[215]ll. 2570etc.[216]intrepidum mentis habitum retinere memento.[217]ll. 2663etc.[218]Cf.Beowulf, 2705:forwrāt Wedra helm wyrm on middan.[219]Cf.Cotton. Gnomic verses, ll. 26-7:Draca sceal on hlǣwe: frōd, frætwum wlanc.[220]virusque profundens:wearp wæl-fȳre, 2582.[221]implicitus gyris serpens crebrisque reflexusorbibus et caudae sinuosa volumina ducensmultiplicesque agitans spiras.Cf.Beowulf, 2567-8, 2569, 2561 (hring-boga), 2827 (wōhbogen).[222]Volospá, 172-3 inCorpus Poeticum Boreale.I, 200.[223]Cf. on this Olrik,Heltedigtning,I, 305-15.[224]Panzer,Beowulf, 313.[225]A further and more specific parallel between Lotherus and Heremod has been pointed out by Sarrazin (Anglia,XIX, 392). It seems fromBeowulfthat Heremod went into exile (ll. 1714-15), and apparentlymid Eotenum(l. 902) which (in view of the use of the wordEotena,Eotenum, in theFinnsburgepisode) very probably means "among the Jutes." A late Scandinavian document tells us thatLotherus ... superatus in Jutiam profugit(Messenius,Scondia illustrata, printed 1700, but written about 1620).[226]Pointed out by Panzer. A possible parallel to the old man who hides his treasure is discussed by Bugge and Olrik inDania,I, 233-245 (1890-92).[227]Cf. Ettmüller,Scopas and Boceras, 1850, p. ix;Carmen de Beovvulfi rebus gestis, 1875, p. iii.[228]P.B.B.XI, 167-170.[229]Sarrazin,Der Schauplatz des ersten Beowulfliedes(P.B.B.XI, 170etc.); Sievers,Die Heimat des Beowulfdichters(P.B.B.XI, 354etc.); Sarrazin,Altnordisches im Beowulfliede(P.B.B.XI, 528etc.); Sievers,Altnordisches im Beowulf?(P.B.B.XII, 168etc.)[230]Beovulf-Studien, 68.[231]Sarrazin has countered this argument by urging that since the present day Swedes and Danes have better manners than the English, they therefore presumably had better manners already in the eighth century. I admit the premises, but deny the deduction.[232]Sedgefield,Beowulf(1st ed.), p. 27.[233]Schück,Studier i Beovulfsagan, 41.[234]The briefFata Apostolorumis doubted by Sievers (Anglia,XIII, 24).[235]Two of these occur twice:hātan heolfre, 1423, 849;nīowan stefne, 1789, 2594; the rest once only, 141, 561, 963, 977, 1104, 1502, 1505, 1542, 1746, 2102, 2290, 2347, 2440, 2482, 2492, 2692. See Barnouw, 51.[236]74, 99, 122, 257, 390, 412.[237]Christ, 510.[238]Lichtenheld omits 2011,se mǣra mago Healfdenes, inserting instead 1474, where the same phrase occurs, but with a vocative force.[239]758, 813, 2011, 2587, 2928, 2971, 2977, 3120.[240]1199.[241]102, 713, 919, 997, 1016, 1448, 1984, 2255, 2264, 2675, 3024, 3028, 3097.[242]Saintsbury inShort History of English Literature,I.3.[243]Morsbach, 270.[244]Morsbach, 271.[245]Chadwick,Heroic Age, 4.[246]"Thus in place of the expressionto widan feorewe find occasionallywidan feorein the same sense, and even inBeowulfwe meet withwidan feorh, which is not improbably the oldest form of the phrase. Before the loss of the final-uit [widan feorhu] would be a perfectly regular half verse, but the operation of this change would render it impossible and necessitate the substitution of a synonymous expression. In principle, it should be observed, the assumption of such substitutions seems to be absolutely necessary, unless we are prepared to deny that any old poems or even verses survived the period of apocope." Chadwick,Heroic Age, pp. 46-7.[247]Heroic Age, 46.[248]Birch,Cart. Sax.No. 81. See Morsbach, 260.[249]The most important examples beingbreguntford(Birch,Cart. Sax.No. 115, dating between 693 and 731; perhaps 705):heffledin the life of St Gregory written by a Whitby monk apparently before 713:-garon the Bewcastle Column, earlier than the end of the first quarter of the eighth century and perhaps much earlier: and many names infordandfeldin the MooreMSof Bede'sEcclesiastical History(aMSwritten about 737).[250]An English Miscellany presented to Dr Furnivall, 370.[251]Grienberger,Anglia,XXVII, 448.[252]i.e.flodu ahofmight stand forflōd u[p] ăhōf, as is suggested by Chadwick,Heroic Age, 69.[253]In the Franks casketbalready appears asf, and thenofsefu, "seven," has been lost.[254]Birch,Cart. Sax.No. 45.[255]Chadwick,Heroic Age, 67: "In personal names we must clearly allow for traditional orthography." Morsbach admits this in another connection (p. 259).[256]Lübke's preface to Müllenhoff'sBeovulf. Both the tendencies specially associated with Müllenhoff's name—the "mythologizing" and the "dissecting"—are due to the influence of Lachmann. It must be frankly admitted that on these subjects Müllenhoff did not begin his studies with an open mind.[257]"Es ist einfach genug"—Beovulf, 110.[258]Möller,V.E.140: cf. Schücking,B.R.14.[259]Earle,Deeds of Beowulf, xlix (an excellent criticism of Müllenhoff).[260]Heusler,Lied u. Epos, 26.[261]Epic and Romance, Chap.II, § 2.[262]Ballad and Epic, 311-12.[263]Beowulfs Rückkehr, 1905.[264]e.g.Genesis.[265]Chap.IV, pp. 29-33.[266]Chap.V, pp. 34-41.[267]Chap.VI, cf. esp. p. 50.[268]In the portion which Schücking excludes, we twice havegǣð=gāið(2034, 2055). Elsewhere in theReturnwe havedōn=dōan(2166) whilstfrēa(1934),Hondsciō(2076) need to be considered.[269]2069.[270]2093.[271]Satzverknüpfung im Beowulf, 139.[272]Þȳlǣs= "lest" (1918);acin direct question (1990);þāoccurring unsupported late in the sentence (2192);forþām(1957) [see Sievers inP.B.B.XXIX, 313];swā= "since," "because" (2184). But Schücking admits in his edition two other instances offorþām(146 and 2645), so this can hardly count.[273]hȳrde icas introducing a statement, 62, 2163, 2172;sið ðan ǣrest, 6, 1947.[274]A similar use ofþā, 1078, 1988; cf. 1114, 1125, 2135.[275]hæbbe, 1928;gēong, 2019.[276]þurfe, 2495.[277]Schücking, Chap.VIII.[278]Cf. Brandl in HerrigsArchiv,CXV, 421 (1905).[279]e.g. Blackburn inPub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.XII, 204-225; Bradley in theEncyc. Brit.III, 760; Chadwick,H.A.49; Clarke,Sidelights, 10.[280]Chadwick, inCambridge History,I, 30.[281]We may refer especially to the account of Attila's funeral given by Jordanes. [Mr Chadwick's note.][282]Chadwick inThe Heroic Age, 53.[283]It is adopted, e.g., by Clarke,Sidelights, 8.[284]Yet this is very doubtful: see Leeds,Archæology, 27, 74.[285]Notably in BookVIII(ed. Holder, 264) and BookIII(ed. Holder, 74).[286]'Fasta fornlämningar i Beowulf,' inAnt. Tidskrift för Sverige,XVIII, 4, 64.[287]See Schücking,Das angelsächsische Totenklaglied, inEngl. Stud.XXXIX, 1-13.[288]Blackburn, inPub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.Cf. Hart,Ballad and Epic, 175.[289]Clark Hall, xlvii.[290]Blackburn, as above, p. 126.[291]Chadwick, inCambridge History,I, 30.[292]Clark Hall, xlvii. See, to the contrary, Klaeber inAnglia,XXXVI, 196.[293]This point is fully developed by Brandl, 1002-3. As Brandl points out, if we want to find a parallel to the hero Beowulf, saving his people from their temporal and ghostly foes, we must look, not to the other heroes of Old English heroic poetry, such as Waldhere or Hengest, but to Moses in the Old EnglishExodus. [Since this was written the essentially Christian character ofBeowulfhas been further, and I think finally, demonstrated by Klaeber, in the last section of his article onDie Christlichen Elemente im Beowulf, inAnglia,XXXVI; see especially 194-199.][294]Cf.Beowulf, ll. 180etc.[295]Bradley, inEncyc. Brit.[296]Bradley, inEncyc. Brit.III, 760-1.[297]Blackburn, 218.[298]See Finnur Jónsson,Den Norsk-Islandske Skjaldedigtning, B. ii. 473-4.[299]MSA, followed by Magnússon, makes Glambláeygðr, "blue-eyed": Boer readsgráeygðr, considering grey a more uncanny colour.[300]MSA hasfonmorfenm, it is difficult to tell which. Magnússon readsfenum, "morasses."[301]Immediately inside the door of the Icelandic dwelling was theanddyrior vestibule. For want of a better word, I translateanddyriby "porch": but it is a porch inside the building. Opening out of this 'porch' were a number of rooms. Chief among which were theskálior "hall," and thestufaor "sitting room," the latter reached by a passage (gǫng). These were separated from the "porch" by panelling. In the struggle with Glam, Grettir is lying in the hall (skáli), but the panelling has all been broken away from the great cross-beam to which it was fixed. Grettir consequently sees Glam enter the outer door; Glam turns to theskáli, and glares down it, leaning over the cross-beam; then enters the hall, and the struggle begins. See Guðmundssen (V.),Privatbolegen på Island i Sagatiden, 1889.[302]The partition beams (set-stokkar) stood between the middle of theskálior hall and the planked daïs which ran down each side. The strength of the combatants is such that thestokkargive way. Grettir gets no footing to withstand Glam till they reach the outer-door. Here there is a stone set in the ground, which apparently gives a better footing for a push than for a pull. So Grettir changes his tactics, gets a purchase on the stone, and at the same time pushes against Glam's breast, and so dashes Glam's head and shoulders against the lintel of the outer-door.[303]SoMS551a. Magnússon readsdvaldist þar"he stayed there."[304]Meaning that an attack by the evil beings would at least break the monotony.[305]A passage (gǫng) had to be traversed between the door of the room (stufa) and the porch (anddyri).[306]MSSbælt. Boer readsbolat"hewn down."[307]A night troll, if caught by the sunrise, was supposed to turn into stone.[308]Skútamay be acc. of the nounskúti, "overhanging precipice, cave"; or it may be the verb, "hang over." Grettir and his companion see that the sides of the ravine are precipitous (skúta upp) and so clean-cut (meitil-berg: meitill, "a chisel") that they give no hold to the climber. Hence the need for the rope. The translators all takeskútaas acc. ofskúti, which is quite possible: but they are surely wrong when they proceed to identify theskútiwith thehellirbehind the waterfall. For this cave behind the waterfall is introduced in thesagaas something which Grettir discoversafterhe has dived beneath the fall, the fall in front naturally hiding it till then.The verbskútaoccurs elsewhere inGrettis saga, of the glaciers overhanging a valley. Boer's attempt to reconstruct the scene appears to me wrong: cf. Ranisch inA.f.d.A.XXVIII, 217.[309]The old editions readfimm tigir faðma"fifty fathoms": but according to Boer's collation the bestMS(A) read X, whilst four of the five others collated give XV (fimtán). The editors seem dissatisfied with this: yet sixty to ninety feet seems a good enough height for a dive.[310]ok sat þar hjá, not inMSA, nor in Boer's edition.[311]The two poems are given according to the version of William Morris.[312]On his first arrival at Leire, Bjarki had been attacked by, and had slain, the watch-dogs (Rímur,IV, 41): this naturally brings him now into disfavour, and he has to dispute with men.[313]Readingkappana.[314]TheMSShave eitherSandeyarorSaudeyar(Sauðeyar). But thatSandeyaris the correct form is shown by the name Sandø, which is given still to the island of Dollsey, where Orm's fight is localized (Panzer, 403).[315]Literally "she-cat,"ketta; but the word may mean "giantess." It is used in someMSSof theGrettis sagaof the giantess who attacks Grettir at Sandhaugar.[316]See Sweet,Oldest English Texts, 1885, p. 170.[317]SeeCatalogue of MSS. in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridgeby Montague Rhodes James, Camb., 1912, p. 437.[318]SeePublications of the Palæographical Society, 1880, where a facsimile of part of theVespasian MSis given. (Pt. 10, Plate 165: subsequently Ser.I, Vol.II.)[319]So Zimmer,Nennius Vindicatus, Berlin, 1893, pp. 78 etc., and Duchesne (Revue Celtique,XV, 196). Duchesne sums up these genealogies as "un recueil constitué, vers la fin duVIIesiècle, dans le royaume de Strathcluyd, mais complété par diverses retouches, dont la dernière est de 796."[320]This is shown by one of the supplementary Mercian pedigrees being made to end, both in theVespasiangenealogy and theHistoria Brittonum, in Ecgfrith, who reigned for a few months in 796. See Thurneysen (Z.f.d.Ph.XXVIII, 101).[321]Ed. Mommsen, p. 203.[322]Anno 626: a similar genealogy will be found in theseMSSand in the ParkerMS, anno 755 (accession of Offa II).[323]Zimmer (Nennius Vindicatus, p. 84) argues that thisGeta-Wodenpedigree belongs to a portion of theHistoria Brittonumwritten downA.D.685. Thurneysen (Z.f.d.Ph.XXVIII, 103-4) dates the section in which it occurs 679; Duchesne (Revue Celtique,XV, 196) places it more vaguely between the end of the sixth and the beginning of the eighth century; van Hamel (Hoops Reallexikons.v.Nennius) between much the same limits, and clearly before 705.[324]Zimmer (p. 275) saysA.D.796; Duchesne (p. 196)A.D.800; Thurneysen (Zeitschr. f. Celtische Philologie,I, 166)A.D.826; Skene (Four Ancient Books of Wales, 1868,I, 38)A.D.858; van Hamel (p. 304)A.D.820-859. See also Chadwick,Origin, 38.[325]Bradshaw,Investigations among Early Welsh, Breton and Cornish MSS.inCollected Papers, 466.[326]See above, p.196.[327]Cf.Bretwalda.[328]The genealogies have recently been dealt with by E. Hackenberg,Die Stammtafeln der angelsächsischen Königreiche, Berlin, 1918; and by Brandl, (Herrig'sArchiv,CXXXVII, 1-24). Most of Brandl's derivations seem to me to depend upon very perilous conjectures. Thus he derivesScēfingfrom the Gr.-Lat.scapha, "a skiff": a word which was not adopted into Old English. This seems to be sacrificing all probability to the desire to find a new interpretation: and, even so, it is not quite successful. For Riley in theGentleman's Magazine, August, 1857, p. 126, suggested the derivation of the name of Scef from theschifforskiffin which he came.[329]For a list of the Icelandic versions, see Heusler,Die gelehrte Urgeschichte im altisländischen Schrifttum, pp. 18-19, in theAbhandlungen d. preuss. Akad.,Phil. Hist. Klasse, 1908, Berlin.[330]The names are given as in the Trinity Roll (T), collated with Corpus (C) and Moseley (M). For Paris (P) I follow Kemble's report (Postscript to Preface, 1837, pp. vii, viii:Stammtafel der Westsachsen, pp. 18, 31). All seem to agree in writingtforcin Steph and Steldius, and in Boerinus,obviously, as Kemble pointed out, r is written by error for ƿ = Beowinus[orBeowius]; Cinrinicius T, Cinrinicus C, Cininicus P, Siuruncius M; Suethedus TCP, Suechedius M; Gethius T, Thecius M, Ehecius CP; Geate T, Geathe CM, Geathus P.[331]I follow the spelling of the Moseley roll in this note.[332]Dacia= "Denmark":DaciaandDaniawere identified.[333]uocabitur, Gertz;uocatur, allMSS.[334]This account of the peaceful reign of Ro is simply false etymology from Danishro, "rest."[335]Note that Ro (Hrothgar), the son of Haldanus (Healfdene), is here represented as his father. Saxo Grammaticus, combining divergent accounts, as he often does, accordingly mentions two Roes—one the brother of Haldanus, the other his son. See above, pp. 131-2.[336]cum piratica classe, Langebek; theMSShavecum pietate(!) with or withoutclasse.[337]post quem, Holder-Egger, Gertz;postquam, allMSS.[338]Snyo: the viceroy whom Athisl had placed over the Danes.[339]inadded by Gertz; omitted in allMSS.[340]A scribal error fortransalbinas, "beyond the Elbe."[341]Assembly.[342]Island.[343]I have substituteduforv, and have abandoned spellings liketheutones,thezauro,orrifico,charitas,phas(forfas),atlethas,choercuit,iocundum,charum,fœlicissima,nanque,hæreditarii,exoluere.The actual reading of the 1514 text is abandoned by substituting: p. 130, l. 3ingenitiforingenitis(1514); p. 132, l. 22,iacientisforiacentis; p. 134, l. 2,diutinæfordiutiuæ; p. 136, l. 11,fuditforfugit; p. 136, l. 20,utforaut; p. 137, l. 8,ammirationiforammirationis; p. 137, l. 16,offertforaffert; p. 137, l. 17,RoluoniforRouolni; p. 137, l. 27,ministerioforministros; p. 137, l. 33diuturnusfordiuturnius; p. 206, l. 22,diutinamfordiutina; p. 207, l. 3,eiforeique; p. 207, l. 5,destituatfordeficiat; p. 209, l. 2,latereforlatera; p. 209, l. 5,conscisciforconcissi; p. 209, l. 14,defoderatfordefodera.[344]Above this headingBhasGesta Offe Regis merciorum.[345]Arepeatssibiafterconstitueret.[346]Hic Riganus binomin[i]s fuit. Vocabaturenimalio nomine Aliel. Riganusuero a rigore. Huic erat filiusHildebrandus, miles strenuus, ab ense sic dictus. Hunc uoluit pater promouere:Contemporary rubric inA,inserted in the middle of the sketch representing Riganus demanding the kingdom from Warmundus.[347]optat, B.[348]celebri, B; celibri, A.[349]hoc, B.[350]ueheementer, A.[351]ueheementi, A.[352]eciam, B.[353]Added in margin inA;not inB.[354]hecomitted, B.[355]Added in margin inA;not inB.[356]dereliquerunt, B.[357]precipueomitted, B.[358]eiomitted, B.[359]QualmhulvelQualmweldin margin, A.[360]planies, A: planicies,perhaps corrected fromplanies, B.[361]blodifeld, B.[362]Gloria triumphi,in margin, A.[363]tripudium, B; tripuduum, A.[364]scis, A, B.[365]menbra, A.[366]gracias, B.[367]hosstibus, A.[368]romotis, A.[369]congnouerunt, A.[370]Warmandi, A.[371]habenasrepeated afterregniabove inA,but cancelled inB.[372]exaggeret, B.[373]pulcritudinis, B; pulchritudini, A.[374]ingnota, A.[375]euuangelii, B.[376]consingnatas, A.[377]fromB,written over erasure.[378]scribitur, B.[379]Epistola,in margin, A.[380]incongnita, A.[381]dicebant, B.[382]frustratim, A, B.[383]ossium, B.[384]congnouit, A.[385]hocomitted, B.[386]congnicione, A.[387]sui, A.[388]obtemperare, B.[389]menbra, A.[390]qui, AB; quae, Wats.[391]recongnosce, A.[392]sancteetdulcissime, B.[393]utadded above line, A, B.[394]scenobium, A;thesi s erased inB.[395]deo, B[396]tuinfreth, B.[397]scenobio, A; serasedB.[398]de tirannide Beormredi regisMercie, B.[399]fecerat,wanting inA;added in margin, B.[400]Pinefredum, B; Penefredum, A,but withiabove in first case.[401]uariisrepeated, A;secondvariiscancelled, B.[402]considerans, B,inserted in margin; omitted, A.[403]Marcelline, A; Marcell, B.[404]vixisset, B,inserted in margin;omitted, A.[405]Alberto,etc. passim, B.[406]virtutibus,in margin, later hand,A;inB,over erasure.[407]estin margin, A.[408]etomitted, B.[409]innotuerunt, B.[410]in pietatis manu, B.[411]premissimis, A.[412]sinistrum, B.[413]quamin margin, A;over erasure, B.[414]Space for cap. left vacant, A.[415]aucmentum, A.[416]facinoris, B.[417]congnouit, A.[418]celeriter, B.[419]cuminAis inserted afterperuenisset,instead of before: and this was probably the original reading inB,although subsequently corrected.[420]per, B.[421]corrected tonullatenusdormire quasi suspectampermisit, B.[422]Justa Vindicta, A,in margin.[423]Mr Mackie, in an excellent article on theFragment(J.E.G.Ph.XVI, 251) objects that my criticism of Hickes' accuracy "is not altogether judicial." Mackie urges that, since theMSis no longer extant, we cannot tell how far the errors are due to Hickes, and how far they already existed in theMSfrom which Hickes copied.But we must not forget that there are other transcripts by Hickes, ofMSSwhicharestill extant, and from these we can estimate his accuracy. It is no disrespect to the memory of Hickes, a scholar to whom we are all indebted, to recognize frankly that his transcripts are not sufficiently accurate to make them at all a satisfactory substitute for the originalMS. Hickes' transcript of theCottonian Gnomic Verses(Thesaurus,I, 207) shows an average of one error in every four lines: about half these errors are mere matters of spelling, the others are serious. Hickes' transcript of theCalendar(Thesaurus,I, 203) shows an average of one error in every six lines. When, therefore, we find in theFinnsburg Fragmentinaccuracies of exactly the type which Hickes often commits, it would be "hardly judicial" to attribute these to theMSwhich he copied, and to attribute to Hickes in this particular instance an accuracy to which he has really no claim.Mr Mackie doubts the legitimacy of emendingGarulftoGarulf[e]: but we must remember that Hickes (or his printer) was systematically careless as to the finale: cf.Calendar, 15, 23, 41, 141, 144, 171, 210;Gnomic Verses, 45. Other forms in theFinnsburg Fragmentwhich can be easily paralleled by Hickes' miswritings in theCalendarandGnomic Versesare
[215]ll. 2570etc.
[216]intrepidum mentis habitum retinere memento.
[217]ll. 2663etc.
[218]Cf.Beowulf, 2705:forwrāt Wedra helm wyrm on middan.
[219]Cf.Cotton. Gnomic verses, ll. 26-7:Draca sceal on hlǣwe: frōd, frætwum wlanc.
[220]virusque profundens:wearp wæl-fȳre, 2582.
[221]implicitus gyris serpens crebrisque reflexusorbibus et caudae sinuosa volumina ducensmultiplicesque agitans spiras.
[221]implicitus gyris serpens crebrisque reflexusorbibus et caudae sinuosa volumina ducensmultiplicesque agitans spiras.
implicitus gyris serpens crebrisque reflexus
orbibus et caudae sinuosa volumina ducens
multiplicesque agitans spiras.
Cf.Beowulf, 2567-8, 2569, 2561 (hring-boga), 2827 (wōhbogen).
[222]Volospá, 172-3 inCorpus Poeticum Boreale.I, 200.
[223]Cf. on this Olrik,Heltedigtning,I, 305-15.
[224]Panzer,Beowulf, 313.
[225]A further and more specific parallel between Lotherus and Heremod has been pointed out by Sarrazin (Anglia,XIX, 392). It seems fromBeowulfthat Heremod went into exile (ll. 1714-15), and apparentlymid Eotenum(l. 902) which (in view of the use of the wordEotena,Eotenum, in theFinnsburgepisode) very probably means "among the Jutes." A late Scandinavian document tells us thatLotherus ... superatus in Jutiam profugit(Messenius,Scondia illustrata, printed 1700, but written about 1620).
[226]Pointed out by Panzer. A possible parallel to the old man who hides his treasure is discussed by Bugge and Olrik inDania,I, 233-245 (1890-92).
[227]Cf. Ettmüller,Scopas and Boceras, 1850, p. ix;Carmen de Beovvulfi rebus gestis, 1875, p. iii.
[228]P.B.B.XI, 167-170.
[229]Sarrazin,Der Schauplatz des ersten Beowulfliedes(P.B.B.XI, 170etc.); Sievers,Die Heimat des Beowulfdichters(P.B.B.XI, 354etc.); Sarrazin,Altnordisches im Beowulfliede(P.B.B.XI, 528etc.); Sievers,Altnordisches im Beowulf?(P.B.B.XII, 168etc.)
[230]Beovulf-Studien, 68.
[231]Sarrazin has countered this argument by urging that since the present day Swedes and Danes have better manners than the English, they therefore presumably had better manners already in the eighth century. I admit the premises, but deny the deduction.
[232]Sedgefield,Beowulf(1st ed.), p. 27.
[233]Schück,Studier i Beovulfsagan, 41.
[234]The briefFata Apostolorumis doubted by Sievers (Anglia,XIII, 24).
[235]Two of these occur twice:hātan heolfre, 1423, 849;nīowan stefne, 1789, 2594; the rest once only, 141, 561, 963, 977, 1104, 1502, 1505, 1542, 1746, 2102, 2290, 2347, 2440, 2482, 2492, 2692. See Barnouw, 51.
[236]74, 99, 122, 257, 390, 412.
[237]Christ, 510.
[238]Lichtenheld omits 2011,se mǣra mago Healfdenes, inserting instead 1474, where the same phrase occurs, but with a vocative force.
[239]758, 813, 2011, 2587, 2928, 2971, 2977, 3120.
[240]1199.
[241]102, 713, 919, 997, 1016, 1448, 1984, 2255, 2264, 2675, 3024, 3028, 3097.
[242]Saintsbury inShort History of English Literature,I.3.
[243]Morsbach, 270.
[244]Morsbach, 271.
[245]Chadwick,Heroic Age, 4.
[246]"Thus in place of the expressionto widan feorewe find occasionallywidan feorein the same sense, and even inBeowulfwe meet withwidan feorh, which is not improbably the oldest form of the phrase. Before the loss of the final-uit [widan feorhu] would be a perfectly regular half verse, but the operation of this change would render it impossible and necessitate the substitution of a synonymous expression. In principle, it should be observed, the assumption of such substitutions seems to be absolutely necessary, unless we are prepared to deny that any old poems or even verses survived the period of apocope." Chadwick,Heroic Age, pp. 46-7.
[247]Heroic Age, 46.
[248]Birch,Cart. Sax.No. 81. See Morsbach, 260.
[249]The most important examples beingbreguntford(Birch,Cart. Sax.No. 115, dating between 693 and 731; perhaps 705):heffledin the life of St Gregory written by a Whitby monk apparently before 713:-garon the Bewcastle Column, earlier than the end of the first quarter of the eighth century and perhaps much earlier: and many names infordandfeldin the MooreMSof Bede'sEcclesiastical History(aMSwritten about 737).
[250]An English Miscellany presented to Dr Furnivall, 370.
[251]Grienberger,Anglia,XXVII, 448.
[252]i.e.flodu ahofmight stand forflōd u[p] ăhōf, as is suggested by Chadwick,Heroic Age, 69.
[253]In the Franks casketbalready appears asf, and thenofsefu, "seven," has been lost.
[254]Birch,Cart. Sax.No. 45.
[255]Chadwick,Heroic Age, 67: "In personal names we must clearly allow for traditional orthography." Morsbach admits this in another connection (p. 259).
[256]Lübke's preface to Müllenhoff'sBeovulf. Both the tendencies specially associated with Müllenhoff's name—the "mythologizing" and the "dissecting"—are due to the influence of Lachmann. It must be frankly admitted that on these subjects Müllenhoff did not begin his studies with an open mind.
[257]"Es ist einfach genug"—Beovulf, 110.
[258]Möller,V.E.140: cf. Schücking,B.R.14.
[259]Earle,Deeds of Beowulf, xlix (an excellent criticism of Müllenhoff).
[260]Heusler,Lied u. Epos, 26.
[261]Epic and Romance, Chap.II, § 2.
[262]Ballad and Epic, 311-12.
[263]Beowulfs Rückkehr, 1905.
[264]e.g.Genesis.
[265]Chap.IV, pp. 29-33.
[266]Chap.V, pp. 34-41.
[267]Chap.VI, cf. esp. p. 50.
[268]In the portion which Schücking excludes, we twice havegǣð=gāið(2034, 2055). Elsewhere in theReturnwe havedōn=dōan(2166) whilstfrēa(1934),Hondsciō(2076) need to be considered.
[269]2069.
[270]2093.
[271]Satzverknüpfung im Beowulf, 139.
[272]Þȳlǣs= "lest" (1918);acin direct question (1990);þāoccurring unsupported late in the sentence (2192);forþām(1957) [see Sievers inP.B.B.XXIX, 313];swā= "since," "because" (2184). But Schücking admits in his edition two other instances offorþām(146 and 2645), so this can hardly count.
[273]hȳrde icas introducing a statement, 62, 2163, 2172;sið ðan ǣrest, 6, 1947.
[274]A similar use ofþā, 1078, 1988; cf. 1114, 1125, 2135.
[275]hæbbe, 1928;gēong, 2019.
[276]þurfe, 2495.
[277]Schücking, Chap.VIII.
[278]Cf. Brandl in HerrigsArchiv,CXV, 421 (1905).
[279]e.g. Blackburn inPub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.XII, 204-225; Bradley in theEncyc. Brit.III, 760; Chadwick,H.A.49; Clarke,Sidelights, 10.
[280]Chadwick, inCambridge History,I, 30.
[281]We may refer especially to the account of Attila's funeral given by Jordanes. [Mr Chadwick's note.]
[282]Chadwick inThe Heroic Age, 53.
[283]It is adopted, e.g., by Clarke,Sidelights, 8.
[284]Yet this is very doubtful: see Leeds,Archæology, 27, 74.
[285]Notably in BookVIII(ed. Holder, 264) and BookIII(ed. Holder, 74).
[286]'Fasta fornlämningar i Beowulf,' inAnt. Tidskrift för Sverige,XVIII, 4, 64.
[287]See Schücking,Das angelsächsische Totenklaglied, inEngl. Stud.XXXIX, 1-13.
[288]Blackburn, inPub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.Cf. Hart,Ballad and Epic, 175.
[289]Clark Hall, xlvii.
[290]Blackburn, as above, p. 126.
[291]Chadwick, inCambridge History,I, 30.
[292]Clark Hall, xlvii. See, to the contrary, Klaeber inAnglia,XXXVI, 196.
[293]This point is fully developed by Brandl, 1002-3. As Brandl points out, if we want to find a parallel to the hero Beowulf, saving his people from their temporal and ghostly foes, we must look, not to the other heroes of Old English heroic poetry, such as Waldhere or Hengest, but to Moses in the Old EnglishExodus. [Since this was written the essentially Christian character ofBeowulfhas been further, and I think finally, demonstrated by Klaeber, in the last section of his article onDie Christlichen Elemente im Beowulf, inAnglia,XXXVI; see especially 194-199.]
[294]Cf.Beowulf, ll. 180etc.
[295]Bradley, inEncyc. Brit.
[296]Bradley, inEncyc. Brit.III, 760-1.
[297]Blackburn, 218.
[298]See Finnur Jónsson,Den Norsk-Islandske Skjaldedigtning, B. ii. 473-4.
[299]MSA, followed by Magnússon, makes Glambláeygðr, "blue-eyed": Boer readsgráeygðr, considering grey a more uncanny colour.
[300]MSA hasfonmorfenm, it is difficult to tell which. Magnússon readsfenum, "morasses."
[301]Immediately inside the door of the Icelandic dwelling was theanddyrior vestibule. For want of a better word, I translateanddyriby "porch": but it is a porch inside the building. Opening out of this 'porch' were a number of rooms. Chief among which were theskálior "hall," and thestufaor "sitting room," the latter reached by a passage (gǫng). These were separated from the "porch" by panelling. In the struggle with Glam, Grettir is lying in the hall (skáli), but the panelling has all been broken away from the great cross-beam to which it was fixed. Grettir consequently sees Glam enter the outer door; Glam turns to theskáli, and glares down it, leaning over the cross-beam; then enters the hall, and the struggle begins. See Guðmundssen (V.),Privatbolegen på Island i Sagatiden, 1889.
[302]The partition beams (set-stokkar) stood between the middle of theskálior hall and the planked daïs which ran down each side. The strength of the combatants is such that thestokkargive way. Grettir gets no footing to withstand Glam till they reach the outer-door. Here there is a stone set in the ground, which apparently gives a better footing for a push than for a pull. So Grettir changes his tactics, gets a purchase on the stone, and at the same time pushes against Glam's breast, and so dashes Glam's head and shoulders against the lintel of the outer-door.
[303]SoMS551a. Magnússon readsdvaldist þar"he stayed there."
[304]Meaning that an attack by the evil beings would at least break the monotony.
[305]A passage (gǫng) had to be traversed between the door of the room (stufa) and the porch (anddyri).
[306]MSSbælt. Boer readsbolat"hewn down."
[307]A night troll, if caught by the sunrise, was supposed to turn into stone.
[308]Skútamay be acc. of the nounskúti, "overhanging precipice, cave"; or it may be the verb, "hang over." Grettir and his companion see that the sides of the ravine are precipitous (skúta upp) and so clean-cut (meitil-berg: meitill, "a chisel") that they give no hold to the climber. Hence the need for the rope. The translators all takeskútaas acc. ofskúti, which is quite possible: but they are surely wrong when they proceed to identify theskútiwith thehellirbehind the waterfall. For this cave behind the waterfall is introduced in thesagaas something which Grettir discoversafterhe has dived beneath the fall, the fall in front naturally hiding it till then.
The verbskútaoccurs elsewhere inGrettis saga, of the glaciers overhanging a valley. Boer's attempt to reconstruct the scene appears to me wrong: cf. Ranisch inA.f.d.A.XXVIII, 217.
[309]The old editions readfimm tigir faðma"fifty fathoms": but according to Boer's collation the bestMS(A) read X, whilst four of the five others collated give XV (fimtán). The editors seem dissatisfied with this: yet sixty to ninety feet seems a good enough height for a dive.
[310]ok sat þar hjá, not inMSA, nor in Boer's edition.
[311]The two poems are given according to the version of William Morris.
[312]On his first arrival at Leire, Bjarki had been attacked by, and had slain, the watch-dogs (Rímur,IV, 41): this naturally brings him now into disfavour, and he has to dispute with men.
[313]Readingkappana.
[314]TheMSShave eitherSandeyarorSaudeyar(Sauðeyar). But thatSandeyaris the correct form is shown by the name Sandø, which is given still to the island of Dollsey, where Orm's fight is localized (Panzer, 403).
[315]Literally "she-cat,"ketta; but the word may mean "giantess." It is used in someMSSof theGrettis sagaof the giantess who attacks Grettir at Sandhaugar.
[316]See Sweet,Oldest English Texts, 1885, p. 170.
[317]SeeCatalogue of MSS. in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridgeby Montague Rhodes James, Camb., 1912, p. 437.
[318]SeePublications of the Palæographical Society, 1880, where a facsimile of part of theVespasian MSis given. (Pt. 10, Plate 165: subsequently Ser.I, Vol.II.)
[319]So Zimmer,Nennius Vindicatus, Berlin, 1893, pp. 78 etc., and Duchesne (Revue Celtique,XV, 196). Duchesne sums up these genealogies as "un recueil constitué, vers la fin duVIIesiècle, dans le royaume de Strathcluyd, mais complété par diverses retouches, dont la dernière est de 796."
[320]This is shown by one of the supplementary Mercian pedigrees being made to end, both in theVespasiangenealogy and theHistoria Brittonum, in Ecgfrith, who reigned for a few months in 796. See Thurneysen (Z.f.d.Ph.XXVIII, 101).
[321]Ed. Mommsen, p. 203.
[322]Anno 626: a similar genealogy will be found in theseMSSand in the ParkerMS, anno 755 (accession of Offa II).
[323]Zimmer (Nennius Vindicatus, p. 84) argues that thisGeta-Wodenpedigree belongs to a portion of theHistoria Brittonumwritten downA.D.685. Thurneysen (Z.f.d.Ph.XXVIII, 103-4) dates the section in which it occurs 679; Duchesne (Revue Celtique,XV, 196) places it more vaguely between the end of the sixth and the beginning of the eighth century; van Hamel (Hoops Reallexikons.v.Nennius) between much the same limits, and clearly before 705.
[324]Zimmer (p. 275) saysA.D.796; Duchesne (p. 196)A.D.800; Thurneysen (Zeitschr. f. Celtische Philologie,I, 166)A.D.826; Skene (Four Ancient Books of Wales, 1868,I, 38)A.D.858; van Hamel (p. 304)A.D.820-859. See also Chadwick,Origin, 38.
[325]Bradshaw,Investigations among Early Welsh, Breton and Cornish MSS.inCollected Papers, 466.
[326]See above, p.196.
[327]Cf.Bretwalda.
[328]The genealogies have recently been dealt with by E. Hackenberg,Die Stammtafeln der angelsächsischen Königreiche, Berlin, 1918; and by Brandl, (Herrig'sArchiv,CXXXVII, 1-24). Most of Brandl's derivations seem to me to depend upon very perilous conjectures. Thus he derivesScēfingfrom the Gr.-Lat.scapha, "a skiff": a word which was not adopted into Old English. This seems to be sacrificing all probability to the desire to find a new interpretation: and, even so, it is not quite successful. For Riley in theGentleman's Magazine, August, 1857, p. 126, suggested the derivation of the name of Scef from theschifforskiffin which he came.
[329]For a list of the Icelandic versions, see Heusler,Die gelehrte Urgeschichte im altisländischen Schrifttum, pp. 18-19, in theAbhandlungen d. preuss. Akad.,Phil. Hist. Klasse, 1908, Berlin.
[330]The names are given as in the Trinity Roll (T), collated with Corpus (C) and Moseley (M). For Paris (P) I follow Kemble's report (Postscript to Preface, 1837, pp. vii, viii:Stammtafel der Westsachsen, pp. 18, 31). All seem to agree in writingtforcin Steph and Steldius, and in Boerinus,obviously, as Kemble pointed out, r is written by error for ƿ = Beowinus[orBeowius]; Cinrinicius T, Cinrinicus C, Cininicus P, Siuruncius M; Suethedus TCP, Suechedius M; Gethius T, Thecius M, Ehecius CP; Geate T, Geathe CM, Geathus P.
[331]I follow the spelling of the Moseley roll in this note.
[332]Dacia= "Denmark":DaciaandDaniawere identified.
[333]uocabitur, Gertz;uocatur, allMSS.
[334]This account of the peaceful reign of Ro is simply false etymology from Danishro, "rest."
[335]Note that Ro (Hrothgar), the son of Haldanus (Healfdene), is here represented as his father. Saxo Grammaticus, combining divergent accounts, as he often does, accordingly mentions two Roes—one the brother of Haldanus, the other his son. See above, pp. 131-2.
[336]cum piratica classe, Langebek; theMSShavecum pietate(!) with or withoutclasse.
[337]post quem, Holder-Egger, Gertz;postquam, allMSS.
[338]Snyo: the viceroy whom Athisl had placed over the Danes.
[339]inadded by Gertz; omitted in allMSS.
[340]A scribal error fortransalbinas, "beyond the Elbe."
[341]Assembly.
[342]Island.
[343]I have substituteduforv, and have abandoned spellings liketheutones,thezauro,orrifico,charitas,phas(forfas),atlethas,choercuit,iocundum,charum,fœlicissima,nanque,hæreditarii,exoluere.
The actual reading of the 1514 text is abandoned by substituting: p. 130, l. 3ingenitiforingenitis(1514); p. 132, l. 22,iacientisforiacentis; p. 134, l. 2,diutinæfordiutiuæ; p. 136, l. 11,fuditforfugit; p. 136, l. 20,utforaut; p. 137, l. 8,ammirationiforammirationis; p. 137, l. 16,offertforaffert; p. 137, l. 17,RoluoniforRouolni; p. 137, l. 27,ministerioforministros; p. 137, l. 33diuturnusfordiuturnius; p. 206, l. 22,diutinamfordiutina; p. 207, l. 3,eiforeique; p. 207, l. 5,destituatfordeficiat; p. 209, l. 2,latereforlatera; p. 209, l. 5,conscisciforconcissi; p. 209, l. 14,defoderatfordefodera.
[344]Above this headingBhasGesta Offe Regis merciorum.
[345]Arepeatssibiafterconstitueret.
[346]Hic Riganus binomin[i]s fuit. Vocabaturenimalio nomine Aliel. Riganusuero a rigore. Huic erat filiusHildebrandus, miles strenuus, ab ense sic dictus. Hunc uoluit pater promouere:Contemporary rubric inA,inserted in the middle of the sketch representing Riganus demanding the kingdom from Warmundus.
[347]optat, B.
[348]celebri, B; celibri, A.
[349]hoc, B.
[350]ueheementer, A.
[351]ueheementi, A.
[352]eciam, B.
[353]Added in margin inA;not inB.
[354]hecomitted, B.
[355]Added in margin inA;not inB.
[356]dereliquerunt, B.
[357]precipueomitted, B.
[358]eiomitted, B.
[359]QualmhulvelQualmweldin margin, A.
[360]planies, A: planicies,perhaps corrected fromplanies, B.
[361]blodifeld, B.
[362]Gloria triumphi,in margin, A.
[363]tripudium, B; tripuduum, A.
[364]scis, A, B.
[365]menbra, A.
[366]gracias, B.
[367]hosstibus, A.
[368]romotis, A.
[369]congnouerunt, A.
[370]Warmandi, A.
[371]habenasrepeated afterregniabove inA,but cancelled inB.
[372]exaggeret, B.
[373]pulcritudinis, B; pulchritudini, A.
[374]ingnota, A.
[375]euuangelii, B.
[376]consingnatas, A.
[377]fromB,written over erasure.
[378]scribitur, B.
[379]Epistola,in margin, A.
[380]incongnita, A.
[381]dicebant, B.
[382]frustratim, A, B.
[383]ossium, B.
[384]congnouit, A.
[385]hocomitted, B.
[386]congnicione, A.
[387]sui, A.
[388]obtemperare, B.
[389]menbra, A.
[390]qui, AB; quae, Wats.
[391]recongnosce, A.
[392]sancteetdulcissime, B.
[393]utadded above line, A, B.
[394]scenobium, A;thesi s erased inB.
[395]deo, B
[396]tuinfreth, B.
[397]scenobio, A; serasedB.
[398]de tirannide Beormredi regisMercie, B.
[399]fecerat,wanting inA;added in margin, B.
[400]Pinefredum, B; Penefredum, A,but withiabove in first case.
[401]uariisrepeated, A;secondvariiscancelled, B.
[402]considerans, B,inserted in margin; omitted, A.
[403]Marcelline, A; Marcell, B.
[404]vixisset, B,inserted in margin;omitted, A.
[405]Alberto,etc. passim, B.
[406]virtutibus,in margin, later hand,A;inB,over erasure.
[407]estin margin, A.
[408]etomitted, B.
[409]innotuerunt, B.
[410]in pietatis manu, B.
[411]premissimis, A.
[412]sinistrum, B.
[413]quamin margin, A;over erasure, B.
[414]Space for cap. left vacant, A.
[415]aucmentum, A.
[416]facinoris, B.
[417]congnouit, A.
[418]celeriter, B.
[419]cuminAis inserted afterperuenisset,instead of before: and this was probably the original reading inB,although subsequently corrected.
[420]per, B.
[421]corrected tonullatenusdormire quasi suspectampermisit, B.
[422]Justa Vindicta, A,in margin.
[423]Mr Mackie, in an excellent article on theFragment(J.E.G.Ph.XVI, 251) objects that my criticism of Hickes' accuracy "is not altogether judicial." Mackie urges that, since theMSis no longer extant, we cannot tell how far the errors are due to Hickes, and how far they already existed in theMSfrom which Hickes copied.
But we must not forget that there are other transcripts by Hickes, ofMSSwhicharestill extant, and from these we can estimate his accuracy. It is no disrespect to the memory of Hickes, a scholar to whom we are all indebted, to recognize frankly that his transcripts are not sufficiently accurate to make them at all a satisfactory substitute for the originalMS. Hickes' transcript of theCottonian Gnomic Verses(Thesaurus,I, 207) shows an average of one error in every four lines: about half these errors are mere matters of spelling, the others are serious. Hickes' transcript of theCalendar(Thesaurus,I, 203) shows an average of one error in every six lines. When, therefore, we find in theFinnsburg Fragmentinaccuracies of exactly the type which Hickes often commits, it would be "hardly judicial" to attribute these to theMSwhich he copied, and to attribute to Hickes in this particular instance an accuracy to which he has really no claim.
Mr Mackie doubts the legitimacy of emendingGarulftoGarulf[e]: but we must remember that Hickes (or his printer) was systematically careless as to the finale: cf.Calendar, 15, 23, 41, 141, 144, 171, 210;Gnomic Verses, 45. Other forms in theFinnsburg Fragmentwhich can be easily paralleled by Hickes' miswritings in theCalendarandGnomic Versesare