCyclopÃ¦dia, received in 1743, and Pemberton'sView of Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy, in 1752.[i-57]A. Bradford,Memoir of the Life and Writings of Rev. Jonathan Mayhew ...(Boston, 1838), 18-9, 46.[i-58]Ibid., 50.[i-59]Ibid., 305. Mayhew is on record as saying: "The inspired scriptures are our only rule of faith and conduct" (ibid., 140).[i-60]Ibid., 75. On the other hand, he reacts against what deism and orthodox rationalism commonly became: "A religion consisting in nothing but a knowledge of God's attributes, and an external conduct agreeable to his laws, would be a lifeless, insipid thing. It would be neither a source of happiness to ourselves, nor recommend us to the approbation of him, who requires us 'to give him our hearts.'"[i-61]Ibid., 464.[i-62]Two Discourses Delivered Oct. 9th, 1760 ...(Boston, 1760), 66.[i-63]Election-Sermon, May 27, 1747 (Boston, 1747), 9.[i-64]A Sermon[election], May 31, 1769 (Boston, 1769), 5.[i-65]Election-Sermon, May 30, 1781 (Boston, 1781), 4.[i-66]Election-Sermon, May 28, 1783 (Boston, 1783), 29.[i-67]Ibid., 54.[i-68]Election-Sermon, May 31, 1780 (Boston, 1780), 21.[i-69]Election-Sermon, May 27, 1778 (Boston, 1778), 7.[i-70]Election-Sermon, May 29, 1765 (Boston, 1765), 17.[i-71]Life of Ezra Stiles(Boston, 1798),passim; see especially pp. 34-54.[i-72]See hisUnited States Elevated to Glory and Honour ..., May 8, 1783 (Worcester, 1785).[i-73]SeeLiterary Diaryfor his inveterate interest in science and the laws of nature; see also I. M. Calder (ed.),Letters & Papers of Ezra Stiles ...(New Haven, 1933).[i-74]See Hornberger,op. cit., 419.[i-75]For full backgrounds, see G. P. Gooch,English Democratic Ideas in the Seventeenth Century, W. A. Dunning,A History of Political Theories from Luther to Montesquieu; H. L. Osgood, "Political Ideas of the Puritans,"Political Science Quarterly, VI, 1-29, 201-31; Mellen Chamberlain,John Adams ... with Other Essays(Boston, 1898), especially pp. 19-53, stressing the influence of Puritanism on political liberalism; Alice Baldwin,The New England Clergy and the American Revolution; J. W. Thornton,The Pulpit of the American Revolution(Boston, 1860), a collection of election sermons edited with an extensive introduction; C. H. Van Tyne, "The Influence of the Clergy ... in the American Revolution,"American Historical Review, XIX, 44-64. In stressing the influence on Franklin of European ideas, it is important to remember that, as we shall see, it is probable that some of Franklin's interest in doing good (charity), in science, and in democracy may have been inspired by his exposure during his formative years to American Puritanism.[i-76]The Writings of Benjamin Franklin, ed. by Albert Henry Smyth (New York, 1905-1907), I, 300; (hereafter referred to asWritings). For a scholarly exposition of backgrounds of educational theory in relation to philosophy, especially the cult of progress, see A. O. Hansen'sLiberalism and American Education in the Eighteenth Century, which includes a valuable bibliography. This work, however, slights Franklin and Jefferson.[i-77]Writings, I, 312.[i-78]For an exhaustive survey of the means Franklin pursued to educate himself, and suggestive notes on his ideas of education, see F. N. Thorpe'sBenjamin Franklin and the University of Pennsylvania, chaps. I-II, 9-203. See also Thomas Woody'sEducational Views of Benjamin Franklin(New York, 1931), which in addition to relevant selections from Franklin's works contains stimulating observations by the editor.[i-79]Writings, I, 323.[i-80]Essays to do Good, with an Introductory Essay by Andrew Thomson (Glasgow, 1825 [1710]), 189.[i-81]Ibid., 102.[i-82]Ibid., 192-3.[i-83]See his letter to Samuel Mather, May 12, 1784 (Writings, IX, 208-10).[i-84]The Works of Daniel Defoe, ed. by Wm. Hazlitt (London, 1843), I.[i-85]Franklin, the Apostle of Modern Times, 119. Also see his "Learned Societies in Europe and America in the Eighteenth Century,"American Historical Review, XXXVII, 258 (1932), in which he suggests that the Junto "had Masonic leanings."[i-86]These and others quoted in Woody,op. cit., 45-6 (reprinted from Sparks,The Works of Benjamin Franklin, II, 9-10).[i-87]Writings, II, 88.[i-88]Ibid., II, 89.[i-89]Ibid.[i-90]Ibid., II, 90.[i-91]Questions suggestive of the Junto's interest in moral, political, and philosophical topics are: "Is self-interest the rudder that steers mankind, the universal monarch to whom all are tributaries?" which causes one to suspect that Franklin had challenged his friends withThe Fable of the Bees; "Can any one particular form of government suit all mankind?" which may have stirred controversies in the Junto between logical relativists and historic absolutists, the realists and those motivated by a priori abstractions, as, for example, in the Burke-Paine intellectual duel; "Whether it ought to be the aim of philosophy to eradicate the passions?" which may tend to suggest that Franklin would gear philosophy to moral action rather than to arid metaphysics.[i-92]Writings, I, 312.[i-93]Ibid., I, 322.[i-94]Since writing this the editors have noted Morais's fragmentary use of the Company's catalogues inDeism In Eighteenth Century America. For popular accounts of the general character and function of the Company see L. Stockton, "The Old Philadelphia Library,"Our Continent, Oct., 1882, 452-9; J. M. Read, Jr., "The Old Philadelphia Library,"Atlantic Monthly, March, 1868, 299-312; B. Samuel, "The Father of American Libraries,"Century Magazine, May, 1883, 81-6. The ablest survey is G. M. Abbot'sA Short History of the Library Company of Philadelphia. He lists, however, only the first books ordered in 1732 through Peter Collinson.[i-95]Cited in Abbot,op. cit., 5.[i-96]Photostat used as source is in the William Smith Mason Collection in Evanston, Ill.[i-97]"The Letters and Papers of Cadwallader Colden, Vol. II, 1730-1742,"Collections of the New York Historical Society(New York, 1919), II, 146-7. See also A. M. Keys,Cadwallader Colden: A Representative Eighteenth-Century Official(New York, 1906), 6-7.[i-98]American Philosophy: The Early Schools, 330.[i-99]An Historical Account of the Origin and Formation of the American Philosophical Society(Philadelphia, 1914); J. G. Rosengarten, in "The American Philosophical Society," tends to agree with Du Ponceau.[i-100]Writings, II, 229.[i-101]The History of the Royal Society of London ...(2d ed., London, 1702), 61.[i-102]Ibid., 64.[i-103]Writings, II, 230.[i-104]In 1750 he wrote: "Nor is it of much importance to us, to know the manner in which nature executes her laws; 'tis enough if we know the laws themselves. 'Tis of real use to know that china left in the air unsupported will fall and break; buthowit comes to fall, andwhyit breaks, are matters of speculation. 'Tis a pleasure indeed to know them, but we can preserve our china without it" (Writings, II, 434-5). We remember that even Sir Isaac Newton confessed that "thecauseof gravity is what I do not pretend to know" (Works of Richard Bentley, London, 1838, III, 210). He observed that "Gravity must be caused by an agent acting constantly according to certain laws; but whether this agent be material or immaterial, I have left to the consideration of my readers" (ibid., 212).[i-105]Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, XIII, 247-8 (1889).[i-106]Franklin was unable to prevail upon Johnson to accept the provostship of the Academy. In 1752 he printed Johnson'sElementa Philosophicaand suggested inIdea of the English Schoolthat it be used in the Academy. In a letter of 1754 Franklin informs Johnson that the grammatical and mathematical parts were already being usedâ€”the rest would be when the instructors and pupils were ready for it (E. E. Beardsley,Life and Correspondence of S. Johnson, D. D., 2d ed., New York, 1874, 180-1). In theElementa PhilosophicaJohnson stresses the use of mathematics in man's study of nature (p. xv). Through mathematics, an indispensable aid in "considering that wonderful and amazing Power, that All-comprehending Wisdom, that inimitable Beauty, that surprizing Harmony, that immutable Order, which abundantly discover themselves in the Formation and Government of the Universe, we are led to their divine Original, who is the unexhausted Source, the glorious Fountain of all Perfection ..." (ibid., xiii). TheElementais a rhapsodic manual extolling the discovery of the Deity in his Work, through the study of the physical laws of the creation. Although subordinated to this, there are frequent reactions against Lockian sensationalism, suggesting an ecstatic mystical union between man and God. On the whole, the volume is a treatise on the glories of a natural religion (a religion of course which buttresses rather than refutes scriptural religion).[i-107]Quoted in T. H. Montgomery'sA History of the University of Pennsylvania, 396. Smith's educational principles may be partially seen in his "View of the Philosophy Schools" (1754) printed in H. W. Smith'sLife and Correspondence of the Rev. William Smith(Philadelphia, 1879), I, 59 f. Although he conceived Nature as affording only "those fainter exhibitions of the Deity" (I, 156), he was a sturdy orthodox rationalist, tending toward, yet not embracing deism. Emphasizing the principal writings of Barrow, Maclaurin, Watts, Keill, Locke, Hutcheson, 'sGravesande, Martin, Desaguliers, Rohault (Clarke's edition), Ray, Derham, and Sir Isaac Newton, Smith suggests the rationalist who buttresses scriptural revelation with the evidences of Deity through discovery by reason of the Workman in the Work. HisDiscourses on Public Occasions in America(2d ed., London, 1762) are the result "of his office as Head of a seminary of learning [Philadelphia Academy and College]; in order to advance the interests of Science, and therewith the interests of true Christianity" (p. vi). "A General Idea of the College of Mirania" (1762), though written about 1752 while Smith was in New York, suggests the form of his "View": he observes that "besides his revealed will, God has given intimations of his will to us, by appealing to our senses in the constitution of our nature, and the constitution and harmony of the material universe" (Discourses, 44). The same titles and authors are listed as in the "View." A Newtonian rationalist, Smith meditated: "All thy works, with unceasing voice, echo forth thy wondrous praises. The splendid sun, with the unnumbered orbs of heaven, thro' the pathless void, repeat their unwearied circuits, that, to the uttermost bounds of the universe, they may proclaim Thee the source of justest order and unabating harmony" (ibid., 155). Smith arrived at his principles of rationalism apparently without indebtedness to Franklin: there seems to be no evidence that as provost he was merely attempting to fulfill the scientific and rationalistic ideas latent in Franklin'sProposals, that he was a tool in Franklin's hands. Indeed, they were anything but friendly to one another. Hence, one feels that the credit for the relatively modern curriculum should be given more abundantly to Smith than to Franklin.[i-108]Writings, II, 388.[i-109]Montgomery,op. cit., 254 note.[i-110]Writings, II, 9-14.[i-111]Writings, X, 29.[i-112]Ibid., X, 31. Compare similar views in Benjamin Rush's "Observations upon the Study of the Latin and Greek Languages," inEssays, Literary, Moral and Philosophical(Philadelphia, 1798), and Francis Hopkinson's "An Address to the American Philosophical Society," inMiscellaneous Essays and Occasional Writings(Philadelphia, 1792), I.[i-113]Writings, IV, 22.[i-114]Ibid., VI, 153.[i-115]Quoted in J. B. Bury'sThe Idea of Progress, 104. See also Lois Whitney'sPrimitivism and the Idea of Progress, especially chap. V.[i-116]Bury,op. cit., 96.

[i-1]The Works of John Adams, ed. by C. F. Adams (Boston, 1856), f, 660.

[i-2]W. P. Trent, "Benjamin Franklin,"McClure's Magazine, VIII, 273 (Jan., 1897).

[i-3]Cited in C. R. Weld'sHistory of the Royal Society(London, 1848), I, 146. For Baconian influence see I, 57 f. See also Edwin Greenlaw, "The New Science and English Literature in the Seventeenth Century,"Johns Hopkins Alumni Magazine, XIII, 331-59 (1925). Of dominant tendencies he stresses (a) a "new realism, or sense of fact and reliance on observation and experiment"; (b) the disregard for authority in favor of free inquiry; and (c) the development of faith in progress, inspiring men to improve their worldly condition.

[i-4]E. A. Burtt,The Metaphysical Foundations of Modern Physical Science, 208. Newtonianism as a method and a philosophy has been ably examined by recent scholars. See, for examples, C. Becker,The Declaration of Independence, especially chap. II, andThe Heavenly City of the Eighteenth-Century Philosophers; and in Bibliography, pp. cli ff., below, W. M. Horton (chap. II); C. S. Duncan; H. Drennon; L. Bloch; E. HalÃ©vy. See also Isabel St. John Bliss, "Young'sNight Thoughtsin Relation to Contemporary Christian Apologetics,"Publications of the Modern Language Association, XLIX, 37-70 (March, 1934); J. H. Randall,The Making of the Modern Mind(Boston, 1926), chap. X ff.; H. H. Clark, "An Historical Interpretation of Thomas Paine's Religion,"University of California Chronicle, XXXV, 56-87 (Jan., 1933), and "Toward a Reinterpretation of Thomas Paine,"American Literature, V, 133-45 (May, 1933).

[i-5]Burtt,op. cit.223.

[i-6]Article, "Deism."

[i-7]Article, "Nature."

[i-8]P. Smith,A History of Modern Culture(New York, 1934), II, 17-8.

[i-9]See S. Hefelbower,The Relation of John Locke to English Deism.

[i-10]Primitivism and the Idea of Progress in English Popular Literature of the Eighteenth Century, 168-9: "One inference that might be drawn from the theory was that while the infant whose mind is a blank page at birth is not so well off from the primitivistic point of view as the one who comes into the world already equipped with a complete set of the laws of nature and a predisposition to obey them, he is infinitely better off than the infant whose poor little mind had been loaded with original sin by his remote ancestors. For the orthodox baby, born in sin, there is almost no hope, except in supernatural aid; but if we suppose that man's ideas are all derived, as Locke postulated, from sense-impressions, then we may conclude that all men, rich and poor, primitive and civilized, are on an equal footing intellectually at birth. Although the primitive child does not have the help of civilization in the development of his mind, neither does he have its superstitions, prejudices, and corrupting influences; and he might actually be better off than the product of civilizationâ€”at least so many a primitivist argued. But one might draw another inference from thetabula rasatheory. Men, however corrupt they are now, may still have a chance of regeneration if their mind is really like blank paper at birth." For eighteenth-century primitivism see also H. N. Fairchild,The Noble Savage(New York, 1928).

[i-11]H. J. Laski,Political Thought in England from Locke to Bentham(New York, 1920), 9. See also W. A. Dunning,A History of Political Theories from Luther to Montesquieu; G. S. Veitch,Genesis of Parliamentary Reform; and G. P. Gooch,English Democratic Ideas in the Seventeenth Century(2d ed., Cambridge, England, 1927).

[i-12]K. Martin,French Liberal Thought in the Eighteenth Century, 13.

[i-13]See J. B. Bury,The Idea of Progress, chap. VIII; and J. Morley,Diderot and the EncyclopÃ¦dists, I, 6: "The great central moral of it all was this: that human nature is good, that the world is capable of being made a desirable abiding-place, and that the evil of the world is the fruit of bad education and bad institutions."

[i-14]"Shaftesbury and the Ethical Poets in England, 1700-1760,"Publications of the Modern Language Association, XXXI (N. S.XXIV), 277 (June, 1916).

[i-15]See Bury,op. cit.; Whitney,op. cit.; and J. Delvaille,Essai sur l'histoire de l'idÃ©e de progrÃ¨s(Paris, 1910).

[i-16]R. Crane, "Anglican Apologetics and the Idea of Progress, 1699-1745,"Modern Philology, XXXI, 273-306 (Feb., 1934), and 349-82 (May, 1934).

[i-17]The Heavenly City of the Eighteenth-Century Philosophers, 30-1.

[i-18]N. L. Torrey,Voltaire and the English Deists.

[i-19]D. Mornet,French Thought in the Eighteenth Century, 50-1. Also see hisLes sciences de la nature en France au XVIIIesiÃ¨cle(Paris, 1911), and R. L. Cru,Diderot as a Disciple of English Thought(New York, 1913). See Morley,op. cit., I, 31 ff., and Martin,op. cit.

[i-20]An Account of the Destruction of the Jesuits in France(Glasgow, 1766), 61.

[i-21]Consult M. Roustan,The Pioneers of the French Revolution, and L. Ducros,French Society in the Eighteenth Century.

[i-22]Quoted in J. Fiske'sThe Beginnings of New England, 73. For the seventeenth-century New England way, see especially F. H. Foster,A Genetic History of the New England Theology(Chicago, 1907); P. Miller,Orthodoxy in Massachusetts, 1630-1650: A Genetic Study(Cambridge, Mass., 1933); B. Wendell,Cotton Mather, The Puritan Priest; I. W. Riley,American Philosophy: The Early Schools, 3-58 andpassim; H. W. Schneider,The Puritan Mind; J. Haroutunian,Piety versus Moralism; R. and L. Boas,Cotton Mather: Keeper of the Puritan Conscience(New York, 1928). See Bk. V of Mather'sMagnalia, "prose epic of New England Puritanism" (B. Wendell,Literary History of America, 50).

[i-23]Prior to the Treaty of Paris (1763) the American colonies were indebted primarily to English liberalism for ideas subversive of colonial orthodoxy. If works of FÃ©nelon, Fontenelle, Bayle, Voltaire, and Rousseau are occasionally found in the colonies prior to 1763, these are dwarfed beside the impact of such English minds as those of Trenchard and Gordon, Collins, Wollaston, Tillotson, Boyle, Shaftesbury, Locke, and Newton. It was only in the twilight of the century that French liberalism, itself nursed on English speculation, began to impinge on the thought-life of the colonies. See H. M. Jones,America and French Culture. Also see L. Rosenthal, "Rousseau at Philadelphia,"Magazine of American History, VII, 46-55. See works of Riley, Koch, Gohdes, Morais, in Bibliography, pp. cli ff., below.

[i-24]Fiske,op. cit., 124.

[i-25]F. J. Turner,The Frontier in American History(New York, 1920), 30.

[i-26]Ibid., 38.

[i-27]Whitney,op. cit., 83-4.

[i-28]See R. M. Jones,The Quakers in the American Colonies(London, 1921).

[i-29]T. Hornberger's "The Date, the Source, and the Significance of Cotton Mather's Interest in Science,"American Literature, VI, 413-20 (Jan., 1935), offers evidence to show that Mather's thought in this work is latent in earlier works.

[i-30]K. Murdock (ed.),Selections from Cotton Mather(New York, 1926), xlix-l; see G. L. Kittredge items (Murdock, lxii), and Hornberger,op. cit.

[i-31]Murdock,op. cit., 286.

[i-32]Ibid., 292.

[i-33]Ibid., 349.

[i-34]Riley,op. cit., 196.

[i-35]Quoted in H. M. Morais,Deism in Eighteenth Century America, 25.

[i-36]Ibid., 17. See also G. A. Koch,Republican Religion.

[i-37]Travels in North America, in the Years 1780, 1781, and 1782(London, 1787), I, 445.

[i-38]F. E. Brasch, "Newton's First Critical Disciple in the American Coloniesâ€”John Winthrop," inSir Isaac Newton, 1727-1927(Baltimore, 1928), 301.

[i-39]H. and C. Schneider (eds.),Samuel Johnson, President of Kings College: His Career and Writings(New York, 1929), I, 6.

[i-40]Ibid., I, 8-9. It will be remembered that Thomas Young was struck with science and deism while at Yale: he it was who introduced liberal ideas to that militant prince of deists (with Thomas Paine), Ethan Allen.

[i-41]Jacobus Rohaultus physica Latine reddita et annotata ex, Js. Newtonii principiis(1697).

[i-42]Literary Diary, I, 556 (1775).

[i-43]D. Stimson,The Gradual Acceptance of the Copernican Theory, 48.

[i-44]See S. E. Morison, "The Harvard School of Astronomy in the Seventeenth Century,"New England Quarterly, VII, 3 (March, 1934).

[i-45]Ibid., 7. In 1672 Harvard received her first telescope. Such men as Winthrop and Thomas Brattle were actively interested in science.

[i-46]F. Cajori,The Teaching and History of Mathematics in the United States, U. S. Bureau of Education, Circular of Information, No. 3, 1890 (Washington, D. C.), 22.

[i-47]Brasch,op. cit., 308.

[i-48]Dictionary of American Biography, VII, 591-2.

[i-49]The Newtonian System of the World ...(Westminster, 1728), 30.

[i-50]Ibid., 6.

[i-51]See J. Quincy,History of Harvard University(Boston, 1860 [1840]), II, 4-21.

[i-52]Jan. 12, 1727, Feb. 23, and others. Also see June 13 and July 11 of 1734.

[i-53]See advertisements inBoston Gazette, June 17-24, 1734, quoted in W. G. Bleyer'sMain Currents in the History of American Journalism, 73-4.

[i-54]Op. cit., 25.

[i-55]Literary Diary, II, 334.

[i-56]Through the kindness of the Hollis family, Harvard (by 1764) gained a remarkable collection of scientific instruments, possessed the Boylean lectures, Transactions of the Royal Society and of the Academy of Science in Paris, the works of Boyle and Newton, "with a great variety of other mathematical and philosophical treatises" (Quincy,op. cit., II, 481). Notable among these items are Chambers'sCyclopÃ¦dia, received in 1743, and Pemberton'sView of Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy, in 1752.

[i-57]A. Bradford,Memoir of the Life and Writings of Rev. Jonathan Mayhew ...(Boston, 1838), 18-9, 46.

[i-58]Ibid., 50.

[i-59]Ibid., 305. Mayhew is on record as saying: "The inspired scriptures are our only rule of faith and conduct" (ibid., 140).

[i-60]Ibid., 75. On the other hand, he reacts against what deism and orthodox rationalism commonly became: "A religion consisting in nothing but a knowledge of God's attributes, and an external conduct agreeable to his laws, would be a lifeless, insipid thing. It would be neither a source of happiness to ourselves, nor recommend us to the approbation of him, who requires us 'to give him our hearts.'"

[i-61]Ibid., 464.

[i-62]Two Discourses Delivered Oct. 9th, 1760 ...(Boston, 1760), 66.

[i-63]Election-Sermon, May 27, 1747 (Boston, 1747), 9.

[i-64]A Sermon[election], May 31, 1769 (Boston, 1769), 5.

[i-65]Election-Sermon, May 30, 1781 (Boston, 1781), 4.

[i-66]Election-Sermon, May 28, 1783 (Boston, 1783), 29.

[i-67]Ibid., 54.

[i-68]Election-Sermon, May 31, 1780 (Boston, 1780), 21.

[i-69]Election-Sermon, May 27, 1778 (Boston, 1778), 7.

[i-70]Election-Sermon, May 29, 1765 (Boston, 1765), 17.

[i-71]Life of Ezra Stiles(Boston, 1798),passim; see especially pp. 34-54.

[i-72]See hisUnited States Elevated to Glory and Honour ..., May 8, 1783 (Worcester, 1785).

[i-73]SeeLiterary Diaryfor his inveterate interest in science and the laws of nature; see also I. M. Calder (ed.),Letters & Papers of Ezra Stiles ...(New Haven, 1933).

[i-74]See Hornberger,op. cit., 419.

[i-75]For full backgrounds, see G. P. Gooch,English Democratic Ideas in the Seventeenth Century, W. A. Dunning,A History of Political Theories from Luther to Montesquieu; H. L. Osgood, "Political Ideas of the Puritans,"Political Science Quarterly, VI, 1-29, 201-31; Mellen Chamberlain,John Adams ... with Other Essays(Boston, 1898), especially pp. 19-53, stressing the influence of Puritanism on political liberalism; Alice Baldwin,The New England Clergy and the American Revolution; J. W. Thornton,The Pulpit of the American Revolution(Boston, 1860), a collection of election sermons edited with an extensive introduction; C. H. Van Tyne, "The Influence of the Clergy ... in the American Revolution,"American Historical Review, XIX, 44-64. In stressing the influence on Franklin of European ideas, it is important to remember that, as we shall see, it is probable that some of Franklin's interest in doing good (charity), in science, and in democracy may have been inspired by his exposure during his formative years to American Puritanism.

[i-76]The Writings of Benjamin Franklin, ed. by Albert Henry Smyth (New York, 1905-1907), I, 300; (hereafter referred to asWritings). For a scholarly exposition of backgrounds of educational theory in relation to philosophy, especially the cult of progress, see A. O. Hansen'sLiberalism and American Education in the Eighteenth Century, which includes a valuable bibliography. This work, however, slights Franklin and Jefferson.

[i-77]Writings, I, 312.

[i-78]For an exhaustive survey of the means Franklin pursued to educate himself, and suggestive notes on his ideas of education, see F. N. Thorpe'sBenjamin Franklin and the University of Pennsylvania, chaps. I-II, 9-203. See also Thomas Woody'sEducational Views of Benjamin Franklin(New York, 1931), which in addition to relevant selections from Franklin's works contains stimulating observations by the editor.

[i-79]Writings, I, 323.

[i-80]Essays to do Good, with an Introductory Essay by Andrew Thomson (Glasgow, 1825 [1710]), 189.

[i-81]Ibid., 102.

[i-82]Ibid., 192-3.

[i-83]See his letter to Samuel Mather, May 12, 1784 (Writings, IX, 208-10).

[i-84]The Works of Daniel Defoe, ed. by Wm. Hazlitt (London, 1843), I.

[i-85]Franklin, the Apostle of Modern Times, 119. Also see his "Learned Societies in Europe and America in the Eighteenth Century,"American Historical Review, XXXVII, 258 (1932), in which he suggests that the Junto "had Masonic leanings."

[i-86]These and others quoted in Woody,op. cit., 45-6 (reprinted from Sparks,The Works of Benjamin Franklin, II, 9-10).

[i-87]Writings, II, 88.

[i-88]Ibid., II, 89.

[i-89]Ibid.

[i-90]Ibid., II, 90.

[i-91]Questions suggestive of the Junto's interest in moral, political, and philosophical topics are: "Is self-interest the rudder that steers mankind, the universal monarch to whom all are tributaries?" which causes one to suspect that Franklin had challenged his friends withThe Fable of the Bees; "Can any one particular form of government suit all mankind?" which may have stirred controversies in the Junto between logical relativists and historic absolutists, the realists and those motivated by a priori abstractions, as, for example, in the Burke-Paine intellectual duel; "Whether it ought to be the aim of philosophy to eradicate the passions?" which may tend to suggest that Franklin would gear philosophy to moral action rather than to arid metaphysics.

[i-92]Writings, I, 312.

[i-93]Ibid., I, 322.

[i-94]Since writing this the editors have noted Morais's fragmentary use of the Company's catalogues inDeism In Eighteenth Century America. For popular accounts of the general character and function of the Company see L. Stockton, "The Old Philadelphia Library,"Our Continent, Oct., 1882, 452-9; J. M. Read, Jr., "The Old Philadelphia Library,"Atlantic Monthly, March, 1868, 299-312; B. Samuel, "The Father of American Libraries,"Century Magazine, May, 1883, 81-6. The ablest survey is G. M. Abbot'sA Short History of the Library Company of Philadelphia. He lists, however, only the first books ordered in 1732 through Peter Collinson.

[i-95]Cited in Abbot,op. cit., 5.

[i-96]Photostat used as source is in the William Smith Mason Collection in Evanston, Ill.

[i-97]"The Letters and Papers of Cadwallader Colden, Vol. II, 1730-1742,"Collections of the New York Historical Society(New York, 1919), II, 146-7. See also A. M. Keys,Cadwallader Colden: A Representative Eighteenth-Century Official(New York, 1906), 6-7.

[i-98]American Philosophy: The Early Schools, 330.

[i-99]An Historical Account of the Origin and Formation of the American Philosophical Society(Philadelphia, 1914); J. G. Rosengarten, in "The American Philosophical Society," tends to agree with Du Ponceau.

[i-100]Writings, II, 229.

[i-101]The History of the Royal Society of London ...(2d ed., London, 1702), 61.

[i-102]Ibid., 64.

[i-103]Writings, II, 230.

[i-104]In 1750 he wrote: "Nor is it of much importance to us, to know the manner in which nature executes her laws; 'tis enough if we know the laws themselves. 'Tis of real use to know that china left in the air unsupported will fall and break; buthowit comes to fall, andwhyit breaks, are matters of speculation. 'Tis a pleasure indeed to know them, but we can preserve our china without it" (Writings, II, 434-5). We remember that even Sir Isaac Newton confessed that "thecauseof gravity is what I do not pretend to know" (Works of Richard Bentley, London, 1838, III, 210). He observed that "Gravity must be caused by an agent acting constantly according to certain laws; but whether this agent be material or immaterial, I have left to the consideration of my readers" (ibid., 212).

[i-105]Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, XIII, 247-8 (1889).

[i-106]Franklin was unable to prevail upon Johnson to accept the provostship of the Academy. In 1752 he printed Johnson'sElementa Philosophicaand suggested inIdea of the English Schoolthat it be used in the Academy. In a letter of 1754 Franklin informs Johnson that the grammatical and mathematical parts were already being usedâ€”the rest would be when the instructors and pupils were ready for it (E. E. Beardsley,Life and Correspondence of S. Johnson, D. D., 2d ed., New York, 1874, 180-1). In theElementa PhilosophicaJohnson stresses the use of mathematics in man's study of nature (p. xv). Through mathematics, an indispensable aid in "considering that wonderful and amazing Power, that All-comprehending Wisdom, that inimitable Beauty, that surprizing Harmony, that immutable Order, which abundantly discover themselves in the Formation and Government of the Universe, we are led to their divine Original, who is the unexhausted Source, the glorious Fountain of all Perfection ..." (ibid., xiii). TheElementais a rhapsodic manual extolling the discovery of the Deity in his Work, through the study of the physical laws of the creation. Although subordinated to this, there are frequent reactions against Lockian sensationalism, suggesting an ecstatic mystical union between man and God. On the whole, the volume is a treatise on the glories of a natural religion (a religion of course which buttresses rather than refutes scriptural religion).

[i-107]Quoted in T. H. Montgomery'sA History of the University of Pennsylvania, 396. Smith's educational principles may be partially seen in his "View of the Philosophy Schools" (1754) printed in H. W. Smith'sLife and Correspondence of the Rev. William Smith(Philadelphia, 1879), I, 59 f. Although he conceived Nature as affording only "those fainter exhibitions of the Deity" (I, 156), he was a sturdy orthodox rationalist, tending toward, yet not embracing deism. Emphasizing the principal writings of Barrow, Maclaurin, Watts, Keill, Locke, Hutcheson, 'sGravesande, Martin, Desaguliers, Rohault (Clarke's edition), Ray, Derham, and Sir Isaac Newton, Smith suggests the rationalist who buttresses scriptural revelation with the evidences of Deity through discovery by reason of the Workman in the Work. HisDiscourses on Public Occasions in America(2d ed., London, 1762) are the result "of his office as Head of a seminary of learning [Philadelphia Academy and College]; in order to advance the interests of Science, and therewith the interests of true Christianity" (p. vi). "A General Idea of the College of Mirania" (1762), though written about 1752 while Smith was in New York, suggests the form of his "View": he observes that "besides his revealed will, God has given intimations of his will to us, by appealing to our senses in the constitution of our nature, and the constitution and harmony of the material universe" (Discourses, 44). The same titles and authors are listed as in the "View." A Newtonian rationalist, Smith meditated: "All thy works, with unceasing voice, echo forth thy wondrous praises. The splendid sun, with the unnumbered orbs of heaven, thro' the pathless void, repeat their unwearied circuits, that, to the uttermost bounds of the universe, they may proclaim Thee the source of justest order and unabating harmony" (ibid., 155). Smith arrived at his principles of rationalism apparently without indebtedness to Franklin: there seems to be no evidence that as provost he was merely attempting to fulfill the scientific and rationalistic ideas latent in Franklin'sProposals, that he was a tool in Franklin's hands. Indeed, they were anything but friendly to one another. Hence, one feels that the credit for the relatively modern curriculum should be given more abundantly to Smith than to Franklin.

[i-108]Writings, II, 388.

[i-109]Montgomery,op. cit., 254 note.

[i-110]Writings, II, 9-14.

[i-111]Writings, X, 29.

[i-112]Ibid., X, 31. Compare similar views in Benjamin Rush's "Observations upon the Study of the Latin and Greek Languages," inEssays, Literary, Moral and Philosophical(Philadelphia, 1798), and Francis Hopkinson's "An Address to the American Philosophical Society," inMiscellaneous Essays and Occasional Writings(Philadelphia, 1792), I.

[i-113]Writings, IV, 22.

[i-114]Ibid., VI, 153.

[i-115]Quoted in J. B. Bury'sThe Idea of Progress, 104. See also Lois Whitney'sPrimitivism and the Idea of Progress, especially chap. V.

[i-116]Bury,op. cit., 96.

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