CHAPTER VII.THE RUSSO-TURKISH WAR.We turn back a single leaf of history in beginning this chapter on the Russo-Turkish War,—and stand at the opening of the year 1876. As the nations of Europe faced the questions of that hour, there was not one of them that desired to begin a war of which no statesman could foresee the issue.Perhaps the traditional desire of Russia to possess the gates of the two continents and fly her flag over Constantinople, delivered from the Crescent of Islam, was growing apace, and her indignation at the treatment of the Greek Christians was rising to fever heat, but she did not desire war. Turkey did not desire war, the insurrection in Bosnia and Herzegovina was giving her serious trouble. England did not desire war, though her people were divided, part favoring Russia as a Christian nation, as against an infidel, but a greater part thinking of Turkish bonds which were held in London that would be worthless if Turkey should be dismembered; France did not want a war which would imperil her interests in the Suez Canal and in Syria, and because if she sided with Turkey, Germany might side with the Czar. And as neither Germany nor Italy desired war it would seem as if it might be easy to prevent its occurrence.Hence the diplomats put their heads together, and Count Julius Andrassy, the Premier of Austria, one ofthe ablest of the Continental statesmen undertook on the 25th of January, 1876, to draw up a note to the Ottoman Porte demanding certain reforms from Turkey, and promising to sustain her if she would institute these reforms promptly.The following are some of the measures proposed for the pacification of discontented Servia, Roumania and Montenegro, viz:1. Religious liberty, full and entire.2. Abolition of the farming of taxes.3. A law to guarantee that the direct taxation of Bosnia and Herzegovina should be employed for the immediate interests of the province.4. A special commission, composed of an equal number of Mussulmans and Christians to superintend the execution of the reforms proclaimed and proposed.5. The amelioration of the condition of the rural populations.The Grand Vizier, Midhat Pasha, replied, that he was preparing a Constitution which would, he believed, embody these and other measures of reform.The Powers trusted his integrity and disposition to promote these reforms; but even though the entire Imperial ministry saw clearly the evils out of which the insurrections had grown, it were in the face of centuries of deceit and the cruelty and the intolerance of Islam, to believe that the Porte would of its own volition enforce these reforms against a hostile Mussulman sentiment.The Powers waited for months until on May 1st, 1876, without having received the honest approval of the Sultan, the outline of the Constitution of Midhat Pasha was published.Now note this fact—that on the 14th of May, when the representatives of Russia, Austria-Hungary, Germany and Great Britain, met at Berlin, desirous of sustaining the good intentions of the Grand Vizier and agreed upon a paper known as the “Berlin Memorandum,” which provided for a guaranty by the great powers of the several reforms which had been already proclaimed, when all the others had signed it, knowing that only by such a broad guaranty could the reforms ever be enforced, Great Britain refused to sign it on the ground “that it must obviously and inevitably lead to the military occupation of Turkey.”The Memorandum fell to the ground by the action of England, who was not willing to stand with the other powers and compel the enforcement of the reforms demanded. England was alone responsible for that failure.But worse than that, with all the enormities of the Bulgarian outrages which took place during the sessions of the great powers, just coming to the ears of the horrified nations, England sent her fleet into Besika Bay, on the 26th of May, as if to say to the other powers, “Hands off, let Turkey alone, no reforms are needed.”Two or three weeks after this demonstration, which had had its effect in assuring Turkey that England would stand by her, the fleet withdrew to its former harbor.Those were stormy days at Constantinople. The Grand Vizier, Mehemet Ruchdi, and Midhat Pasha requested the Sultan Abdul Aziz to give up some of his treasure to save the nation from ruin. He refused and was deposed May 29th. The next day his nephew was proclaimed as Murad V., joyfully accepted by thepeople and recognized by the Western powers. But he also was deposed on August 31st and his brother proclaimed. When invested on the 7th of September, with the Sword of Othman, Abdul Hamid II., in his inaugural address, said: “The great object to be aimed at, is to adopt measures for placing the laws and regulations of the country upon a basis which shall inspire confidence in their execution. For this purpose it is indispensable to proceed to the establishment of a general Council or National Assembly, whose acts will inspire confidence in the nation, and will be in harmony with the customs, aptitudes and capabilities of the populations of the Empire. The mission and duty of this Council will be, to guarantee without exception, the faithful execution of the existing laws, or of those which shall be promulgated in conformity with the provisions of the “Sheri” (The decrees already published), in connection with the real and legitimate wants of the country and its inhabitants, as also to control the equilibrium of the revenue and expenditures of the Empire.”In accordance with this inaugural promise the Council of Ministers prepared a Constitution, not quite so liberal as the one Midhat Pasha had previously presented, and proclaimed it on December 23d, 1876.Midhat Pasha had been made Grand Vizier on the 19th. On the 23d the opening of a Conference of six great Powers took place in Constantinople to consider measures that would ensure peace at the close of the Armistice then existing between Turkey and Servia and Montenegro which had been extended to February, 1877. They asked for local self-government for the Turkish provinces in Europe—equal treatment of Mohammedansand Christians, better administration for both, security for life and property and effectual guarantees against the repetition of outrages. On January 18th, 1877, the great National Council of Turkey rejected the propositions of the Conference, which therefore closed its sittings on the 20th, having accomplished nothing.Now just here please note this fact—that if Great Britain had signed the Berlin memorandum which was to guarantee the execution of the reforms promised—the Ambassadors might have demanded the enforcement of such reforms, and backed their demand by the presence of a fleet before Constantinople.Great Britain thus was to blame for the feebleness of theadvicewhich was tendered and of course rejected. If the Sultan had been sincere when he issued his inaugural, if he really meant to give equal rights to his Christian subjects he would have welcomed the presence of a combined fleet that would have protected himself from the opposition of fanatical leaders of the old Turkish party. This was the crisis of 1876,—granting that there was an honest desire to reform the government of Turkey and the distinct refusal of GreatBritainto sign the memorandum guaranteeing that said reforms promised should be executed, settles upon her government the responsibility of the failure of the promised reforms of the constitution proposed, and also of the war that followed.Notice further, the fanatical leading Turks were bound not to suffer the interference of any foreign power, and this bitterness of fanaticism apparently compelled the Sultan to dismiss and send into exile (February 5th) Midhat Pasha, the wisest minister inthe Government, and drove the Porte itself on to the war which followed.After the failure of the Conference at Constantinople, Prince Gortschakoff issued a circular in which after reciting what had taken place he said, “It is necessary for us to know what the cabinets with which we have hitherto acted in common, propose to do with a view of meeting this refusal and insuring the execution of their wishes.”Now remember the armistice was only extended to February 1st, 1877. Turkey refused to give any guarantee to fulfil the reforms promised, the atrocities of Bulgaria were still unpunished—the people were still at the mercy of the fanatical and cruel Turks.Before any response had been made to this request for information from the other Cabinets, a treaty of peace with Servia had been signed March 1st, and the First Parliament was convened at Constantinople March 19th.The Russian Government pressed for an answer, and fearing it might beembarrassedprepared a protocol which was signed by the representatives of the six powers at London on the 31st of March, 1877. After taking cognizance of the peace which had recently been concluded between Turkey and Servia, and of the good intentions of the Porte as had been shown in its declarations made from time to time during the past year, the protocol invited the Porte to place its army on a peace footing and then declared that “the Powers propose to watch carefully by means of their representatives at Constantinople and their local agents, the manner in which the promises of the Ottoman Government are carried into effect.“If their hopes should once more be disappointed, and if the condition of the Christian subjects of the Sultan should not be improved in such a manner as to prevent the returns of the complications which periodically disturb the peace of the East, they think it right to declare that such a state of affairs would be incompatible with their interests and those of Europe in general. In such case they reserve to themselves to consider in common as to the means which they may deem best fitted to secure the well-being of the Christian populations and the interests of the general peace.”These are very good words, but unless the Powers meant to back them up with men and guns and war ships, they were only waste breath and paper.On affixing his signature the Russian Ambassador filed the following declaration:—“If peace with Montenegro is concluded and the Porte accepts the advice of Europe, and shows itself ready to replace its forces on a peace footing—seriously to undertake the reforms mentioned in the protocol, let it send to St. Petersburg a special envoy to treat of disarmament to which His Majesty, the Emperor, would also on his part consent. If massacres similar to those which have stained Bulgaria with blood take place, this would necessarily put a stop to the measures of demobilization.”If Turkey had honestly desired to enforce the reforms promised, and deal justly by her Christian subjects, and avoid the dangers of war, there should have been no hesitation in giving its assent to this protocol.But the Sublime Porte knew very well that Great Britain would never take up arms against her, as shehad distinctly refused to sign a memorandum that might involve the pressure of force. The Porte knew it could rely upon the diplomatic resources of England in the final issue of affairs, hence rejected the protocol with audacity and insolence. In substance the rejection of these last offers of peace stated that:—First, the Sublime Porte would spare no effort to arrive at an understanding with the Prince of Montenegro. Second, that the Imperial government was prepared to adopt all the promised reforms. Third, that Turkey was ready to place its armies on a peace footing as soon as it saw the Russian government take measures to the same end. Fourth, with regard to the disturbances which might break out and stop the demobilization of the Russian army, the Turkish government repelled the injurious terms in which the idea had been expressed, and stated its belief that Europe was convinced that the recent disturbances were due to foreign instigation, (i. e.Russia’s) and after other reasons given, it declared that Turkey can not allow foreign agents or representatives charged to protect the interests of their compatriots to have any mission of official supervision. (Precisely its position to-day.)The Imperial government in fact is not aware how it can have deserved so ill of justice and civilization, as to see itself placed in a humiliating position without example in the world. (This after all the horrors of Bulgaria—which were known to the world long before this.)The treaty of Paris gave an explicit sanction to the principle of non-intervention. * * * And if Turkey appeals to the stipulations of the treaty * * it is for the purpose of calling attention to the grave reasons which, in the interest of the general peace of Europe,induced the powers, twenty years ago, to place the recognition of the inviolability of this Empire’s right to sovereignty, under the guaranty of its collective promise.When the Turkish ambassador in London called upon Earl Derby, on the 12th of April, to deliver the above circular, the British Minister of Foreign Affairs expressed his deep regrets at the view the Porte had taken, and said he could not see what further steps England could take to avert the war which appeared to be inevitable.On the 24th of April, the Czar, who was at Kischeneff, with his army, issued his manifesto in which he said:—“For two years we have made incessant efforts to induce the Porte to effect such reforms as would protect the Christians in Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Bulgaria from the arbitrary measures of the local authorities. The accomplishment of these reforms was absolutely stipulated by anterior engagements contracted by the Porte to the whole of Europe.“Our efforts supported by diplomatic representations made in common by the other governments have not, however, attained their object. The Porte has remained unshaken in its formal refusal of any effective guaranty for the security of its Christian subjects, and has rejected the conclusions of the Constantinople Conference. Wishing to essay every possible means of conciliation in order to persuade the Porte, we proposed to the other Cabinets to draw up a special protocol, comprising the most essential conditions of the Constantinople Conference, and to invite the Turkish government to adhere to this international act, which states the extreme limits of our peaceful demands. But ourexpectation was not fulfilled. The Porte did not defer to this unanimous wish of Christian Europe and did not adhere to the conclusions of the protocol. Having exhausted pacific efforts we are compelled by the haughty obstinacy of the Porte to proceed to more decisive acts, feeling that equity and our own dignity enjoin it. By her refusal, Turkey places us under the necessity of having recourse to arms.“Profoundly convinced of the justice of our cause and humbly committing ourselves to the grace and help of the Most High, we make known to our faithful subjects that the moment foreseen when we pronounced words to which all Russia responded with complete unanimity, has now arrived. We expressed the intention to act independently when we deemed it necessary, and when Russia’s honor should demand it. And now, invoking the blessing of God upon our valiant armies, we give them the order to cross the Turkish frontier.”Never was the sword drawn in more dignified and solemn manner; never in a more holy war for the deliverance of persecuted and outraged humanity. Alexander drew his sword in the cause of Bulgaria, knowing that single-handed and alone he must face the armies of Turkey, the indifference of Continental Europe; knowing that he must face the bitter opposition and jealousy of England, and not knowing but he might have to meet her armies and fleets as well. This latter possibility was averted, as we know, by the vehement opposition of Gladstone, John Bright, and other statesmen; the people voiced their opinions in four hundred public meetings, and the Disraeli Cabinet was prevented from declaring war in behalf of injured and self-righteous Turkey.It is very well known that there are many who deny that Russia was moved by any high sense of honor, or driven by righteous and outraged Christian sentiment to draw the sword for the deliverance of Bulgaria and the punishment of the unspeakable Turk. They affirm her to be governed entirely by self-interest, and that under the garb of zeal for her distressed co-religionists she seeks to conceal her purposes of self-aggrandizement. Russia has been the persistent and bitter foe of Turkey for three hundred years, and Turkey of Russia.Only once in all that time (1833) did Russia stretch out her hand to aid the Turk, and for reward she received the free navigation of the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus for a series of years. She has fought the Turk single-handed and alone: she has fought him when he has had Poland and the Tartars for his allies: when Venice and Austria and Hungary fought under his banners: when Italy and France were his allies: when England, France and Sardinia united to help him in the Crimea.Whatever her motives Russia has always been true to herself, and consistent in her hatred of the Turk. It may be that she has dreams of an empire ruled from Constantinople as a Winter Capital; but whatever her dreams or purposes, no nation has less claim to rule over the ancient Byzantine Empire than the alien race of the Ottoman Turks—fanatical followers of the prophet.The Russo-Turkish war, while but a brief campaign, was from its beginning to the treaty of San Stefano a war for religious life and freedom and singularly free from death or insult to civilian or woman, while abounding in thrilling and dramatic incident.On the Russian side the preparations for war had been carried on with much secrecy, headquarters being at Kischeneff in Bessarabia. The greater part of the army had been distributed throughout the provinces in comfortable winter quarters, and were in excellent health and spirits. Early in April the soldiers began swarming towards Kischeneff for the Grand Review and the expected declaration of war. The city had put on its holiday attire, flags and streamers were flying from the houses, and there was the greatest excitement among the people and the soldiers as they waited the arrival of the Emperor. The Review was to be no dress parade, but the serious prelude to war. It was all the more impressive therefore, as early on the morning of April 24th, 1877, the army corps began to gather on the broad plains and sloping hillsides above the town. The troops were already under arms by nine o’clock, standing in lone lines and solid masses, silent and almost motionless as for an hour and a half, they waited the arrival of the Emperor. The crowd, too, of onlookers were serious, and spoke in hushed voices, for these splendid troops were soon to be hurled against the fortification of Plevna only to be shattered, broken, decimated. Only when the Emperor appeared mounted, accompanied by his brother the Grand Duke Nicholas and an immense staff of a hundred officers and rode slowly along the lines, was the silence broken by the sound of music and the cheering of the soldiers.The review was over in an hour. The music ceased, silence reigned, the soldiers stood uncovered and the crowd also removed their caps. The voice of only one man was heard, that of the Bishop of Kischeneff saying a grand military Mass. For more than half an hour thesoldiers, composed,expectant, reverently stood and listened. When the Mass was finished a low murmur ran through the crowd. Then a dead silence, and again the strong voice of the Bishop was heard not now engaged in prayer but in reading the Manifesto. In the midst of it sobs were heard and as men looked they saw the Emperor weeping like a child. It had been the pride and glory of the reign of Alexander that his reign had been of peace. He hoped to finish it without war, and now the fatal step had been taken, and who could tell its issue. This was not the spirit of a man eager, determined on conquest, lusting for martial fame and glory. There was not a dry eye within sound of the Bishop’s voice, but when he closed with the impressive words, “And now, invoking the blessing of God upon our valiant armies we give them the order to cross the Turkish frontier,” a wild and universal shout went up—a shout of exultation, triumph, relief, which ran through all the army over hill and plain till the whole air resounded with the glad acclaim. Some corps started at once for the frontier and the rest began rapidly preparing for the march—and by the 10th of May the Russian army, over two hundred thousand men, was posted along the banks of the Danube facing the forts, the fleets and the armies of the Porte which numbered one hundred and fifty thousand effective soldiers.Not until June 27th did the main body of the Russians succeed in crossing the Danube, but it was most skillfully done and the march began for Constantinople. Already the hero of the war had been revealed in the person of General Skobeleff—the Custer of the Russian army and the youngest general in the army, with astrange and brilliant career which was to be most gloriously eclipsed by the successes of this campaign.“He was a tall, handsome man with a lithe, slender, active figure, clear, blue eyes, a large prominent, but straight well-shaped nose, the kind of a nose it said Napoleon used to look for among his officers when he wished to find a general.” He was highly educated, speaking five languages fluently, and always had time even in his hardest campaigns for new books and reviews. He was every inch a soldier, and his great strength lay in the power and influence he had over his men. He was never weary of seeing that his men were well fed, warmly clothed and comfortable. He was always intelligible in his orders. He was the comrade of his men as well as their officer. When the passage of the Danube was made finally on the pontoon bridge, Skobeleff shouldered a musket like a private soldier and marched over with his men. Every officer under him was devoted to him. He treated them all as friends, but then every one of them was expected when occasion came to lay down his life as an example to his men. “Fear,” he said, “must cease when a man reaches the grade of captain.”The British Mediterranean Fleet.The British Mediterranean Fleet.After the passage of the Danube, he was given the command of a division—was always at the front, in the thickest of every fight. He was a hero at Plevna, that stronghold commanding the pass through the Balkans, where Osman Pasha held the Russians at bay from July until December 11th. Three times the Russians had attacked it and been repulsed; twice in July and the third time in September. The great infantry assault was made on the 11th day of September, the fifth day of the bombardment.On this last occasion Skobeleff’s duty was to take a redoubt on a certain Green Hill, which he regarded as the key to the Turkish position. He always rode a white horse and wore a white coat that he might be more conspicuous to his own men during a battle. With his usual address to his soldiers he despatched them to the redoubt. He knew well that he was sending many of them to their death. They knew it too, but advanced unflinchingly in the face of a fearful fire from cannon and from infantry. One company wavered and broke. Instantly Skobeleff was among them on his white charger. “Follow me,” he cried, “I will show you how to thrash the Turks. Close up there! Follow me my men. I will lead you myself. He who deserts me should be ashamed of himself! Now then, drummers—look alive.”Meantime the Turks were seen everywhere torturing the wounded before despatching them. This roused the spirit of the Russians and they pushed on with fury. With fearful loss they captured the redoubt, and planted two Russian flags on it. Then Skobeleff, who had had two horses shot under him, started back for reinforcements.In vain he pleaded for men. In vain he pleaded that the redoubt was the key of the position. He burst into tears. He visited the redoubt three or four times during the day to encourage them. Plevna would soon be taken. Victory would crown their efforts. For the honor and the glory of the Russian arms;—and they always replied with the same cheery shouts while their numbers were dwindling by hundreds. But the battle was against the Russians. One more effort must be made.“Major Gortaloff, you will remain here in charge of the redoubt,” he said. “Can I depend on you? You must hold this at any price.” “I will remain or die, Your Excellency.” “Possibly I shall be unable to send you any reinforcements. Give me your word that you will not leave the redoubt.” “My honor is pledged. I will not leave this place alive.” The Major raised his hand as if taking an oath. Skobeleff embraced him. “God help you! Remember my men, there may be no reinforcements. Count only on yourselves. Farewell, heroes.” But as he took his last look at them—the finest troops of his division, he sighed. “Consecrated to death,” he said and thundered down the hill.Only one thing remained, to draw off his men and save as many of them as possible.A colonel of one regiment of Cossack infantry, however, without orders, put his men at Skobeleff’s disposal and once more he started for the redoubt.The Turks were swarming over the ramparts, mounting its walls on dead bodies. The garrison defending themselves by bayonets began to despair. At last through the fog and smoke they saw their comrades coming. But Skobeleff had only one battalion; not enough to drive out the Turks.“I think he wants to cover our retreat,” said the Major. He gathered his men about him. “Comrades go. Open your way with your bayonets. This place can no longer be held. God bless you, my children. Forward.” And bowing his head he reverently made the sign of the cross over his men. “And you, father?” they exclaimed. “I stay with our dead. Tell the general I have kept my word. Good by,children.” They watched him as they turned their heads in their retreat. They saw him standing on the ramparts waving to them. Then the Turks rushed in. They saw the struggle. They saw his body uplifted upon Turkish bayonets.“It was just after this,” said a correspondent, “that I met General Skobeleff the first time that day. He was in a fearful state of excitement and fury. His uniform was covered with mud and filth, his sword broken; his cross of St. George twisted round on his shoulder; his face black with powder and smoke; his eyes haggard and bloodshot, and his voice quite gone. I never before saw such a picture of battle as he presented. I saw him again in his tent at night. He was quite calm and collected. He said, ‘I have done my best. I could do no more. My detachment is half destroyed; my regiments do not exist; I have no officers left; they sent me no reinforcements, and I have lost three guns.’ ‘Why did they refuse you reinforcements?’ I asked. ‘Who was to blame?’ ‘I blame nobody,’ he replied. ‘It is the will of God.’”The Russians fell back from Plevna for a little breathing spell, having lost in this third assault more than twenty thousand men.At Bucharest General Skobeleff met General Todleben, the great engineer who had planned and superintended twenty-one years before the defence of Sebastopol. It had been decided to plan works by which Plevna should be taken, not by assault but by starvation.By the middle of October, 1877, Skobeleff was back at the seat of war with his division of about forty thousand men. He had no longer with him the “lions,”the “eagles,” the “heroes” of the third assault, but largely new recruits whom he must train.Two months of the siege sufficed to starve out the garrison, and Osman Pasha surrendered unconditionally on December 11th, and thirty-two thousand men laid down their arms and the gates were open towards Constantinople. As soon as Plevna fell Skobeleff was appointed its military governor. The Roumanians in the Russian army had already begun the plunder of the city. When Skobeleff remonstrated, their officers replied: “We are the victors, and the victors have a right to the spoils.” “In the first place,” answered the general, “we were never at war with the peaceable inhabitants of this place, and consequently can not have conquered them. But, secondly, please acquaint your men that I shall have victors of this kind shot. Every man caught marauding shall be shot like a dog. Please bear this in mind. There is another thing. You must not insult women. Such conduct is very humiliating. Let me tell you that every such complaint will be investigated and every case of outrage punished.”Compare this order with the horrible atrocities continually committed upon the Bulgarians during this campaign by Bashi-Bazouks and the thirty thousand Circassian horsemen, who were allowed to follow their own fashions, in which they excel even the Apache tribes once the terror of the Southwest. Before them went anguish and horror; after them death, ruin and despair.We have no time to follow the war as carried on in Armenia, but on November 17–18, the city and fortress of Kars was carried by assault, and the Russian officers remembering how the fanatical Turks had torturedand killed the wounded soldiers that had fallen into their cruel hands, expressed the fear lest their excited soldiers might put aside feelings of humanity and inflict summary vengeance.But contrary to all expectations, Cossack and Russian put aside all thought of personal revenge; and not a single civilian was killed or insulted, and not a woman had to complain of insult or outrage. These facts are stated for the sake of those who may have thought that there is little to choose between the semi-barbarous hordes of Russia (as they call them) and the armies of Turks, Kurds and Circassians.Another fact regarding the religious sentiment of the Russian peasant transformed into a soldier. A Frenchman who was at Plevna with the officers of the Commander-in-chief’s staff thus writes of Skobeleff: “He is a magnificent looking soldier, almost as tall as the Emperor. * * On the battlefield he is brave as a lion. * * * When ordering a retreat, he sheathes his sword, sends his white charger to the front and remains on foot, the last man in the rear, saying; ‘They may kill me if they like, but they shall not harm my horse unless he is advancing against the enemy.’He has never quitted a battlefield without carrying off his wounded (unless in such retreat as from the third assault on Plevna), nor has he ever after a battle gone to rest without making an address to his men, and writing his own report to the commander-in-chief. He is adored by his soldiers. * * He is highly educated and a sincerely religious man. ‘No man can feel comfortable in facing death’ he has been heard to say ‘who does not believe in God and have hope of a life to come.’ Each evening in the camp he stood bareheadedtaking part in the evening service which was chanted by fifty or sixty of his soldiers. * If the people of Paris who shed tears over the Miserére in Trovatore, could hear these simple soldiers in the presence of death addressing prayers and praises to the Almighty Father with their whole hearts, they would find it far more moving. Skobeleff is as distinguished for his modesty as his bravery. ‘My children,’ he says to his soldiers, ‘I wear these crosses, but it is you who have won them for me.’”Attention is called to these things that you can compare for yourselves the morale of the Russian army with its reverence for woman and for God, with the grossness and corruption and wickedness that prevails in the mixed multitudes that form the soldiers of Islam.Who is not touched by the deep sincerity of that word in his first address to his army, “while you are fighting I shall pray for you.”So deep was his interest in the war that he could not content himself in St. Petersburg but felt that his place was on the Danube. When he reached the seat of war he assumed no command, but he endeavored to inform himself about everything. The failures before Plevna greatly troubled him. “If we lose I will never return to Russia. I will die here with my brave soldiers.”Hence it was with more than usual emotion that the Emperor reviewed the troops, seventy thousand men, at Plevna a few days after its fall.The troops were drawn up in two lines of quarter columns at intervals of ten paces between regiments. The second line was about fifty paces in rear of the first. He embraced the Generals, greeted the officers and then accompanied by the Grand Duke and PrinceCharles, attended by a brilliant staff, he passed down the front line and back by the second. His reception was most enthusiastic, every regiment cheering the moment it caught sight of the white flag with the ornamental cross that denoted the Emperor’s presence; and nothing could be more impressive than the enormous volume of sound produced by the triumphant cheers of seventy thousand men.In a few days Skobeleff’s division was to cross the Balkans by a pass leading to Senova while the main army was to take the Shipka Pass. One order he gave caused much amusement among his brother officers. Each man of his division was ordered to carry a log of wood with him. “What will he think of next?” said some one. “If Skobeleff has ordered,” said the Grand Duke Nicholas, “he has some good reason for it.”He had a good reason. There was no wood on the summit of the Balkans. He wanted his men to have three hot meals a day. And in consequence of his precautions not one man of his division arrived disabled or frozen on the other side; not one had straggled, and the only two who were lost had slipped and fallen over a precipice. The soldiers who crossed the Shipka Pass suffered frightfully. The passage to Senova was an awful journey. The men had to break their way through great snowdrifts. They had to drag their cannon on sledges by hand, but on the third day they descended into the Valley of Roses in splendid form.In the battles that raged during the next few days Skobeleff was uniformly successful, and the regiments coming down the Shipka Pass went right into the thick of the fight. At last the Turks put out two white flags. The Pashas surrendered themselves and theirwhole army—thirty-five thousand men and one hundred and thirteen guns were given up.“The scoundrels,” muttered Gen. Skobeleff “to give up with such a force and with such a position.” “No wonder,” cried the Turks, “that we were beaten; for the Russians were commanded by Akh Pasha and it is impossible to overcome him.”The first order given was, “Let the Turks’ property be sacred to us. Let not a crumb of theirs be lost. Warn the men, I will shoot them for stealing.”“I shall never forget,” said Mr. Kinnard Rose, “a solemn service for the repose of the souls of the dead that was held on that battlefield of Senova by the General and a score of companions. Skobeleff’s chaplain chanted the Mass with a simple dragoon for clerk. Every head was uncovered. The party stood in respectful groups around a monumental column with its cross, the General to the right of the priest. As the service progressed, the General wept like a child, and among the small but deeply moved congregation there were few dry eyes.”And now the road lay open before him. The last army was beaten—Skobeleff’s forced march made the Turkish Pashas stand aghast—thirty, even fifty miles a day, and soon he had occupied Adrianople, the second city of the Empire. He had entered it without a sick man—there was not a theft nor burglary—not a street row, as he rested there a few days.The heroes of the campaign in the Balkans were Generals Gourko, Radetzky and Skobeleff. They carried out operations which for difficulty of execution, rapidity of movement and quickness of combination have hardly ever been equalled. In fifteen days they haddestroyed three Turkish armies, and swept the country from Shipka Pass to Adrianople and with one hundred and thirty-two thousand bayonets were ready to dictate peace to the Sublime Porte.General Gourko, who was Skobeleff’s senior, arrived in advance of his columns on January 26th, and took command of the city, while Skobeleff pushed on with his cavalry and in two weeks (February 5th) camped on the shores of the Sea of Marmora a short distance from Constantinople, having marched two hundred and seventy-five miles in twenty days, one hundred miles of it in four days.The history of the Russo-Turkish war has been written in terms of highest eulogy by impartial historians and disinterested eyewitnesses. The condensed account given in these pages is accorded space to emphasize the difference between warfare as conducted by one of the Great Powers of Europe and the barbarous methods of the “Unspeakable Turk.” Previously to the occupancy of Adrianople by the Russian forces, representatives of the two nations most interested, met and seriously discussed the question of peace.The Turkish delegates refused to accept the Russian terms. They were informed that the Russians would march upon Constantinople unless they accepted. On the question of the autonomy for Bulgaria, the Russians were inflexible. This the delegates refused, and the troops continued to close in upon Constantinople.On January 31st an armistice was signed, and a neutral zone declared with Constantinople exposed to the Russian army. While going over the lines of delimitation one day, General Skobeleff and his whole staff gazed upon the city of Constantinople. He was furiouswhen he learned that the Russian army was not even to enter Constantinople, and he is said to have debated whether he would not on his own responsibility take the city without orders and break the meshes of diplomacy.“I would hold a congress in Constantinople—here!” he said, “and would myself preside if I were Emperor, with three hundred thousand bayonets to back me—prepared for any eventuality. Then we could talk to them.”“But suppose all Europe should oppose you?”“There are moments when one must act—when it is criminal to be too cautious. We may have to wait centuries for so favorable an opportunity. You think the bulldogs would fight us? Never. It should be our duty to defend this—our own city—with the last drop of our blood.”When General Grant said that Russia’s abstaining from entering Constantinople was the greatest mistake a nation ever committed, he was either not aware of the secret engagement made with Lord Loftus, the British Ambassador at St. Petersburg, or he considered with reason that England’s sending her fleet into the Bosphorus was such a violation of her engagements of neutrality, as would justify Russia in not abiding by her promises.England, on February 8th, had ordered her fleet to Constantinople to protect British interests. News was received by Skobeleff that the fleet was under way. He instantly informed headquarters, and had orders for concentrating his troops where they could strike at a moment’s notice. He quickly and gladly so disposed his army that in two hours he could occupy the Turkishpositions, and in thirty six hours could place two divisions on the high ground just behind Constantinople, the very ground from which the Turks in 1453 had besieged and assaulted and captured this Queen of Eastern Christian Empire. For Russia had decided before the armistice that the English fleet coming into the Bosphorus should be the signal for the march into the city. Then came the news that the Turks refused to allow the fleet to pass and that it was lying at the mouth of the Dardanelles and the danger of a general European war was passed for the time.But the approach of the fleet was a warning and the delay, and hesitation of the Ambassadors to sign the preliminaries of peace and the objections they made were irritating to the last degree, and the answer of Russia was the removal of headquarters to San Stefano, only twelve miles from Constantinople, and there the treaty of peace must be signed.There is little time to portray the many dramatic scenes connected with the signing of the treaty of San Stefano. March 3d was the anniversary of the Czar’s accession to the throne. There was to be a grand review. At four o’clock the Grand Duke galloped towards the hill where the army was drawn up; then up dashed a carriage from the village. General Ignatieff was in it and when he approached he rose and said: “I have the honor to congratulate Your Highness on the signature of peace.” Then the Grand Duke to the army: “I have the honor to inform the army that with the help of God we have concluded a treaty of peace.”A shout, swelling and triumphant, rose from the throats of twenty thousand men, some of them the most famous regiments of Russia’s favored troops.After the review the Grand Duke spoke briefly, “To an army which has accomplished what you have, my friends, nothing is impossible.” Then all dismounted, uncovered and a solemn service was held, the soldiers all kneeling, even the wife of General Ignatieff was seen kneeling on a fur rug beside her carriage. The religious ceremony over, the Grand Duke took his stand and the army began to file past with a swinging, rapid stride. The night was falling, darkness settling over all. Still the Grand Duke sat motionless on his horse, the troops still were passing; the joyous shouts grew fainter and the measured tramp, tramp died out on the ear and the war of 1877–78 had entered into the history of the struggle of humanity for religious life and freedom. The history of the treaties of San Stefano and of Berlin will be told in the chapter that records the greatest crime of the century against the life and freedom of a still suffering and outraged humanity under the curse of Islam.
CHAPTER VII.THE RUSSO-TURKISH WAR.We turn back a single leaf of history in beginning this chapter on the Russo-Turkish War,—and stand at the opening of the year 1876. As the nations of Europe faced the questions of that hour, there was not one of them that desired to begin a war of which no statesman could foresee the issue.Perhaps the traditional desire of Russia to possess the gates of the two continents and fly her flag over Constantinople, delivered from the Crescent of Islam, was growing apace, and her indignation at the treatment of the Greek Christians was rising to fever heat, but she did not desire war. Turkey did not desire war, the insurrection in Bosnia and Herzegovina was giving her serious trouble. England did not desire war, though her people were divided, part favoring Russia as a Christian nation, as against an infidel, but a greater part thinking of Turkish bonds which were held in London that would be worthless if Turkey should be dismembered; France did not want a war which would imperil her interests in the Suez Canal and in Syria, and because if she sided with Turkey, Germany might side with the Czar. And as neither Germany nor Italy desired war it would seem as if it might be easy to prevent its occurrence.Hence the diplomats put their heads together, and Count Julius Andrassy, the Premier of Austria, one ofthe ablest of the Continental statesmen undertook on the 25th of January, 1876, to draw up a note to the Ottoman Porte demanding certain reforms from Turkey, and promising to sustain her if she would institute these reforms promptly.The following are some of the measures proposed for the pacification of discontented Servia, Roumania and Montenegro, viz:1. Religious liberty, full and entire.2. Abolition of the farming of taxes.3. A law to guarantee that the direct taxation of Bosnia and Herzegovina should be employed for the immediate interests of the province.4. A special commission, composed of an equal number of Mussulmans and Christians to superintend the execution of the reforms proclaimed and proposed.5. The amelioration of the condition of the rural populations.The Grand Vizier, Midhat Pasha, replied, that he was preparing a Constitution which would, he believed, embody these and other measures of reform.The Powers trusted his integrity and disposition to promote these reforms; but even though the entire Imperial ministry saw clearly the evils out of which the insurrections had grown, it were in the face of centuries of deceit and the cruelty and the intolerance of Islam, to believe that the Porte would of its own volition enforce these reforms against a hostile Mussulman sentiment.The Powers waited for months until on May 1st, 1876, without having received the honest approval of the Sultan, the outline of the Constitution of Midhat Pasha was published.Now note this fact—that on the 14th of May, when the representatives of Russia, Austria-Hungary, Germany and Great Britain, met at Berlin, desirous of sustaining the good intentions of the Grand Vizier and agreed upon a paper known as the “Berlin Memorandum,” which provided for a guaranty by the great powers of the several reforms which had been already proclaimed, when all the others had signed it, knowing that only by such a broad guaranty could the reforms ever be enforced, Great Britain refused to sign it on the ground “that it must obviously and inevitably lead to the military occupation of Turkey.”The Memorandum fell to the ground by the action of England, who was not willing to stand with the other powers and compel the enforcement of the reforms demanded. England was alone responsible for that failure.But worse than that, with all the enormities of the Bulgarian outrages which took place during the sessions of the great powers, just coming to the ears of the horrified nations, England sent her fleet into Besika Bay, on the 26th of May, as if to say to the other powers, “Hands off, let Turkey alone, no reforms are needed.”Two or three weeks after this demonstration, which had had its effect in assuring Turkey that England would stand by her, the fleet withdrew to its former harbor.Those were stormy days at Constantinople. The Grand Vizier, Mehemet Ruchdi, and Midhat Pasha requested the Sultan Abdul Aziz to give up some of his treasure to save the nation from ruin. He refused and was deposed May 29th. The next day his nephew was proclaimed as Murad V., joyfully accepted by thepeople and recognized by the Western powers. But he also was deposed on August 31st and his brother proclaimed. When invested on the 7th of September, with the Sword of Othman, Abdul Hamid II., in his inaugural address, said: “The great object to be aimed at, is to adopt measures for placing the laws and regulations of the country upon a basis which shall inspire confidence in their execution. For this purpose it is indispensable to proceed to the establishment of a general Council or National Assembly, whose acts will inspire confidence in the nation, and will be in harmony with the customs, aptitudes and capabilities of the populations of the Empire. The mission and duty of this Council will be, to guarantee without exception, the faithful execution of the existing laws, or of those which shall be promulgated in conformity with the provisions of the “Sheri” (The decrees already published), in connection with the real and legitimate wants of the country and its inhabitants, as also to control the equilibrium of the revenue and expenditures of the Empire.”In accordance with this inaugural promise the Council of Ministers prepared a Constitution, not quite so liberal as the one Midhat Pasha had previously presented, and proclaimed it on December 23d, 1876.Midhat Pasha had been made Grand Vizier on the 19th. On the 23d the opening of a Conference of six great Powers took place in Constantinople to consider measures that would ensure peace at the close of the Armistice then existing between Turkey and Servia and Montenegro which had been extended to February, 1877. They asked for local self-government for the Turkish provinces in Europe—equal treatment of Mohammedansand Christians, better administration for both, security for life and property and effectual guarantees against the repetition of outrages. On January 18th, 1877, the great National Council of Turkey rejected the propositions of the Conference, which therefore closed its sittings on the 20th, having accomplished nothing.Now just here please note this fact—that if Great Britain had signed the Berlin memorandum which was to guarantee the execution of the reforms promised—the Ambassadors might have demanded the enforcement of such reforms, and backed their demand by the presence of a fleet before Constantinople.Great Britain thus was to blame for the feebleness of theadvicewhich was tendered and of course rejected. If the Sultan had been sincere when he issued his inaugural, if he really meant to give equal rights to his Christian subjects he would have welcomed the presence of a combined fleet that would have protected himself from the opposition of fanatical leaders of the old Turkish party. This was the crisis of 1876,—granting that there was an honest desire to reform the government of Turkey and the distinct refusal of GreatBritainto sign the memorandum guaranteeing that said reforms promised should be executed, settles upon her government the responsibility of the failure of the promised reforms of the constitution proposed, and also of the war that followed.Notice further, the fanatical leading Turks were bound not to suffer the interference of any foreign power, and this bitterness of fanaticism apparently compelled the Sultan to dismiss and send into exile (February 5th) Midhat Pasha, the wisest minister inthe Government, and drove the Porte itself on to the war which followed.After the failure of the Conference at Constantinople, Prince Gortschakoff issued a circular in which after reciting what had taken place he said, “It is necessary for us to know what the cabinets with which we have hitherto acted in common, propose to do with a view of meeting this refusal and insuring the execution of their wishes.”Now remember the armistice was only extended to February 1st, 1877. Turkey refused to give any guarantee to fulfil the reforms promised, the atrocities of Bulgaria were still unpunished—the people were still at the mercy of the fanatical and cruel Turks.Before any response had been made to this request for information from the other Cabinets, a treaty of peace with Servia had been signed March 1st, and the First Parliament was convened at Constantinople March 19th.The Russian Government pressed for an answer, and fearing it might beembarrassedprepared a protocol which was signed by the representatives of the six powers at London on the 31st of March, 1877. After taking cognizance of the peace which had recently been concluded between Turkey and Servia, and of the good intentions of the Porte as had been shown in its declarations made from time to time during the past year, the protocol invited the Porte to place its army on a peace footing and then declared that “the Powers propose to watch carefully by means of their representatives at Constantinople and their local agents, the manner in which the promises of the Ottoman Government are carried into effect.“If their hopes should once more be disappointed, and if the condition of the Christian subjects of the Sultan should not be improved in such a manner as to prevent the returns of the complications which periodically disturb the peace of the East, they think it right to declare that such a state of affairs would be incompatible with their interests and those of Europe in general. In such case they reserve to themselves to consider in common as to the means which they may deem best fitted to secure the well-being of the Christian populations and the interests of the general peace.”These are very good words, but unless the Powers meant to back them up with men and guns and war ships, they were only waste breath and paper.On affixing his signature the Russian Ambassador filed the following declaration:—“If peace with Montenegro is concluded and the Porte accepts the advice of Europe, and shows itself ready to replace its forces on a peace footing—seriously to undertake the reforms mentioned in the protocol, let it send to St. Petersburg a special envoy to treat of disarmament to which His Majesty, the Emperor, would also on his part consent. If massacres similar to those which have stained Bulgaria with blood take place, this would necessarily put a stop to the measures of demobilization.”If Turkey had honestly desired to enforce the reforms promised, and deal justly by her Christian subjects, and avoid the dangers of war, there should have been no hesitation in giving its assent to this protocol.But the Sublime Porte knew very well that Great Britain would never take up arms against her, as shehad distinctly refused to sign a memorandum that might involve the pressure of force. The Porte knew it could rely upon the diplomatic resources of England in the final issue of affairs, hence rejected the protocol with audacity and insolence. In substance the rejection of these last offers of peace stated that:—First, the Sublime Porte would spare no effort to arrive at an understanding with the Prince of Montenegro. Second, that the Imperial government was prepared to adopt all the promised reforms. Third, that Turkey was ready to place its armies on a peace footing as soon as it saw the Russian government take measures to the same end. Fourth, with regard to the disturbances which might break out and stop the demobilization of the Russian army, the Turkish government repelled the injurious terms in which the idea had been expressed, and stated its belief that Europe was convinced that the recent disturbances were due to foreign instigation, (i. e.Russia’s) and after other reasons given, it declared that Turkey can not allow foreign agents or representatives charged to protect the interests of their compatriots to have any mission of official supervision. (Precisely its position to-day.)The Imperial government in fact is not aware how it can have deserved so ill of justice and civilization, as to see itself placed in a humiliating position without example in the world. (This after all the horrors of Bulgaria—which were known to the world long before this.)The treaty of Paris gave an explicit sanction to the principle of non-intervention. * * * And if Turkey appeals to the stipulations of the treaty * * it is for the purpose of calling attention to the grave reasons which, in the interest of the general peace of Europe,induced the powers, twenty years ago, to place the recognition of the inviolability of this Empire’s right to sovereignty, under the guaranty of its collective promise.When the Turkish ambassador in London called upon Earl Derby, on the 12th of April, to deliver the above circular, the British Minister of Foreign Affairs expressed his deep regrets at the view the Porte had taken, and said he could not see what further steps England could take to avert the war which appeared to be inevitable.On the 24th of April, the Czar, who was at Kischeneff, with his army, issued his manifesto in which he said:—“For two years we have made incessant efforts to induce the Porte to effect such reforms as would protect the Christians in Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Bulgaria from the arbitrary measures of the local authorities. The accomplishment of these reforms was absolutely stipulated by anterior engagements contracted by the Porte to the whole of Europe.“Our efforts supported by diplomatic representations made in common by the other governments have not, however, attained their object. The Porte has remained unshaken in its formal refusal of any effective guaranty for the security of its Christian subjects, and has rejected the conclusions of the Constantinople Conference. Wishing to essay every possible means of conciliation in order to persuade the Porte, we proposed to the other Cabinets to draw up a special protocol, comprising the most essential conditions of the Constantinople Conference, and to invite the Turkish government to adhere to this international act, which states the extreme limits of our peaceful demands. But ourexpectation was not fulfilled. The Porte did not defer to this unanimous wish of Christian Europe and did not adhere to the conclusions of the protocol. Having exhausted pacific efforts we are compelled by the haughty obstinacy of the Porte to proceed to more decisive acts, feeling that equity and our own dignity enjoin it. By her refusal, Turkey places us under the necessity of having recourse to arms.“Profoundly convinced of the justice of our cause and humbly committing ourselves to the grace and help of the Most High, we make known to our faithful subjects that the moment foreseen when we pronounced words to which all Russia responded with complete unanimity, has now arrived. We expressed the intention to act independently when we deemed it necessary, and when Russia’s honor should demand it. And now, invoking the blessing of God upon our valiant armies, we give them the order to cross the Turkish frontier.”Never was the sword drawn in more dignified and solemn manner; never in a more holy war for the deliverance of persecuted and outraged humanity. Alexander drew his sword in the cause of Bulgaria, knowing that single-handed and alone he must face the armies of Turkey, the indifference of Continental Europe; knowing that he must face the bitter opposition and jealousy of England, and not knowing but he might have to meet her armies and fleets as well. This latter possibility was averted, as we know, by the vehement opposition of Gladstone, John Bright, and other statesmen; the people voiced their opinions in four hundred public meetings, and the Disraeli Cabinet was prevented from declaring war in behalf of injured and self-righteous Turkey.It is very well known that there are many who deny that Russia was moved by any high sense of honor, or driven by righteous and outraged Christian sentiment to draw the sword for the deliverance of Bulgaria and the punishment of the unspeakable Turk. They affirm her to be governed entirely by self-interest, and that under the garb of zeal for her distressed co-religionists she seeks to conceal her purposes of self-aggrandizement. Russia has been the persistent and bitter foe of Turkey for three hundred years, and Turkey of Russia.Only once in all that time (1833) did Russia stretch out her hand to aid the Turk, and for reward she received the free navigation of the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus for a series of years. She has fought the Turk single-handed and alone: she has fought him when he has had Poland and the Tartars for his allies: when Venice and Austria and Hungary fought under his banners: when Italy and France were his allies: when England, France and Sardinia united to help him in the Crimea.Whatever her motives Russia has always been true to herself, and consistent in her hatred of the Turk. It may be that she has dreams of an empire ruled from Constantinople as a Winter Capital; but whatever her dreams or purposes, no nation has less claim to rule over the ancient Byzantine Empire than the alien race of the Ottoman Turks—fanatical followers of the prophet.The Russo-Turkish war, while but a brief campaign, was from its beginning to the treaty of San Stefano a war for religious life and freedom and singularly free from death or insult to civilian or woman, while abounding in thrilling and dramatic incident.On the Russian side the preparations for war had been carried on with much secrecy, headquarters being at Kischeneff in Bessarabia. The greater part of the army had been distributed throughout the provinces in comfortable winter quarters, and were in excellent health and spirits. Early in April the soldiers began swarming towards Kischeneff for the Grand Review and the expected declaration of war. The city had put on its holiday attire, flags and streamers were flying from the houses, and there was the greatest excitement among the people and the soldiers as they waited the arrival of the Emperor. The Review was to be no dress parade, but the serious prelude to war. It was all the more impressive therefore, as early on the morning of April 24th, 1877, the army corps began to gather on the broad plains and sloping hillsides above the town. The troops were already under arms by nine o’clock, standing in lone lines and solid masses, silent and almost motionless as for an hour and a half, they waited the arrival of the Emperor. The crowd, too, of onlookers were serious, and spoke in hushed voices, for these splendid troops were soon to be hurled against the fortification of Plevna only to be shattered, broken, decimated. Only when the Emperor appeared mounted, accompanied by his brother the Grand Duke Nicholas and an immense staff of a hundred officers and rode slowly along the lines, was the silence broken by the sound of music and the cheering of the soldiers.The review was over in an hour. The music ceased, silence reigned, the soldiers stood uncovered and the crowd also removed their caps. The voice of only one man was heard, that of the Bishop of Kischeneff saying a grand military Mass. For more than half an hour thesoldiers, composed,expectant, reverently stood and listened. When the Mass was finished a low murmur ran through the crowd. Then a dead silence, and again the strong voice of the Bishop was heard not now engaged in prayer but in reading the Manifesto. In the midst of it sobs were heard and as men looked they saw the Emperor weeping like a child. It had been the pride and glory of the reign of Alexander that his reign had been of peace. He hoped to finish it without war, and now the fatal step had been taken, and who could tell its issue. This was not the spirit of a man eager, determined on conquest, lusting for martial fame and glory. There was not a dry eye within sound of the Bishop’s voice, but when he closed with the impressive words, “And now, invoking the blessing of God upon our valiant armies we give them the order to cross the Turkish frontier,” a wild and universal shout went up—a shout of exultation, triumph, relief, which ran through all the army over hill and plain till the whole air resounded with the glad acclaim. Some corps started at once for the frontier and the rest began rapidly preparing for the march—and by the 10th of May the Russian army, over two hundred thousand men, was posted along the banks of the Danube facing the forts, the fleets and the armies of the Porte which numbered one hundred and fifty thousand effective soldiers.Not until June 27th did the main body of the Russians succeed in crossing the Danube, but it was most skillfully done and the march began for Constantinople. Already the hero of the war had been revealed in the person of General Skobeleff—the Custer of the Russian army and the youngest general in the army, with astrange and brilliant career which was to be most gloriously eclipsed by the successes of this campaign.“He was a tall, handsome man with a lithe, slender, active figure, clear, blue eyes, a large prominent, but straight well-shaped nose, the kind of a nose it said Napoleon used to look for among his officers when he wished to find a general.” He was highly educated, speaking five languages fluently, and always had time even in his hardest campaigns for new books and reviews. He was every inch a soldier, and his great strength lay in the power and influence he had over his men. He was never weary of seeing that his men were well fed, warmly clothed and comfortable. He was always intelligible in his orders. He was the comrade of his men as well as their officer. When the passage of the Danube was made finally on the pontoon bridge, Skobeleff shouldered a musket like a private soldier and marched over with his men. Every officer under him was devoted to him. He treated them all as friends, but then every one of them was expected when occasion came to lay down his life as an example to his men. “Fear,” he said, “must cease when a man reaches the grade of captain.”The British Mediterranean Fleet.The British Mediterranean Fleet.After the passage of the Danube, he was given the command of a division—was always at the front, in the thickest of every fight. He was a hero at Plevna, that stronghold commanding the pass through the Balkans, where Osman Pasha held the Russians at bay from July until December 11th. Three times the Russians had attacked it and been repulsed; twice in July and the third time in September. The great infantry assault was made on the 11th day of September, the fifth day of the bombardment.On this last occasion Skobeleff’s duty was to take a redoubt on a certain Green Hill, which he regarded as the key to the Turkish position. He always rode a white horse and wore a white coat that he might be more conspicuous to his own men during a battle. With his usual address to his soldiers he despatched them to the redoubt. He knew well that he was sending many of them to their death. They knew it too, but advanced unflinchingly in the face of a fearful fire from cannon and from infantry. One company wavered and broke. Instantly Skobeleff was among them on his white charger. “Follow me,” he cried, “I will show you how to thrash the Turks. Close up there! Follow me my men. I will lead you myself. He who deserts me should be ashamed of himself! Now then, drummers—look alive.”Meantime the Turks were seen everywhere torturing the wounded before despatching them. This roused the spirit of the Russians and they pushed on with fury. With fearful loss they captured the redoubt, and planted two Russian flags on it. Then Skobeleff, who had had two horses shot under him, started back for reinforcements.In vain he pleaded for men. In vain he pleaded that the redoubt was the key of the position. He burst into tears. He visited the redoubt three or four times during the day to encourage them. Plevna would soon be taken. Victory would crown their efforts. For the honor and the glory of the Russian arms;—and they always replied with the same cheery shouts while their numbers were dwindling by hundreds. But the battle was against the Russians. One more effort must be made.“Major Gortaloff, you will remain here in charge of the redoubt,” he said. “Can I depend on you? You must hold this at any price.” “I will remain or die, Your Excellency.” “Possibly I shall be unable to send you any reinforcements. Give me your word that you will not leave the redoubt.” “My honor is pledged. I will not leave this place alive.” The Major raised his hand as if taking an oath. Skobeleff embraced him. “God help you! Remember my men, there may be no reinforcements. Count only on yourselves. Farewell, heroes.” But as he took his last look at them—the finest troops of his division, he sighed. “Consecrated to death,” he said and thundered down the hill.Only one thing remained, to draw off his men and save as many of them as possible.A colonel of one regiment of Cossack infantry, however, without orders, put his men at Skobeleff’s disposal and once more he started for the redoubt.The Turks were swarming over the ramparts, mounting its walls on dead bodies. The garrison defending themselves by bayonets began to despair. At last through the fog and smoke they saw their comrades coming. But Skobeleff had only one battalion; not enough to drive out the Turks.“I think he wants to cover our retreat,” said the Major. He gathered his men about him. “Comrades go. Open your way with your bayonets. This place can no longer be held. God bless you, my children. Forward.” And bowing his head he reverently made the sign of the cross over his men. “And you, father?” they exclaimed. “I stay with our dead. Tell the general I have kept my word. Good by,children.” They watched him as they turned their heads in their retreat. They saw him standing on the ramparts waving to them. Then the Turks rushed in. They saw the struggle. They saw his body uplifted upon Turkish bayonets.“It was just after this,” said a correspondent, “that I met General Skobeleff the first time that day. He was in a fearful state of excitement and fury. His uniform was covered with mud and filth, his sword broken; his cross of St. George twisted round on his shoulder; his face black with powder and smoke; his eyes haggard and bloodshot, and his voice quite gone. I never before saw such a picture of battle as he presented. I saw him again in his tent at night. He was quite calm and collected. He said, ‘I have done my best. I could do no more. My detachment is half destroyed; my regiments do not exist; I have no officers left; they sent me no reinforcements, and I have lost three guns.’ ‘Why did they refuse you reinforcements?’ I asked. ‘Who was to blame?’ ‘I blame nobody,’ he replied. ‘It is the will of God.’”The Russians fell back from Plevna for a little breathing spell, having lost in this third assault more than twenty thousand men.At Bucharest General Skobeleff met General Todleben, the great engineer who had planned and superintended twenty-one years before the defence of Sebastopol. It had been decided to plan works by which Plevna should be taken, not by assault but by starvation.By the middle of October, 1877, Skobeleff was back at the seat of war with his division of about forty thousand men. He had no longer with him the “lions,”the “eagles,” the “heroes” of the third assault, but largely new recruits whom he must train.Two months of the siege sufficed to starve out the garrison, and Osman Pasha surrendered unconditionally on December 11th, and thirty-two thousand men laid down their arms and the gates were open towards Constantinople. As soon as Plevna fell Skobeleff was appointed its military governor. The Roumanians in the Russian army had already begun the plunder of the city. When Skobeleff remonstrated, their officers replied: “We are the victors, and the victors have a right to the spoils.” “In the first place,” answered the general, “we were never at war with the peaceable inhabitants of this place, and consequently can not have conquered them. But, secondly, please acquaint your men that I shall have victors of this kind shot. Every man caught marauding shall be shot like a dog. Please bear this in mind. There is another thing. You must not insult women. Such conduct is very humiliating. Let me tell you that every such complaint will be investigated and every case of outrage punished.”Compare this order with the horrible atrocities continually committed upon the Bulgarians during this campaign by Bashi-Bazouks and the thirty thousand Circassian horsemen, who were allowed to follow their own fashions, in which they excel even the Apache tribes once the terror of the Southwest. Before them went anguish and horror; after them death, ruin and despair.We have no time to follow the war as carried on in Armenia, but on November 17–18, the city and fortress of Kars was carried by assault, and the Russian officers remembering how the fanatical Turks had torturedand killed the wounded soldiers that had fallen into their cruel hands, expressed the fear lest their excited soldiers might put aside feelings of humanity and inflict summary vengeance.But contrary to all expectations, Cossack and Russian put aside all thought of personal revenge; and not a single civilian was killed or insulted, and not a woman had to complain of insult or outrage. These facts are stated for the sake of those who may have thought that there is little to choose between the semi-barbarous hordes of Russia (as they call them) and the armies of Turks, Kurds and Circassians.Another fact regarding the religious sentiment of the Russian peasant transformed into a soldier. A Frenchman who was at Plevna with the officers of the Commander-in-chief’s staff thus writes of Skobeleff: “He is a magnificent looking soldier, almost as tall as the Emperor. * * On the battlefield he is brave as a lion. * * * When ordering a retreat, he sheathes his sword, sends his white charger to the front and remains on foot, the last man in the rear, saying; ‘They may kill me if they like, but they shall not harm my horse unless he is advancing against the enemy.’He has never quitted a battlefield without carrying off his wounded (unless in such retreat as from the third assault on Plevna), nor has he ever after a battle gone to rest without making an address to his men, and writing his own report to the commander-in-chief. He is adored by his soldiers. * * He is highly educated and a sincerely religious man. ‘No man can feel comfortable in facing death’ he has been heard to say ‘who does not believe in God and have hope of a life to come.’ Each evening in the camp he stood bareheadedtaking part in the evening service which was chanted by fifty or sixty of his soldiers. * If the people of Paris who shed tears over the Miserére in Trovatore, could hear these simple soldiers in the presence of death addressing prayers and praises to the Almighty Father with their whole hearts, they would find it far more moving. Skobeleff is as distinguished for his modesty as his bravery. ‘My children,’ he says to his soldiers, ‘I wear these crosses, but it is you who have won them for me.’”Attention is called to these things that you can compare for yourselves the morale of the Russian army with its reverence for woman and for God, with the grossness and corruption and wickedness that prevails in the mixed multitudes that form the soldiers of Islam.Who is not touched by the deep sincerity of that word in his first address to his army, “while you are fighting I shall pray for you.”So deep was his interest in the war that he could not content himself in St. Petersburg but felt that his place was on the Danube. When he reached the seat of war he assumed no command, but he endeavored to inform himself about everything. The failures before Plevna greatly troubled him. “If we lose I will never return to Russia. I will die here with my brave soldiers.”Hence it was with more than usual emotion that the Emperor reviewed the troops, seventy thousand men, at Plevna a few days after its fall.The troops were drawn up in two lines of quarter columns at intervals of ten paces between regiments. The second line was about fifty paces in rear of the first. He embraced the Generals, greeted the officers and then accompanied by the Grand Duke and PrinceCharles, attended by a brilliant staff, he passed down the front line and back by the second. His reception was most enthusiastic, every regiment cheering the moment it caught sight of the white flag with the ornamental cross that denoted the Emperor’s presence; and nothing could be more impressive than the enormous volume of sound produced by the triumphant cheers of seventy thousand men.In a few days Skobeleff’s division was to cross the Balkans by a pass leading to Senova while the main army was to take the Shipka Pass. One order he gave caused much amusement among his brother officers. Each man of his division was ordered to carry a log of wood with him. “What will he think of next?” said some one. “If Skobeleff has ordered,” said the Grand Duke Nicholas, “he has some good reason for it.”He had a good reason. There was no wood on the summit of the Balkans. He wanted his men to have three hot meals a day. And in consequence of his precautions not one man of his division arrived disabled or frozen on the other side; not one had straggled, and the only two who were lost had slipped and fallen over a precipice. The soldiers who crossed the Shipka Pass suffered frightfully. The passage to Senova was an awful journey. The men had to break their way through great snowdrifts. They had to drag their cannon on sledges by hand, but on the third day they descended into the Valley of Roses in splendid form.In the battles that raged during the next few days Skobeleff was uniformly successful, and the regiments coming down the Shipka Pass went right into the thick of the fight. At last the Turks put out two white flags. The Pashas surrendered themselves and theirwhole army—thirty-five thousand men and one hundred and thirteen guns were given up.“The scoundrels,” muttered Gen. Skobeleff “to give up with such a force and with such a position.” “No wonder,” cried the Turks, “that we were beaten; for the Russians were commanded by Akh Pasha and it is impossible to overcome him.”The first order given was, “Let the Turks’ property be sacred to us. Let not a crumb of theirs be lost. Warn the men, I will shoot them for stealing.”“I shall never forget,” said Mr. Kinnard Rose, “a solemn service for the repose of the souls of the dead that was held on that battlefield of Senova by the General and a score of companions. Skobeleff’s chaplain chanted the Mass with a simple dragoon for clerk. Every head was uncovered. The party stood in respectful groups around a monumental column with its cross, the General to the right of the priest. As the service progressed, the General wept like a child, and among the small but deeply moved congregation there were few dry eyes.”And now the road lay open before him. The last army was beaten—Skobeleff’s forced march made the Turkish Pashas stand aghast—thirty, even fifty miles a day, and soon he had occupied Adrianople, the second city of the Empire. He had entered it without a sick man—there was not a theft nor burglary—not a street row, as he rested there a few days.The heroes of the campaign in the Balkans were Generals Gourko, Radetzky and Skobeleff. They carried out operations which for difficulty of execution, rapidity of movement and quickness of combination have hardly ever been equalled. In fifteen days they haddestroyed three Turkish armies, and swept the country from Shipka Pass to Adrianople and with one hundred and thirty-two thousand bayonets were ready to dictate peace to the Sublime Porte.General Gourko, who was Skobeleff’s senior, arrived in advance of his columns on January 26th, and took command of the city, while Skobeleff pushed on with his cavalry and in two weeks (February 5th) camped on the shores of the Sea of Marmora a short distance from Constantinople, having marched two hundred and seventy-five miles in twenty days, one hundred miles of it in four days.The history of the Russo-Turkish war has been written in terms of highest eulogy by impartial historians and disinterested eyewitnesses. The condensed account given in these pages is accorded space to emphasize the difference between warfare as conducted by one of the Great Powers of Europe and the barbarous methods of the “Unspeakable Turk.” Previously to the occupancy of Adrianople by the Russian forces, representatives of the two nations most interested, met and seriously discussed the question of peace.The Turkish delegates refused to accept the Russian terms. They were informed that the Russians would march upon Constantinople unless they accepted. On the question of the autonomy for Bulgaria, the Russians were inflexible. This the delegates refused, and the troops continued to close in upon Constantinople.On January 31st an armistice was signed, and a neutral zone declared with Constantinople exposed to the Russian army. While going over the lines of delimitation one day, General Skobeleff and his whole staff gazed upon the city of Constantinople. He was furiouswhen he learned that the Russian army was not even to enter Constantinople, and he is said to have debated whether he would not on his own responsibility take the city without orders and break the meshes of diplomacy.“I would hold a congress in Constantinople—here!” he said, “and would myself preside if I were Emperor, with three hundred thousand bayonets to back me—prepared for any eventuality. Then we could talk to them.”“But suppose all Europe should oppose you?”“There are moments when one must act—when it is criminal to be too cautious. We may have to wait centuries for so favorable an opportunity. You think the bulldogs would fight us? Never. It should be our duty to defend this—our own city—with the last drop of our blood.”When General Grant said that Russia’s abstaining from entering Constantinople was the greatest mistake a nation ever committed, he was either not aware of the secret engagement made with Lord Loftus, the British Ambassador at St. Petersburg, or he considered with reason that England’s sending her fleet into the Bosphorus was such a violation of her engagements of neutrality, as would justify Russia in not abiding by her promises.England, on February 8th, had ordered her fleet to Constantinople to protect British interests. News was received by Skobeleff that the fleet was under way. He instantly informed headquarters, and had orders for concentrating his troops where they could strike at a moment’s notice. He quickly and gladly so disposed his army that in two hours he could occupy the Turkishpositions, and in thirty six hours could place two divisions on the high ground just behind Constantinople, the very ground from which the Turks in 1453 had besieged and assaulted and captured this Queen of Eastern Christian Empire. For Russia had decided before the armistice that the English fleet coming into the Bosphorus should be the signal for the march into the city. Then came the news that the Turks refused to allow the fleet to pass and that it was lying at the mouth of the Dardanelles and the danger of a general European war was passed for the time.But the approach of the fleet was a warning and the delay, and hesitation of the Ambassadors to sign the preliminaries of peace and the objections they made were irritating to the last degree, and the answer of Russia was the removal of headquarters to San Stefano, only twelve miles from Constantinople, and there the treaty of peace must be signed.There is little time to portray the many dramatic scenes connected with the signing of the treaty of San Stefano. March 3d was the anniversary of the Czar’s accession to the throne. There was to be a grand review. At four o’clock the Grand Duke galloped towards the hill where the army was drawn up; then up dashed a carriage from the village. General Ignatieff was in it and when he approached he rose and said: “I have the honor to congratulate Your Highness on the signature of peace.” Then the Grand Duke to the army: “I have the honor to inform the army that with the help of God we have concluded a treaty of peace.”A shout, swelling and triumphant, rose from the throats of twenty thousand men, some of them the most famous regiments of Russia’s favored troops.After the review the Grand Duke spoke briefly, “To an army which has accomplished what you have, my friends, nothing is impossible.” Then all dismounted, uncovered and a solemn service was held, the soldiers all kneeling, even the wife of General Ignatieff was seen kneeling on a fur rug beside her carriage. The religious ceremony over, the Grand Duke took his stand and the army began to file past with a swinging, rapid stride. The night was falling, darkness settling over all. Still the Grand Duke sat motionless on his horse, the troops still were passing; the joyous shouts grew fainter and the measured tramp, tramp died out on the ear and the war of 1877–78 had entered into the history of the struggle of humanity for religious life and freedom. The history of the treaties of San Stefano and of Berlin will be told in the chapter that records the greatest crime of the century against the life and freedom of a still suffering and outraged humanity under the curse of Islam.
CHAPTER VII.THE RUSSO-TURKISH WAR.
We turn back a single leaf of history in beginning this chapter on the Russo-Turkish War,—and stand at the opening of the year 1876. As the nations of Europe faced the questions of that hour, there was not one of them that desired to begin a war of which no statesman could foresee the issue.Perhaps the traditional desire of Russia to possess the gates of the two continents and fly her flag over Constantinople, delivered from the Crescent of Islam, was growing apace, and her indignation at the treatment of the Greek Christians was rising to fever heat, but she did not desire war. Turkey did not desire war, the insurrection in Bosnia and Herzegovina was giving her serious trouble. England did not desire war, though her people were divided, part favoring Russia as a Christian nation, as against an infidel, but a greater part thinking of Turkish bonds which were held in London that would be worthless if Turkey should be dismembered; France did not want a war which would imperil her interests in the Suez Canal and in Syria, and because if she sided with Turkey, Germany might side with the Czar. And as neither Germany nor Italy desired war it would seem as if it might be easy to prevent its occurrence.Hence the diplomats put their heads together, and Count Julius Andrassy, the Premier of Austria, one ofthe ablest of the Continental statesmen undertook on the 25th of January, 1876, to draw up a note to the Ottoman Porte demanding certain reforms from Turkey, and promising to sustain her if she would institute these reforms promptly.The following are some of the measures proposed for the pacification of discontented Servia, Roumania and Montenegro, viz:1. Religious liberty, full and entire.2. Abolition of the farming of taxes.3. A law to guarantee that the direct taxation of Bosnia and Herzegovina should be employed for the immediate interests of the province.4. A special commission, composed of an equal number of Mussulmans and Christians to superintend the execution of the reforms proclaimed and proposed.5. The amelioration of the condition of the rural populations.The Grand Vizier, Midhat Pasha, replied, that he was preparing a Constitution which would, he believed, embody these and other measures of reform.The Powers trusted his integrity and disposition to promote these reforms; but even though the entire Imperial ministry saw clearly the evils out of which the insurrections had grown, it were in the face of centuries of deceit and the cruelty and the intolerance of Islam, to believe that the Porte would of its own volition enforce these reforms against a hostile Mussulman sentiment.The Powers waited for months until on May 1st, 1876, without having received the honest approval of the Sultan, the outline of the Constitution of Midhat Pasha was published.Now note this fact—that on the 14th of May, when the representatives of Russia, Austria-Hungary, Germany and Great Britain, met at Berlin, desirous of sustaining the good intentions of the Grand Vizier and agreed upon a paper known as the “Berlin Memorandum,” which provided for a guaranty by the great powers of the several reforms which had been already proclaimed, when all the others had signed it, knowing that only by such a broad guaranty could the reforms ever be enforced, Great Britain refused to sign it on the ground “that it must obviously and inevitably lead to the military occupation of Turkey.”The Memorandum fell to the ground by the action of England, who was not willing to stand with the other powers and compel the enforcement of the reforms demanded. England was alone responsible for that failure.But worse than that, with all the enormities of the Bulgarian outrages which took place during the sessions of the great powers, just coming to the ears of the horrified nations, England sent her fleet into Besika Bay, on the 26th of May, as if to say to the other powers, “Hands off, let Turkey alone, no reforms are needed.”Two or three weeks after this demonstration, which had had its effect in assuring Turkey that England would stand by her, the fleet withdrew to its former harbor.Those were stormy days at Constantinople. The Grand Vizier, Mehemet Ruchdi, and Midhat Pasha requested the Sultan Abdul Aziz to give up some of his treasure to save the nation from ruin. He refused and was deposed May 29th. The next day his nephew was proclaimed as Murad V., joyfully accepted by thepeople and recognized by the Western powers. But he also was deposed on August 31st and his brother proclaimed. When invested on the 7th of September, with the Sword of Othman, Abdul Hamid II., in his inaugural address, said: “The great object to be aimed at, is to adopt measures for placing the laws and regulations of the country upon a basis which shall inspire confidence in their execution. For this purpose it is indispensable to proceed to the establishment of a general Council or National Assembly, whose acts will inspire confidence in the nation, and will be in harmony with the customs, aptitudes and capabilities of the populations of the Empire. The mission and duty of this Council will be, to guarantee without exception, the faithful execution of the existing laws, or of those which shall be promulgated in conformity with the provisions of the “Sheri” (The decrees already published), in connection with the real and legitimate wants of the country and its inhabitants, as also to control the equilibrium of the revenue and expenditures of the Empire.”In accordance with this inaugural promise the Council of Ministers prepared a Constitution, not quite so liberal as the one Midhat Pasha had previously presented, and proclaimed it on December 23d, 1876.Midhat Pasha had been made Grand Vizier on the 19th. On the 23d the opening of a Conference of six great Powers took place in Constantinople to consider measures that would ensure peace at the close of the Armistice then existing between Turkey and Servia and Montenegro which had been extended to February, 1877. They asked for local self-government for the Turkish provinces in Europe—equal treatment of Mohammedansand Christians, better administration for both, security for life and property and effectual guarantees against the repetition of outrages. On January 18th, 1877, the great National Council of Turkey rejected the propositions of the Conference, which therefore closed its sittings on the 20th, having accomplished nothing.Now just here please note this fact—that if Great Britain had signed the Berlin memorandum which was to guarantee the execution of the reforms promised—the Ambassadors might have demanded the enforcement of such reforms, and backed their demand by the presence of a fleet before Constantinople.Great Britain thus was to blame for the feebleness of theadvicewhich was tendered and of course rejected. If the Sultan had been sincere when he issued his inaugural, if he really meant to give equal rights to his Christian subjects he would have welcomed the presence of a combined fleet that would have protected himself from the opposition of fanatical leaders of the old Turkish party. This was the crisis of 1876,—granting that there was an honest desire to reform the government of Turkey and the distinct refusal of GreatBritainto sign the memorandum guaranteeing that said reforms promised should be executed, settles upon her government the responsibility of the failure of the promised reforms of the constitution proposed, and also of the war that followed.Notice further, the fanatical leading Turks were bound not to suffer the interference of any foreign power, and this bitterness of fanaticism apparently compelled the Sultan to dismiss and send into exile (February 5th) Midhat Pasha, the wisest minister inthe Government, and drove the Porte itself on to the war which followed.After the failure of the Conference at Constantinople, Prince Gortschakoff issued a circular in which after reciting what had taken place he said, “It is necessary for us to know what the cabinets with which we have hitherto acted in common, propose to do with a view of meeting this refusal and insuring the execution of their wishes.”Now remember the armistice was only extended to February 1st, 1877. Turkey refused to give any guarantee to fulfil the reforms promised, the atrocities of Bulgaria were still unpunished—the people were still at the mercy of the fanatical and cruel Turks.Before any response had been made to this request for information from the other Cabinets, a treaty of peace with Servia had been signed March 1st, and the First Parliament was convened at Constantinople March 19th.The Russian Government pressed for an answer, and fearing it might beembarrassedprepared a protocol which was signed by the representatives of the six powers at London on the 31st of March, 1877. After taking cognizance of the peace which had recently been concluded between Turkey and Servia, and of the good intentions of the Porte as had been shown in its declarations made from time to time during the past year, the protocol invited the Porte to place its army on a peace footing and then declared that “the Powers propose to watch carefully by means of their representatives at Constantinople and their local agents, the manner in which the promises of the Ottoman Government are carried into effect.“If their hopes should once more be disappointed, and if the condition of the Christian subjects of the Sultan should not be improved in such a manner as to prevent the returns of the complications which periodically disturb the peace of the East, they think it right to declare that such a state of affairs would be incompatible with their interests and those of Europe in general. In such case they reserve to themselves to consider in common as to the means which they may deem best fitted to secure the well-being of the Christian populations and the interests of the general peace.”These are very good words, but unless the Powers meant to back them up with men and guns and war ships, they were only waste breath and paper.On affixing his signature the Russian Ambassador filed the following declaration:—“If peace with Montenegro is concluded and the Porte accepts the advice of Europe, and shows itself ready to replace its forces on a peace footing—seriously to undertake the reforms mentioned in the protocol, let it send to St. Petersburg a special envoy to treat of disarmament to which His Majesty, the Emperor, would also on his part consent. If massacres similar to those which have stained Bulgaria with blood take place, this would necessarily put a stop to the measures of demobilization.”If Turkey had honestly desired to enforce the reforms promised, and deal justly by her Christian subjects, and avoid the dangers of war, there should have been no hesitation in giving its assent to this protocol.But the Sublime Porte knew very well that Great Britain would never take up arms against her, as shehad distinctly refused to sign a memorandum that might involve the pressure of force. The Porte knew it could rely upon the diplomatic resources of England in the final issue of affairs, hence rejected the protocol with audacity and insolence. In substance the rejection of these last offers of peace stated that:—First, the Sublime Porte would spare no effort to arrive at an understanding with the Prince of Montenegro. Second, that the Imperial government was prepared to adopt all the promised reforms. Third, that Turkey was ready to place its armies on a peace footing as soon as it saw the Russian government take measures to the same end. Fourth, with regard to the disturbances which might break out and stop the demobilization of the Russian army, the Turkish government repelled the injurious terms in which the idea had been expressed, and stated its belief that Europe was convinced that the recent disturbances were due to foreign instigation, (i. e.Russia’s) and after other reasons given, it declared that Turkey can not allow foreign agents or representatives charged to protect the interests of their compatriots to have any mission of official supervision. (Precisely its position to-day.)The Imperial government in fact is not aware how it can have deserved so ill of justice and civilization, as to see itself placed in a humiliating position without example in the world. (This after all the horrors of Bulgaria—which were known to the world long before this.)The treaty of Paris gave an explicit sanction to the principle of non-intervention. * * * And if Turkey appeals to the stipulations of the treaty * * it is for the purpose of calling attention to the grave reasons which, in the interest of the general peace of Europe,induced the powers, twenty years ago, to place the recognition of the inviolability of this Empire’s right to sovereignty, under the guaranty of its collective promise.When the Turkish ambassador in London called upon Earl Derby, on the 12th of April, to deliver the above circular, the British Minister of Foreign Affairs expressed his deep regrets at the view the Porte had taken, and said he could not see what further steps England could take to avert the war which appeared to be inevitable.On the 24th of April, the Czar, who was at Kischeneff, with his army, issued his manifesto in which he said:—“For two years we have made incessant efforts to induce the Porte to effect such reforms as would protect the Christians in Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Bulgaria from the arbitrary measures of the local authorities. The accomplishment of these reforms was absolutely stipulated by anterior engagements contracted by the Porte to the whole of Europe.“Our efforts supported by diplomatic representations made in common by the other governments have not, however, attained their object. The Porte has remained unshaken in its formal refusal of any effective guaranty for the security of its Christian subjects, and has rejected the conclusions of the Constantinople Conference. Wishing to essay every possible means of conciliation in order to persuade the Porte, we proposed to the other Cabinets to draw up a special protocol, comprising the most essential conditions of the Constantinople Conference, and to invite the Turkish government to adhere to this international act, which states the extreme limits of our peaceful demands. But ourexpectation was not fulfilled. The Porte did not defer to this unanimous wish of Christian Europe and did not adhere to the conclusions of the protocol. Having exhausted pacific efforts we are compelled by the haughty obstinacy of the Porte to proceed to more decisive acts, feeling that equity and our own dignity enjoin it. By her refusal, Turkey places us under the necessity of having recourse to arms.“Profoundly convinced of the justice of our cause and humbly committing ourselves to the grace and help of the Most High, we make known to our faithful subjects that the moment foreseen when we pronounced words to which all Russia responded with complete unanimity, has now arrived. We expressed the intention to act independently when we deemed it necessary, and when Russia’s honor should demand it. And now, invoking the blessing of God upon our valiant armies, we give them the order to cross the Turkish frontier.”Never was the sword drawn in more dignified and solemn manner; never in a more holy war for the deliverance of persecuted and outraged humanity. Alexander drew his sword in the cause of Bulgaria, knowing that single-handed and alone he must face the armies of Turkey, the indifference of Continental Europe; knowing that he must face the bitter opposition and jealousy of England, and not knowing but he might have to meet her armies and fleets as well. This latter possibility was averted, as we know, by the vehement opposition of Gladstone, John Bright, and other statesmen; the people voiced their opinions in four hundred public meetings, and the Disraeli Cabinet was prevented from declaring war in behalf of injured and self-righteous Turkey.It is very well known that there are many who deny that Russia was moved by any high sense of honor, or driven by righteous and outraged Christian sentiment to draw the sword for the deliverance of Bulgaria and the punishment of the unspeakable Turk. They affirm her to be governed entirely by self-interest, and that under the garb of zeal for her distressed co-religionists she seeks to conceal her purposes of self-aggrandizement. Russia has been the persistent and bitter foe of Turkey for three hundred years, and Turkey of Russia.Only once in all that time (1833) did Russia stretch out her hand to aid the Turk, and for reward she received the free navigation of the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus for a series of years. She has fought the Turk single-handed and alone: she has fought him when he has had Poland and the Tartars for his allies: when Venice and Austria and Hungary fought under his banners: when Italy and France were his allies: when England, France and Sardinia united to help him in the Crimea.Whatever her motives Russia has always been true to herself, and consistent in her hatred of the Turk. It may be that she has dreams of an empire ruled from Constantinople as a Winter Capital; but whatever her dreams or purposes, no nation has less claim to rule over the ancient Byzantine Empire than the alien race of the Ottoman Turks—fanatical followers of the prophet.The Russo-Turkish war, while but a brief campaign, was from its beginning to the treaty of San Stefano a war for religious life and freedom and singularly free from death or insult to civilian or woman, while abounding in thrilling and dramatic incident.On the Russian side the preparations for war had been carried on with much secrecy, headquarters being at Kischeneff in Bessarabia. The greater part of the army had been distributed throughout the provinces in comfortable winter quarters, and were in excellent health and spirits. Early in April the soldiers began swarming towards Kischeneff for the Grand Review and the expected declaration of war. The city had put on its holiday attire, flags and streamers were flying from the houses, and there was the greatest excitement among the people and the soldiers as they waited the arrival of the Emperor. The Review was to be no dress parade, but the serious prelude to war. It was all the more impressive therefore, as early on the morning of April 24th, 1877, the army corps began to gather on the broad plains and sloping hillsides above the town. The troops were already under arms by nine o’clock, standing in lone lines and solid masses, silent and almost motionless as for an hour and a half, they waited the arrival of the Emperor. The crowd, too, of onlookers were serious, and spoke in hushed voices, for these splendid troops were soon to be hurled against the fortification of Plevna only to be shattered, broken, decimated. Only when the Emperor appeared mounted, accompanied by his brother the Grand Duke Nicholas and an immense staff of a hundred officers and rode slowly along the lines, was the silence broken by the sound of music and the cheering of the soldiers.The review was over in an hour. The music ceased, silence reigned, the soldiers stood uncovered and the crowd also removed their caps. The voice of only one man was heard, that of the Bishop of Kischeneff saying a grand military Mass. For more than half an hour thesoldiers, composed,expectant, reverently stood and listened. When the Mass was finished a low murmur ran through the crowd. Then a dead silence, and again the strong voice of the Bishop was heard not now engaged in prayer but in reading the Manifesto. In the midst of it sobs were heard and as men looked they saw the Emperor weeping like a child. It had been the pride and glory of the reign of Alexander that his reign had been of peace. He hoped to finish it without war, and now the fatal step had been taken, and who could tell its issue. This was not the spirit of a man eager, determined on conquest, lusting for martial fame and glory. There was not a dry eye within sound of the Bishop’s voice, but when he closed with the impressive words, “And now, invoking the blessing of God upon our valiant armies we give them the order to cross the Turkish frontier,” a wild and universal shout went up—a shout of exultation, triumph, relief, which ran through all the army over hill and plain till the whole air resounded with the glad acclaim. Some corps started at once for the frontier and the rest began rapidly preparing for the march—and by the 10th of May the Russian army, over two hundred thousand men, was posted along the banks of the Danube facing the forts, the fleets and the armies of the Porte which numbered one hundred and fifty thousand effective soldiers.Not until June 27th did the main body of the Russians succeed in crossing the Danube, but it was most skillfully done and the march began for Constantinople. Already the hero of the war had been revealed in the person of General Skobeleff—the Custer of the Russian army and the youngest general in the army, with astrange and brilliant career which was to be most gloriously eclipsed by the successes of this campaign.“He was a tall, handsome man with a lithe, slender, active figure, clear, blue eyes, a large prominent, but straight well-shaped nose, the kind of a nose it said Napoleon used to look for among his officers when he wished to find a general.” He was highly educated, speaking five languages fluently, and always had time even in his hardest campaigns for new books and reviews. He was every inch a soldier, and his great strength lay in the power and influence he had over his men. He was never weary of seeing that his men were well fed, warmly clothed and comfortable. He was always intelligible in his orders. He was the comrade of his men as well as their officer. When the passage of the Danube was made finally on the pontoon bridge, Skobeleff shouldered a musket like a private soldier and marched over with his men. Every officer under him was devoted to him. He treated them all as friends, but then every one of them was expected when occasion came to lay down his life as an example to his men. “Fear,” he said, “must cease when a man reaches the grade of captain.”The British Mediterranean Fleet.The British Mediterranean Fleet.After the passage of the Danube, he was given the command of a division—was always at the front, in the thickest of every fight. He was a hero at Plevna, that stronghold commanding the pass through the Balkans, where Osman Pasha held the Russians at bay from July until December 11th. Three times the Russians had attacked it and been repulsed; twice in July and the third time in September. The great infantry assault was made on the 11th day of September, the fifth day of the bombardment.On this last occasion Skobeleff’s duty was to take a redoubt on a certain Green Hill, which he regarded as the key to the Turkish position. He always rode a white horse and wore a white coat that he might be more conspicuous to his own men during a battle. With his usual address to his soldiers he despatched them to the redoubt. He knew well that he was sending many of them to their death. They knew it too, but advanced unflinchingly in the face of a fearful fire from cannon and from infantry. One company wavered and broke. Instantly Skobeleff was among them on his white charger. “Follow me,” he cried, “I will show you how to thrash the Turks. Close up there! Follow me my men. I will lead you myself. He who deserts me should be ashamed of himself! Now then, drummers—look alive.”Meantime the Turks were seen everywhere torturing the wounded before despatching them. This roused the spirit of the Russians and they pushed on with fury. With fearful loss they captured the redoubt, and planted two Russian flags on it. Then Skobeleff, who had had two horses shot under him, started back for reinforcements.In vain he pleaded for men. In vain he pleaded that the redoubt was the key of the position. He burst into tears. He visited the redoubt three or four times during the day to encourage them. Plevna would soon be taken. Victory would crown their efforts. For the honor and the glory of the Russian arms;—and they always replied with the same cheery shouts while their numbers were dwindling by hundreds. But the battle was against the Russians. One more effort must be made.“Major Gortaloff, you will remain here in charge of the redoubt,” he said. “Can I depend on you? You must hold this at any price.” “I will remain or die, Your Excellency.” “Possibly I shall be unable to send you any reinforcements. Give me your word that you will not leave the redoubt.” “My honor is pledged. I will not leave this place alive.” The Major raised his hand as if taking an oath. Skobeleff embraced him. “God help you! Remember my men, there may be no reinforcements. Count only on yourselves. Farewell, heroes.” But as he took his last look at them—the finest troops of his division, he sighed. “Consecrated to death,” he said and thundered down the hill.Only one thing remained, to draw off his men and save as many of them as possible.A colonel of one regiment of Cossack infantry, however, without orders, put his men at Skobeleff’s disposal and once more he started for the redoubt.The Turks were swarming over the ramparts, mounting its walls on dead bodies. The garrison defending themselves by bayonets began to despair. At last through the fog and smoke they saw their comrades coming. But Skobeleff had only one battalion; not enough to drive out the Turks.“I think he wants to cover our retreat,” said the Major. He gathered his men about him. “Comrades go. Open your way with your bayonets. This place can no longer be held. God bless you, my children. Forward.” And bowing his head he reverently made the sign of the cross over his men. “And you, father?” they exclaimed. “I stay with our dead. Tell the general I have kept my word. Good by,children.” They watched him as they turned their heads in their retreat. They saw him standing on the ramparts waving to them. Then the Turks rushed in. They saw the struggle. They saw his body uplifted upon Turkish bayonets.“It was just after this,” said a correspondent, “that I met General Skobeleff the first time that day. He was in a fearful state of excitement and fury. His uniform was covered with mud and filth, his sword broken; his cross of St. George twisted round on his shoulder; his face black with powder and smoke; his eyes haggard and bloodshot, and his voice quite gone. I never before saw such a picture of battle as he presented. I saw him again in his tent at night. He was quite calm and collected. He said, ‘I have done my best. I could do no more. My detachment is half destroyed; my regiments do not exist; I have no officers left; they sent me no reinforcements, and I have lost three guns.’ ‘Why did they refuse you reinforcements?’ I asked. ‘Who was to blame?’ ‘I blame nobody,’ he replied. ‘It is the will of God.’”The Russians fell back from Plevna for a little breathing spell, having lost in this third assault more than twenty thousand men.At Bucharest General Skobeleff met General Todleben, the great engineer who had planned and superintended twenty-one years before the defence of Sebastopol. It had been decided to plan works by which Plevna should be taken, not by assault but by starvation.By the middle of October, 1877, Skobeleff was back at the seat of war with his division of about forty thousand men. He had no longer with him the “lions,”the “eagles,” the “heroes” of the third assault, but largely new recruits whom he must train.Two months of the siege sufficed to starve out the garrison, and Osman Pasha surrendered unconditionally on December 11th, and thirty-two thousand men laid down their arms and the gates were open towards Constantinople. As soon as Plevna fell Skobeleff was appointed its military governor. The Roumanians in the Russian army had already begun the plunder of the city. When Skobeleff remonstrated, their officers replied: “We are the victors, and the victors have a right to the spoils.” “In the first place,” answered the general, “we were never at war with the peaceable inhabitants of this place, and consequently can not have conquered them. But, secondly, please acquaint your men that I shall have victors of this kind shot. Every man caught marauding shall be shot like a dog. Please bear this in mind. There is another thing. You must not insult women. Such conduct is very humiliating. Let me tell you that every such complaint will be investigated and every case of outrage punished.”Compare this order with the horrible atrocities continually committed upon the Bulgarians during this campaign by Bashi-Bazouks and the thirty thousand Circassian horsemen, who were allowed to follow their own fashions, in which they excel even the Apache tribes once the terror of the Southwest. Before them went anguish and horror; after them death, ruin and despair.We have no time to follow the war as carried on in Armenia, but on November 17–18, the city and fortress of Kars was carried by assault, and the Russian officers remembering how the fanatical Turks had torturedand killed the wounded soldiers that had fallen into their cruel hands, expressed the fear lest their excited soldiers might put aside feelings of humanity and inflict summary vengeance.But contrary to all expectations, Cossack and Russian put aside all thought of personal revenge; and not a single civilian was killed or insulted, and not a woman had to complain of insult or outrage. These facts are stated for the sake of those who may have thought that there is little to choose between the semi-barbarous hordes of Russia (as they call them) and the armies of Turks, Kurds and Circassians.Another fact regarding the religious sentiment of the Russian peasant transformed into a soldier. A Frenchman who was at Plevna with the officers of the Commander-in-chief’s staff thus writes of Skobeleff: “He is a magnificent looking soldier, almost as tall as the Emperor. * * On the battlefield he is brave as a lion. * * * When ordering a retreat, he sheathes his sword, sends his white charger to the front and remains on foot, the last man in the rear, saying; ‘They may kill me if they like, but they shall not harm my horse unless he is advancing against the enemy.’He has never quitted a battlefield without carrying off his wounded (unless in such retreat as from the third assault on Plevna), nor has he ever after a battle gone to rest without making an address to his men, and writing his own report to the commander-in-chief. He is adored by his soldiers. * * He is highly educated and a sincerely religious man. ‘No man can feel comfortable in facing death’ he has been heard to say ‘who does not believe in God and have hope of a life to come.’ Each evening in the camp he stood bareheadedtaking part in the evening service which was chanted by fifty or sixty of his soldiers. * If the people of Paris who shed tears over the Miserére in Trovatore, could hear these simple soldiers in the presence of death addressing prayers and praises to the Almighty Father with their whole hearts, they would find it far more moving. Skobeleff is as distinguished for his modesty as his bravery. ‘My children,’ he says to his soldiers, ‘I wear these crosses, but it is you who have won them for me.’”Attention is called to these things that you can compare for yourselves the morale of the Russian army with its reverence for woman and for God, with the grossness and corruption and wickedness that prevails in the mixed multitudes that form the soldiers of Islam.Who is not touched by the deep sincerity of that word in his first address to his army, “while you are fighting I shall pray for you.”So deep was his interest in the war that he could not content himself in St. Petersburg but felt that his place was on the Danube. When he reached the seat of war he assumed no command, but he endeavored to inform himself about everything. The failures before Plevna greatly troubled him. “If we lose I will never return to Russia. I will die here with my brave soldiers.”Hence it was with more than usual emotion that the Emperor reviewed the troops, seventy thousand men, at Plevna a few days after its fall.The troops were drawn up in two lines of quarter columns at intervals of ten paces between regiments. The second line was about fifty paces in rear of the first. He embraced the Generals, greeted the officers and then accompanied by the Grand Duke and PrinceCharles, attended by a brilliant staff, he passed down the front line and back by the second. His reception was most enthusiastic, every regiment cheering the moment it caught sight of the white flag with the ornamental cross that denoted the Emperor’s presence; and nothing could be more impressive than the enormous volume of sound produced by the triumphant cheers of seventy thousand men.In a few days Skobeleff’s division was to cross the Balkans by a pass leading to Senova while the main army was to take the Shipka Pass. One order he gave caused much amusement among his brother officers. Each man of his division was ordered to carry a log of wood with him. “What will he think of next?” said some one. “If Skobeleff has ordered,” said the Grand Duke Nicholas, “he has some good reason for it.”He had a good reason. There was no wood on the summit of the Balkans. He wanted his men to have three hot meals a day. And in consequence of his precautions not one man of his division arrived disabled or frozen on the other side; not one had straggled, and the only two who were lost had slipped and fallen over a precipice. The soldiers who crossed the Shipka Pass suffered frightfully. The passage to Senova was an awful journey. The men had to break their way through great snowdrifts. They had to drag their cannon on sledges by hand, but on the third day they descended into the Valley of Roses in splendid form.In the battles that raged during the next few days Skobeleff was uniformly successful, and the regiments coming down the Shipka Pass went right into the thick of the fight. At last the Turks put out two white flags. The Pashas surrendered themselves and theirwhole army—thirty-five thousand men and one hundred and thirteen guns were given up.“The scoundrels,” muttered Gen. Skobeleff “to give up with such a force and with such a position.” “No wonder,” cried the Turks, “that we were beaten; for the Russians were commanded by Akh Pasha and it is impossible to overcome him.”The first order given was, “Let the Turks’ property be sacred to us. Let not a crumb of theirs be lost. Warn the men, I will shoot them for stealing.”“I shall never forget,” said Mr. Kinnard Rose, “a solemn service for the repose of the souls of the dead that was held on that battlefield of Senova by the General and a score of companions. Skobeleff’s chaplain chanted the Mass with a simple dragoon for clerk. Every head was uncovered. The party stood in respectful groups around a monumental column with its cross, the General to the right of the priest. As the service progressed, the General wept like a child, and among the small but deeply moved congregation there were few dry eyes.”And now the road lay open before him. The last army was beaten—Skobeleff’s forced march made the Turkish Pashas stand aghast—thirty, even fifty miles a day, and soon he had occupied Adrianople, the second city of the Empire. He had entered it without a sick man—there was not a theft nor burglary—not a street row, as he rested there a few days.The heroes of the campaign in the Balkans were Generals Gourko, Radetzky and Skobeleff. They carried out operations which for difficulty of execution, rapidity of movement and quickness of combination have hardly ever been equalled. In fifteen days they haddestroyed three Turkish armies, and swept the country from Shipka Pass to Adrianople and with one hundred and thirty-two thousand bayonets were ready to dictate peace to the Sublime Porte.General Gourko, who was Skobeleff’s senior, arrived in advance of his columns on January 26th, and took command of the city, while Skobeleff pushed on with his cavalry and in two weeks (February 5th) camped on the shores of the Sea of Marmora a short distance from Constantinople, having marched two hundred and seventy-five miles in twenty days, one hundred miles of it in four days.The history of the Russo-Turkish war has been written in terms of highest eulogy by impartial historians and disinterested eyewitnesses. The condensed account given in these pages is accorded space to emphasize the difference between warfare as conducted by one of the Great Powers of Europe and the barbarous methods of the “Unspeakable Turk.” Previously to the occupancy of Adrianople by the Russian forces, representatives of the two nations most interested, met and seriously discussed the question of peace.The Turkish delegates refused to accept the Russian terms. They were informed that the Russians would march upon Constantinople unless they accepted. On the question of the autonomy for Bulgaria, the Russians were inflexible. This the delegates refused, and the troops continued to close in upon Constantinople.On January 31st an armistice was signed, and a neutral zone declared with Constantinople exposed to the Russian army. While going over the lines of delimitation one day, General Skobeleff and his whole staff gazed upon the city of Constantinople. He was furiouswhen he learned that the Russian army was not even to enter Constantinople, and he is said to have debated whether he would not on his own responsibility take the city without orders and break the meshes of diplomacy.“I would hold a congress in Constantinople—here!” he said, “and would myself preside if I were Emperor, with three hundred thousand bayonets to back me—prepared for any eventuality. Then we could talk to them.”“But suppose all Europe should oppose you?”“There are moments when one must act—when it is criminal to be too cautious. We may have to wait centuries for so favorable an opportunity. You think the bulldogs would fight us? Never. It should be our duty to defend this—our own city—with the last drop of our blood.”When General Grant said that Russia’s abstaining from entering Constantinople was the greatest mistake a nation ever committed, he was either not aware of the secret engagement made with Lord Loftus, the British Ambassador at St. Petersburg, or he considered with reason that England’s sending her fleet into the Bosphorus was such a violation of her engagements of neutrality, as would justify Russia in not abiding by her promises.England, on February 8th, had ordered her fleet to Constantinople to protect British interests. News was received by Skobeleff that the fleet was under way. He instantly informed headquarters, and had orders for concentrating his troops where they could strike at a moment’s notice. He quickly and gladly so disposed his army that in two hours he could occupy the Turkishpositions, and in thirty six hours could place two divisions on the high ground just behind Constantinople, the very ground from which the Turks in 1453 had besieged and assaulted and captured this Queen of Eastern Christian Empire. For Russia had decided before the armistice that the English fleet coming into the Bosphorus should be the signal for the march into the city. Then came the news that the Turks refused to allow the fleet to pass and that it was lying at the mouth of the Dardanelles and the danger of a general European war was passed for the time.But the approach of the fleet was a warning and the delay, and hesitation of the Ambassadors to sign the preliminaries of peace and the objections they made were irritating to the last degree, and the answer of Russia was the removal of headquarters to San Stefano, only twelve miles from Constantinople, and there the treaty of peace must be signed.There is little time to portray the many dramatic scenes connected with the signing of the treaty of San Stefano. March 3d was the anniversary of the Czar’s accession to the throne. There was to be a grand review. At four o’clock the Grand Duke galloped towards the hill where the army was drawn up; then up dashed a carriage from the village. General Ignatieff was in it and when he approached he rose and said: “I have the honor to congratulate Your Highness on the signature of peace.” Then the Grand Duke to the army: “I have the honor to inform the army that with the help of God we have concluded a treaty of peace.”A shout, swelling and triumphant, rose from the throats of twenty thousand men, some of them the most famous regiments of Russia’s favored troops.After the review the Grand Duke spoke briefly, “To an army which has accomplished what you have, my friends, nothing is impossible.” Then all dismounted, uncovered and a solemn service was held, the soldiers all kneeling, even the wife of General Ignatieff was seen kneeling on a fur rug beside her carriage. The religious ceremony over, the Grand Duke took his stand and the army began to file past with a swinging, rapid stride. The night was falling, darkness settling over all. Still the Grand Duke sat motionless on his horse, the troops still were passing; the joyous shouts grew fainter and the measured tramp, tramp died out on the ear and the war of 1877–78 had entered into the history of the struggle of humanity for religious life and freedom. The history of the treaties of San Stefano and of Berlin will be told in the chapter that records the greatest crime of the century against the life and freedom of a still suffering and outraged humanity under the curse of Islam.
We turn back a single leaf of history in beginning this chapter on the Russo-Turkish War,—and stand at the opening of the year 1876. As the nations of Europe faced the questions of that hour, there was not one of them that desired to begin a war of which no statesman could foresee the issue.
Perhaps the traditional desire of Russia to possess the gates of the two continents and fly her flag over Constantinople, delivered from the Crescent of Islam, was growing apace, and her indignation at the treatment of the Greek Christians was rising to fever heat, but she did not desire war. Turkey did not desire war, the insurrection in Bosnia and Herzegovina was giving her serious trouble. England did not desire war, though her people were divided, part favoring Russia as a Christian nation, as against an infidel, but a greater part thinking of Turkish bonds which were held in London that would be worthless if Turkey should be dismembered; France did not want a war which would imperil her interests in the Suez Canal and in Syria, and because if she sided with Turkey, Germany might side with the Czar. And as neither Germany nor Italy desired war it would seem as if it might be easy to prevent its occurrence.
Hence the diplomats put their heads together, and Count Julius Andrassy, the Premier of Austria, one ofthe ablest of the Continental statesmen undertook on the 25th of January, 1876, to draw up a note to the Ottoman Porte demanding certain reforms from Turkey, and promising to sustain her if she would institute these reforms promptly.
The following are some of the measures proposed for the pacification of discontented Servia, Roumania and Montenegro, viz:
1. Religious liberty, full and entire.
2. Abolition of the farming of taxes.
3. A law to guarantee that the direct taxation of Bosnia and Herzegovina should be employed for the immediate interests of the province.
4. A special commission, composed of an equal number of Mussulmans and Christians to superintend the execution of the reforms proclaimed and proposed.
5. The amelioration of the condition of the rural populations.
The Grand Vizier, Midhat Pasha, replied, that he was preparing a Constitution which would, he believed, embody these and other measures of reform.
The Powers trusted his integrity and disposition to promote these reforms; but even though the entire Imperial ministry saw clearly the evils out of which the insurrections had grown, it were in the face of centuries of deceit and the cruelty and the intolerance of Islam, to believe that the Porte would of its own volition enforce these reforms against a hostile Mussulman sentiment.
The Powers waited for months until on May 1st, 1876, without having received the honest approval of the Sultan, the outline of the Constitution of Midhat Pasha was published.
Now note this fact—that on the 14th of May, when the representatives of Russia, Austria-Hungary, Germany and Great Britain, met at Berlin, desirous of sustaining the good intentions of the Grand Vizier and agreed upon a paper known as the “Berlin Memorandum,” which provided for a guaranty by the great powers of the several reforms which had been already proclaimed, when all the others had signed it, knowing that only by such a broad guaranty could the reforms ever be enforced, Great Britain refused to sign it on the ground “that it must obviously and inevitably lead to the military occupation of Turkey.”
The Memorandum fell to the ground by the action of England, who was not willing to stand with the other powers and compel the enforcement of the reforms demanded. England was alone responsible for that failure.
But worse than that, with all the enormities of the Bulgarian outrages which took place during the sessions of the great powers, just coming to the ears of the horrified nations, England sent her fleet into Besika Bay, on the 26th of May, as if to say to the other powers, “Hands off, let Turkey alone, no reforms are needed.”
Two or three weeks after this demonstration, which had had its effect in assuring Turkey that England would stand by her, the fleet withdrew to its former harbor.
Those were stormy days at Constantinople. The Grand Vizier, Mehemet Ruchdi, and Midhat Pasha requested the Sultan Abdul Aziz to give up some of his treasure to save the nation from ruin. He refused and was deposed May 29th. The next day his nephew was proclaimed as Murad V., joyfully accepted by thepeople and recognized by the Western powers. But he also was deposed on August 31st and his brother proclaimed. When invested on the 7th of September, with the Sword of Othman, Abdul Hamid II., in his inaugural address, said: “The great object to be aimed at, is to adopt measures for placing the laws and regulations of the country upon a basis which shall inspire confidence in their execution. For this purpose it is indispensable to proceed to the establishment of a general Council or National Assembly, whose acts will inspire confidence in the nation, and will be in harmony with the customs, aptitudes and capabilities of the populations of the Empire. The mission and duty of this Council will be, to guarantee without exception, the faithful execution of the existing laws, or of those which shall be promulgated in conformity with the provisions of the “Sheri” (The decrees already published), in connection with the real and legitimate wants of the country and its inhabitants, as also to control the equilibrium of the revenue and expenditures of the Empire.”
In accordance with this inaugural promise the Council of Ministers prepared a Constitution, not quite so liberal as the one Midhat Pasha had previously presented, and proclaimed it on December 23d, 1876.
Midhat Pasha had been made Grand Vizier on the 19th. On the 23d the opening of a Conference of six great Powers took place in Constantinople to consider measures that would ensure peace at the close of the Armistice then existing between Turkey and Servia and Montenegro which had been extended to February, 1877. They asked for local self-government for the Turkish provinces in Europe—equal treatment of Mohammedansand Christians, better administration for both, security for life and property and effectual guarantees against the repetition of outrages. On January 18th, 1877, the great National Council of Turkey rejected the propositions of the Conference, which therefore closed its sittings on the 20th, having accomplished nothing.
Now just here please note this fact—that if Great Britain had signed the Berlin memorandum which was to guarantee the execution of the reforms promised—the Ambassadors might have demanded the enforcement of such reforms, and backed their demand by the presence of a fleet before Constantinople.
Great Britain thus was to blame for the feebleness of theadvicewhich was tendered and of course rejected. If the Sultan had been sincere when he issued his inaugural, if he really meant to give equal rights to his Christian subjects he would have welcomed the presence of a combined fleet that would have protected himself from the opposition of fanatical leaders of the old Turkish party. This was the crisis of 1876,—granting that there was an honest desire to reform the government of Turkey and the distinct refusal of GreatBritainto sign the memorandum guaranteeing that said reforms promised should be executed, settles upon her government the responsibility of the failure of the promised reforms of the constitution proposed, and also of the war that followed.
Notice further, the fanatical leading Turks were bound not to suffer the interference of any foreign power, and this bitterness of fanaticism apparently compelled the Sultan to dismiss and send into exile (February 5th) Midhat Pasha, the wisest minister inthe Government, and drove the Porte itself on to the war which followed.
After the failure of the Conference at Constantinople, Prince Gortschakoff issued a circular in which after reciting what had taken place he said, “It is necessary for us to know what the cabinets with which we have hitherto acted in common, propose to do with a view of meeting this refusal and insuring the execution of their wishes.”
Now remember the armistice was only extended to February 1st, 1877. Turkey refused to give any guarantee to fulfil the reforms promised, the atrocities of Bulgaria were still unpunished—the people were still at the mercy of the fanatical and cruel Turks.
Before any response had been made to this request for information from the other Cabinets, a treaty of peace with Servia had been signed March 1st, and the First Parliament was convened at Constantinople March 19th.
The Russian Government pressed for an answer, and fearing it might beembarrassedprepared a protocol which was signed by the representatives of the six powers at London on the 31st of March, 1877. After taking cognizance of the peace which had recently been concluded between Turkey and Servia, and of the good intentions of the Porte as had been shown in its declarations made from time to time during the past year, the protocol invited the Porte to place its army on a peace footing and then declared that “the Powers propose to watch carefully by means of their representatives at Constantinople and their local agents, the manner in which the promises of the Ottoman Government are carried into effect.
“If their hopes should once more be disappointed, and if the condition of the Christian subjects of the Sultan should not be improved in such a manner as to prevent the returns of the complications which periodically disturb the peace of the East, they think it right to declare that such a state of affairs would be incompatible with their interests and those of Europe in general. In such case they reserve to themselves to consider in common as to the means which they may deem best fitted to secure the well-being of the Christian populations and the interests of the general peace.”
These are very good words, but unless the Powers meant to back them up with men and guns and war ships, they were only waste breath and paper.
On affixing his signature the Russian Ambassador filed the following declaration:—
“If peace with Montenegro is concluded and the Porte accepts the advice of Europe, and shows itself ready to replace its forces on a peace footing—seriously to undertake the reforms mentioned in the protocol, let it send to St. Petersburg a special envoy to treat of disarmament to which His Majesty, the Emperor, would also on his part consent. If massacres similar to those which have stained Bulgaria with blood take place, this would necessarily put a stop to the measures of demobilization.”
If Turkey had honestly desired to enforce the reforms promised, and deal justly by her Christian subjects, and avoid the dangers of war, there should have been no hesitation in giving its assent to this protocol.
But the Sublime Porte knew very well that Great Britain would never take up arms against her, as shehad distinctly refused to sign a memorandum that might involve the pressure of force. The Porte knew it could rely upon the diplomatic resources of England in the final issue of affairs, hence rejected the protocol with audacity and insolence. In substance the rejection of these last offers of peace stated that:—First, the Sublime Porte would spare no effort to arrive at an understanding with the Prince of Montenegro. Second, that the Imperial government was prepared to adopt all the promised reforms. Third, that Turkey was ready to place its armies on a peace footing as soon as it saw the Russian government take measures to the same end. Fourth, with regard to the disturbances which might break out and stop the demobilization of the Russian army, the Turkish government repelled the injurious terms in which the idea had been expressed, and stated its belief that Europe was convinced that the recent disturbances were due to foreign instigation, (i. e.Russia’s) and after other reasons given, it declared that Turkey can not allow foreign agents or representatives charged to protect the interests of their compatriots to have any mission of official supervision. (Precisely its position to-day.)
The Imperial government in fact is not aware how it can have deserved so ill of justice and civilization, as to see itself placed in a humiliating position without example in the world. (This after all the horrors of Bulgaria—which were known to the world long before this.)
The treaty of Paris gave an explicit sanction to the principle of non-intervention. * * * And if Turkey appeals to the stipulations of the treaty * * it is for the purpose of calling attention to the grave reasons which, in the interest of the general peace of Europe,induced the powers, twenty years ago, to place the recognition of the inviolability of this Empire’s right to sovereignty, under the guaranty of its collective promise.
When the Turkish ambassador in London called upon Earl Derby, on the 12th of April, to deliver the above circular, the British Minister of Foreign Affairs expressed his deep regrets at the view the Porte had taken, and said he could not see what further steps England could take to avert the war which appeared to be inevitable.
On the 24th of April, the Czar, who was at Kischeneff, with his army, issued his manifesto in which he said:—
“For two years we have made incessant efforts to induce the Porte to effect such reforms as would protect the Christians in Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Bulgaria from the arbitrary measures of the local authorities. The accomplishment of these reforms was absolutely stipulated by anterior engagements contracted by the Porte to the whole of Europe.
“Our efforts supported by diplomatic representations made in common by the other governments have not, however, attained their object. The Porte has remained unshaken in its formal refusal of any effective guaranty for the security of its Christian subjects, and has rejected the conclusions of the Constantinople Conference. Wishing to essay every possible means of conciliation in order to persuade the Porte, we proposed to the other Cabinets to draw up a special protocol, comprising the most essential conditions of the Constantinople Conference, and to invite the Turkish government to adhere to this international act, which states the extreme limits of our peaceful demands. But ourexpectation was not fulfilled. The Porte did not defer to this unanimous wish of Christian Europe and did not adhere to the conclusions of the protocol. Having exhausted pacific efforts we are compelled by the haughty obstinacy of the Porte to proceed to more decisive acts, feeling that equity and our own dignity enjoin it. By her refusal, Turkey places us under the necessity of having recourse to arms.
“Profoundly convinced of the justice of our cause and humbly committing ourselves to the grace and help of the Most High, we make known to our faithful subjects that the moment foreseen when we pronounced words to which all Russia responded with complete unanimity, has now arrived. We expressed the intention to act independently when we deemed it necessary, and when Russia’s honor should demand it. And now, invoking the blessing of God upon our valiant armies, we give them the order to cross the Turkish frontier.”
Never was the sword drawn in more dignified and solemn manner; never in a more holy war for the deliverance of persecuted and outraged humanity. Alexander drew his sword in the cause of Bulgaria, knowing that single-handed and alone he must face the armies of Turkey, the indifference of Continental Europe; knowing that he must face the bitter opposition and jealousy of England, and not knowing but he might have to meet her armies and fleets as well. This latter possibility was averted, as we know, by the vehement opposition of Gladstone, John Bright, and other statesmen; the people voiced their opinions in four hundred public meetings, and the Disraeli Cabinet was prevented from declaring war in behalf of injured and self-righteous Turkey.
It is very well known that there are many who deny that Russia was moved by any high sense of honor, or driven by righteous and outraged Christian sentiment to draw the sword for the deliverance of Bulgaria and the punishment of the unspeakable Turk. They affirm her to be governed entirely by self-interest, and that under the garb of zeal for her distressed co-religionists she seeks to conceal her purposes of self-aggrandizement. Russia has been the persistent and bitter foe of Turkey for three hundred years, and Turkey of Russia.
Only once in all that time (1833) did Russia stretch out her hand to aid the Turk, and for reward she received the free navigation of the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus for a series of years. She has fought the Turk single-handed and alone: she has fought him when he has had Poland and the Tartars for his allies: when Venice and Austria and Hungary fought under his banners: when Italy and France were his allies: when England, France and Sardinia united to help him in the Crimea.
Whatever her motives Russia has always been true to herself, and consistent in her hatred of the Turk. It may be that she has dreams of an empire ruled from Constantinople as a Winter Capital; but whatever her dreams or purposes, no nation has less claim to rule over the ancient Byzantine Empire than the alien race of the Ottoman Turks—fanatical followers of the prophet.
The Russo-Turkish war, while but a brief campaign, was from its beginning to the treaty of San Stefano a war for religious life and freedom and singularly free from death or insult to civilian or woman, while abounding in thrilling and dramatic incident.
On the Russian side the preparations for war had been carried on with much secrecy, headquarters being at Kischeneff in Bessarabia. The greater part of the army had been distributed throughout the provinces in comfortable winter quarters, and were in excellent health and spirits. Early in April the soldiers began swarming towards Kischeneff for the Grand Review and the expected declaration of war. The city had put on its holiday attire, flags and streamers were flying from the houses, and there was the greatest excitement among the people and the soldiers as they waited the arrival of the Emperor. The Review was to be no dress parade, but the serious prelude to war. It was all the more impressive therefore, as early on the morning of April 24th, 1877, the army corps began to gather on the broad plains and sloping hillsides above the town. The troops were already under arms by nine o’clock, standing in lone lines and solid masses, silent and almost motionless as for an hour and a half, they waited the arrival of the Emperor. The crowd, too, of onlookers were serious, and spoke in hushed voices, for these splendid troops were soon to be hurled against the fortification of Plevna only to be shattered, broken, decimated. Only when the Emperor appeared mounted, accompanied by his brother the Grand Duke Nicholas and an immense staff of a hundred officers and rode slowly along the lines, was the silence broken by the sound of music and the cheering of the soldiers.
The review was over in an hour. The music ceased, silence reigned, the soldiers stood uncovered and the crowd also removed their caps. The voice of only one man was heard, that of the Bishop of Kischeneff saying a grand military Mass. For more than half an hour thesoldiers, composed,expectant, reverently stood and listened. When the Mass was finished a low murmur ran through the crowd. Then a dead silence, and again the strong voice of the Bishop was heard not now engaged in prayer but in reading the Manifesto. In the midst of it sobs were heard and as men looked they saw the Emperor weeping like a child. It had been the pride and glory of the reign of Alexander that his reign had been of peace. He hoped to finish it without war, and now the fatal step had been taken, and who could tell its issue. This was not the spirit of a man eager, determined on conquest, lusting for martial fame and glory. There was not a dry eye within sound of the Bishop’s voice, but when he closed with the impressive words, “And now, invoking the blessing of God upon our valiant armies we give them the order to cross the Turkish frontier,” a wild and universal shout went up—a shout of exultation, triumph, relief, which ran through all the army over hill and plain till the whole air resounded with the glad acclaim. Some corps started at once for the frontier and the rest began rapidly preparing for the march—and by the 10th of May the Russian army, over two hundred thousand men, was posted along the banks of the Danube facing the forts, the fleets and the armies of the Porte which numbered one hundred and fifty thousand effective soldiers.
Not until June 27th did the main body of the Russians succeed in crossing the Danube, but it was most skillfully done and the march began for Constantinople. Already the hero of the war had been revealed in the person of General Skobeleff—the Custer of the Russian army and the youngest general in the army, with astrange and brilliant career which was to be most gloriously eclipsed by the successes of this campaign.
“He was a tall, handsome man with a lithe, slender, active figure, clear, blue eyes, a large prominent, but straight well-shaped nose, the kind of a nose it said Napoleon used to look for among his officers when he wished to find a general.” He was highly educated, speaking five languages fluently, and always had time even in his hardest campaigns for new books and reviews. He was every inch a soldier, and his great strength lay in the power and influence he had over his men. He was never weary of seeing that his men were well fed, warmly clothed and comfortable. He was always intelligible in his orders. He was the comrade of his men as well as their officer. When the passage of the Danube was made finally on the pontoon bridge, Skobeleff shouldered a musket like a private soldier and marched over with his men. Every officer under him was devoted to him. He treated them all as friends, but then every one of them was expected when occasion came to lay down his life as an example to his men. “Fear,” he said, “must cease when a man reaches the grade of captain.”
The British Mediterranean Fleet.The British Mediterranean Fleet.
The British Mediterranean Fleet.
After the passage of the Danube, he was given the command of a division—was always at the front, in the thickest of every fight. He was a hero at Plevna, that stronghold commanding the pass through the Balkans, where Osman Pasha held the Russians at bay from July until December 11th. Three times the Russians had attacked it and been repulsed; twice in July and the third time in September. The great infantry assault was made on the 11th day of September, the fifth day of the bombardment.
On this last occasion Skobeleff’s duty was to take a redoubt on a certain Green Hill, which he regarded as the key to the Turkish position. He always rode a white horse and wore a white coat that he might be more conspicuous to his own men during a battle. With his usual address to his soldiers he despatched them to the redoubt. He knew well that he was sending many of them to their death. They knew it too, but advanced unflinchingly in the face of a fearful fire from cannon and from infantry. One company wavered and broke. Instantly Skobeleff was among them on his white charger. “Follow me,” he cried, “I will show you how to thrash the Turks. Close up there! Follow me my men. I will lead you myself. He who deserts me should be ashamed of himself! Now then, drummers—look alive.”
Meantime the Turks were seen everywhere torturing the wounded before despatching them. This roused the spirit of the Russians and they pushed on with fury. With fearful loss they captured the redoubt, and planted two Russian flags on it. Then Skobeleff, who had had two horses shot under him, started back for reinforcements.
In vain he pleaded for men. In vain he pleaded that the redoubt was the key of the position. He burst into tears. He visited the redoubt three or four times during the day to encourage them. Plevna would soon be taken. Victory would crown their efforts. For the honor and the glory of the Russian arms;—and they always replied with the same cheery shouts while their numbers were dwindling by hundreds. But the battle was against the Russians. One more effort must be made.
“Major Gortaloff, you will remain here in charge of the redoubt,” he said. “Can I depend on you? You must hold this at any price.” “I will remain or die, Your Excellency.” “Possibly I shall be unable to send you any reinforcements. Give me your word that you will not leave the redoubt.” “My honor is pledged. I will not leave this place alive.” The Major raised his hand as if taking an oath. Skobeleff embraced him. “God help you! Remember my men, there may be no reinforcements. Count only on yourselves. Farewell, heroes.” But as he took his last look at them—the finest troops of his division, he sighed. “Consecrated to death,” he said and thundered down the hill.
Only one thing remained, to draw off his men and save as many of them as possible.
A colonel of one regiment of Cossack infantry, however, without orders, put his men at Skobeleff’s disposal and once more he started for the redoubt.
The Turks were swarming over the ramparts, mounting its walls on dead bodies. The garrison defending themselves by bayonets began to despair. At last through the fog and smoke they saw their comrades coming. But Skobeleff had only one battalion; not enough to drive out the Turks.
“I think he wants to cover our retreat,” said the Major. He gathered his men about him. “Comrades go. Open your way with your bayonets. This place can no longer be held. God bless you, my children. Forward.” And bowing his head he reverently made the sign of the cross over his men. “And you, father?” they exclaimed. “I stay with our dead. Tell the general I have kept my word. Good by,children.” They watched him as they turned their heads in their retreat. They saw him standing on the ramparts waving to them. Then the Turks rushed in. They saw the struggle. They saw his body uplifted upon Turkish bayonets.
“It was just after this,” said a correspondent, “that I met General Skobeleff the first time that day. He was in a fearful state of excitement and fury. His uniform was covered with mud and filth, his sword broken; his cross of St. George twisted round on his shoulder; his face black with powder and smoke; his eyes haggard and bloodshot, and his voice quite gone. I never before saw such a picture of battle as he presented. I saw him again in his tent at night. He was quite calm and collected. He said, ‘I have done my best. I could do no more. My detachment is half destroyed; my regiments do not exist; I have no officers left; they sent me no reinforcements, and I have lost three guns.’ ‘Why did they refuse you reinforcements?’ I asked. ‘Who was to blame?’ ‘I blame nobody,’ he replied. ‘It is the will of God.’”
The Russians fell back from Plevna for a little breathing spell, having lost in this third assault more than twenty thousand men.
At Bucharest General Skobeleff met General Todleben, the great engineer who had planned and superintended twenty-one years before the defence of Sebastopol. It had been decided to plan works by which Plevna should be taken, not by assault but by starvation.
By the middle of October, 1877, Skobeleff was back at the seat of war with his division of about forty thousand men. He had no longer with him the “lions,”the “eagles,” the “heroes” of the third assault, but largely new recruits whom he must train.
Two months of the siege sufficed to starve out the garrison, and Osman Pasha surrendered unconditionally on December 11th, and thirty-two thousand men laid down their arms and the gates were open towards Constantinople. As soon as Plevna fell Skobeleff was appointed its military governor. The Roumanians in the Russian army had already begun the plunder of the city. When Skobeleff remonstrated, their officers replied: “We are the victors, and the victors have a right to the spoils.” “In the first place,” answered the general, “we were never at war with the peaceable inhabitants of this place, and consequently can not have conquered them. But, secondly, please acquaint your men that I shall have victors of this kind shot. Every man caught marauding shall be shot like a dog. Please bear this in mind. There is another thing. You must not insult women. Such conduct is very humiliating. Let me tell you that every such complaint will be investigated and every case of outrage punished.”
Compare this order with the horrible atrocities continually committed upon the Bulgarians during this campaign by Bashi-Bazouks and the thirty thousand Circassian horsemen, who were allowed to follow their own fashions, in which they excel even the Apache tribes once the terror of the Southwest. Before them went anguish and horror; after them death, ruin and despair.
We have no time to follow the war as carried on in Armenia, but on November 17–18, the city and fortress of Kars was carried by assault, and the Russian officers remembering how the fanatical Turks had torturedand killed the wounded soldiers that had fallen into their cruel hands, expressed the fear lest their excited soldiers might put aside feelings of humanity and inflict summary vengeance.
But contrary to all expectations, Cossack and Russian put aside all thought of personal revenge; and not a single civilian was killed or insulted, and not a woman had to complain of insult or outrage. These facts are stated for the sake of those who may have thought that there is little to choose between the semi-barbarous hordes of Russia (as they call them) and the armies of Turks, Kurds and Circassians.
Another fact regarding the religious sentiment of the Russian peasant transformed into a soldier. A Frenchman who was at Plevna with the officers of the Commander-in-chief’s staff thus writes of Skobeleff: “He is a magnificent looking soldier, almost as tall as the Emperor. * * On the battlefield he is brave as a lion. * * * When ordering a retreat, he sheathes his sword, sends his white charger to the front and remains on foot, the last man in the rear, saying; ‘They may kill me if they like, but they shall not harm my horse unless he is advancing against the enemy.’He has never quitted a battlefield without carrying off his wounded (unless in such retreat as from the third assault on Plevna), nor has he ever after a battle gone to rest without making an address to his men, and writing his own report to the commander-in-chief. He is adored by his soldiers. * * He is highly educated and a sincerely religious man. ‘No man can feel comfortable in facing death’ he has been heard to say ‘who does not believe in God and have hope of a life to come.’ Each evening in the camp he stood bareheadedtaking part in the evening service which was chanted by fifty or sixty of his soldiers. * If the people of Paris who shed tears over the Miserére in Trovatore, could hear these simple soldiers in the presence of death addressing prayers and praises to the Almighty Father with their whole hearts, they would find it far more moving. Skobeleff is as distinguished for his modesty as his bravery. ‘My children,’ he says to his soldiers, ‘I wear these crosses, but it is you who have won them for me.’”
Attention is called to these things that you can compare for yourselves the morale of the Russian army with its reverence for woman and for God, with the grossness and corruption and wickedness that prevails in the mixed multitudes that form the soldiers of Islam.
Who is not touched by the deep sincerity of that word in his first address to his army, “while you are fighting I shall pray for you.”
So deep was his interest in the war that he could not content himself in St. Petersburg but felt that his place was on the Danube. When he reached the seat of war he assumed no command, but he endeavored to inform himself about everything. The failures before Plevna greatly troubled him. “If we lose I will never return to Russia. I will die here with my brave soldiers.”Hence it was with more than usual emotion that the Emperor reviewed the troops, seventy thousand men, at Plevna a few days after its fall.
The troops were drawn up in two lines of quarter columns at intervals of ten paces between regiments. The second line was about fifty paces in rear of the first. He embraced the Generals, greeted the officers and then accompanied by the Grand Duke and PrinceCharles, attended by a brilliant staff, he passed down the front line and back by the second. His reception was most enthusiastic, every regiment cheering the moment it caught sight of the white flag with the ornamental cross that denoted the Emperor’s presence; and nothing could be more impressive than the enormous volume of sound produced by the triumphant cheers of seventy thousand men.
In a few days Skobeleff’s division was to cross the Balkans by a pass leading to Senova while the main army was to take the Shipka Pass. One order he gave caused much amusement among his brother officers. Each man of his division was ordered to carry a log of wood with him. “What will he think of next?” said some one. “If Skobeleff has ordered,” said the Grand Duke Nicholas, “he has some good reason for it.”
He had a good reason. There was no wood on the summit of the Balkans. He wanted his men to have three hot meals a day. And in consequence of his precautions not one man of his division arrived disabled or frozen on the other side; not one had straggled, and the only two who were lost had slipped and fallen over a precipice. The soldiers who crossed the Shipka Pass suffered frightfully. The passage to Senova was an awful journey. The men had to break their way through great snowdrifts. They had to drag their cannon on sledges by hand, but on the third day they descended into the Valley of Roses in splendid form.
In the battles that raged during the next few days Skobeleff was uniformly successful, and the regiments coming down the Shipka Pass went right into the thick of the fight. At last the Turks put out two white flags. The Pashas surrendered themselves and theirwhole army—thirty-five thousand men and one hundred and thirteen guns were given up.
“The scoundrels,” muttered Gen. Skobeleff “to give up with such a force and with such a position.” “No wonder,” cried the Turks, “that we were beaten; for the Russians were commanded by Akh Pasha and it is impossible to overcome him.”The first order given was, “Let the Turks’ property be sacred to us. Let not a crumb of theirs be lost. Warn the men, I will shoot them for stealing.”
“I shall never forget,” said Mr. Kinnard Rose, “a solemn service for the repose of the souls of the dead that was held on that battlefield of Senova by the General and a score of companions. Skobeleff’s chaplain chanted the Mass with a simple dragoon for clerk. Every head was uncovered. The party stood in respectful groups around a monumental column with its cross, the General to the right of the priest. As the service progressed, the General wept like a child, and among the small but deeply moved congregation there were few dry eyes.”
And now the road lay open before him. The last army was beaten—Skobeleff’s forced march made the Turkish Pashas stand aghast—thirty, even fifty miles a day, and soon he had occupied Adrianople, the second city of the Empire. He had entered it without a sick man—there was not a theft nor burglary—not a street row, as he rested there a few days.
The heroes of the campaign in the Balkans were Generals Gourko, Radetzky and Skobeleff. They carried out operations which for difficulty of execution, rapidity of movement and quickness of combination have hardly ever been equalled. In fifteen days they haddestroyed three Turkish armies, and swept the country from Shipka Pass to Adrianople and with one hundred and thirty-two thousand bayonets were ready to dictate peace to the Sublime Porte.
General Gourko, who was Skobeleff’s senior, arrived in advance of his columns on January 26th, and took command of the city, while Skobeleff pushed on with his cavalry and in two weeks (February 5th) camped on the shores of the Sea of Marmora a short distance from Constantinople, having marched two hundred and seventy-five miles in twenty days, one hundred miles of it in four days.
The history of the Russo-Turkish war has been written in terms of highest eulogy by impartial historians and disinterested eyewitnesses. The condensed account given in these pages is accorded space to emphasize the difference between warfare as conducted by one of the Great Powers of Europe and the barbarous methods of the “Unspeakable Turk.” Previously to the occupancy of Adrianople by the Russian forces, representatives of the two nations most interested, met and seriously discussed the question of peace.
The Turkish delegates refused to accept the Russian terms. They were informed that the Russians would march upon Constantinople unless they accepted. On the question of the autonomy for Bulgaria, the Russians were inflexible. This the delegates refused, and the troops continued to close in upon Constantinople.
On January 31st an armistice was signed, and a neutral zone declared with Constantinople exposed to the Russian army. While going over the lines of delimitation one day, General Skobeleff and his whole staff gazed upon the city of Constantinople. He was furiouswhen he learned that the Russian army was not even to enter Constantinople, and he is said to have debated whether he would not on his own responsibility take the city without orders and break the meshes of diplomacy.
“I would hold a congress in Constantinople—here!” he said, “and would myself preside if I were Emperor, with three hundred thousand bayonets to back me—prepared for any eventuality. Then we could talk to them.”
“But suppose all Europe should oppose you?”
“There are moments when one must act—when it is criminal to be too cautious. We may have to wait centuries for so favorable an opportunity. You think the bulldogs would fight us? Never. It should be our duty to defend this—our own city—with the last drop of our blood.”
When General Grant said that Russia’s abstaining from entering Constantinople was the greatest mistake a nation ever committed, he was either not aware of the secret engagement made with Lord Loftus, the British Ambassador at St. Petersburg, or he considered with reason that England’s sending her fleet into the Bosphorus was such a violation of her engagements of neutrality, as would justify Russia in not abiding by her promises.
England, on February 8th, had ordered her fleet to Constantinople to protect British interests. News was received by Skobeleff that the fleet was under way. He instantly informed headquarters, and had orders for concentrating his troops where they could strike at a moment’s notice. He quickly and gladly so disposed his army that in two hours he could occupy the Turkishpositions, and in thirty six hours could place two divisions on the high ground just behind Constantinople, the very ground from which the Turks in 1453 had besieged and assaulted and captured this Queen of Eastern Christian Empire. For Russia had decided before the armistice that the English fleet coming into the Bosphorus should be the signal for the march into the city. Then came the news that the Turks refused to allow the fleet to pass and that it was lying at the mouth of the Dardanelles and the danger of a general European war was passed for the time.
But the approach of the fleet was a warning and the delay, and hesitation of the Ambassadors to sign the preliminaries of peace and the objections they made were irritating to the last degree, and the answer of Russia was the removal of headquarters to San Stefano, only twelve miles from Constantinople, and there the treaty of peace must be signed.
There is little time to portray the many dramatic scenes connected with the signing of the treaty of San Stefano. March 3d was the anniversary of the Czar’s accession to the throne. There was to be a grand review. At four o’clock the Grand Duke galloped towards the hill where the army was drawn up; then up dashed a carriage from the village. General Ignatieff was in it and when he approached he rose and said: “I have the honor to congratulate Your Highness on the signature of peace.” Then the Grand Duke to the army: “I have the honor to inform the army that with the help of God we have concluded a treaty of peace.”
A shout, swelling and triumphant, rose from the throats of twenty thousand men, some of them the most famous regiments of Russia’s favored troops.After the review the Grand Duke spoke briefly, “To an army which has accomplished what you have, my friends, nothing is impossible.” Then all dismounted, uncovered and a solemn service was held, the soldiers all kneeling, even the wife of General Ignatieff was seen kneeling on a fur rug beside her carriage. The religious ceremony over, the Grand Duke took his stand and the army began to file past with a swinging, rapid stride. The night was falling, darkness settling over all. Still the Grand Duke sat motionless on his horse, the troops still were passing; the joyous shouts grew fainter and the measured tramp, tramp died out on the ear and the war of 1877–78 had entered into the history of the struggle of humanity for religious life and freedom. The history of the treaties of San Stefano and of Berlin will be told in the chapter that records the greatest crime of the century against the life and freedom of a still suffering and outraged humanity under the curse of Islam.