COMMERCE OF BRAZIL.

SERRA DOS ORGAOS—CABECA DO FRAILE, RIO JANEIRO.

The political and social position of this great empire, whose influence and example are of such incalculable importance to the present, and still more to the future, of the whole continent ofSouth America, must necessarily be a subject of anxiety to all who wish to see it prosper, and who are at the same time practically acquainted with the difficulties that have to be overcome in the maintenance of its present system of a representative government. Without attempting anything in the shape of a history of that government, or of the circumstances which led to its formation and have ensured its consolidation, a few particulars may not be unacceptable to such readers as have not had their attention directed to the subject. After the expulsion of the Portuguese in 1822, Don Pedro was declared Emperor, and, in 1824, the constitution, which is a very close imitation of our own, was proclaimed. The government is confided to ministers chosen by the Emperor; there is a chamber of deputies, 548 in number, elected by the towns and 18 provinces, and a senate or upper chamber, consisting of 54 members, titled and untitled, the numbers in both being limited, and titles are not hereditary. Hence, though there are, we believe, upwards of 20 marquises, 7 counts, 29 viscounts, and 32 barons, the sons of these do not succeed to the titular distinction of their fathers, notwithstanding the honours emanating from a crown that is hereditary. The business of the country passes under the same sort of discussion, and just with as much freedom of debate, but not more, than with us; and according to the support given or withheld by the chambers is the government strong or weak. The revenue of the empire is accounted for, and finds its way into the national treasury at Rio de Janeiro; and hence the difficulty encountered in dealing with its distribution, as each representative of a province naturally wishes to favour his own constituency, and is opposed to what he may think an undue proportion of expenditure lavished, and of interest taken, in the province already favoured with the establishment of the capital and the residence of the court, and where the largest population centres. This is one of their great legislative difficulties, which gives rise to long and violent discussions. Another is the existence of two factions in the state, the old Portuguese and the purely Brazilian party. Some years back the former heldthe reins, and were the supposed abettors of the slave-trade; but since 1848 the present ministry, mostly composed of pure Brazilians, have retained office, and been enabled to carry out most stringent measures for putting down that abominable traffic, which is for the present not only suppressed, but its restoration is impossible,[46]owing, first, to the complete revulsion that has taken place in public opinion, and, secondly, to the new direction that has been given to the employment of capital, as explained in our chapters on Pernambuco and Bahia. To such lengths have an honest and energetic administration, supported by a high-minded sovereign, jealous of the honour of his country, and, above all, of its credit for integrity in adhering to its engagements, been able to act upon this truly national sentiment, that many of the influential Portuguese, known to be actively engaged in the traffic, and some of whom had sunk vast sums in its prosecution, have been banished the country. Five years is a long time for a ministry to retain office in any country; for even in our own that period far exceeds the average duration of a British cabinet, at least during the last three reigns; consequently, the greater the wonder at the stability of one in a country such as Brazil, and under many trying circumstances. Not the least embarrassing of these was the perpetual interference of England to put down the external symptoms of the slave-trade, though Brazilian ministers were doing it in a manner so rapid and effectual as to constituteone of the most startling and complete social revolutions ever recorded in the history of any nation in the world as the work of half-a-dozen ages, much less of half-a-dozen years.[47]This speaks well indeed for the personal ability as well as for the representative system under which the existing ministry govern, as without a decided majority in the chambers they could not possibly endure a single session. Brazilian policy and Brazilian views seem to be now much more firmly established in the legislature, and the native party greatly preponderates. Still this clashing of interests tends to impede the regular march of business, by giving rise to endless personal discussion and personal invective. The chamber of deputies and the senate are a long way apart from each other, which must occasion inconvenience, and destroy that prompt action and unity of purpose so necessary in a legislative assembly. The locality ought always to be the same,with the monarch as the head, opening and closing the sessions under the same building. Considering their late elevation to political distinction, some of the deputies and senators of Brazil display no small amount of oratorical, and, what is still more valuable, debating, ability; whilst many of the former must make a great sacrifice of time and personal convenience in spending so many months away from their families and estates, which are difficult to be reached in a country where the means of travelling are comparatively so primitive, and the distance to be traversed generally very great. The hours of discussion in the chambers are as much too brief as ours are too long, being only from 11 a.m. to 2 or 2.30 p.m., during which one orator will often occupy the time for speaking sake only, and the business of the day has to be adjourned; whereas if ministers, with no Mr. Brotherton to be afraid of, could keep them at it occasionally until midnight, or 2 or 3 in the morning, it would tire out declaimers, who seek only to pander to the appetite for fervid or piquant rhetorical popularity, and would insure quicker despatch of the business in hand.

AQUEDUCT AND CONVENT OF SAINT TERESA. RIO JANEIRO.

The present Emperor is in every respect admirably fitted for his high station. Born in the country, without the advantage of a knowledge of European life, and that finished tone of education it affords, but possessed of natural endowments of an exalted order, and having turned to the utmost advantage the opportunities of a studious and virtuous youth, he carries with him the full national sympathies of the native Brazilians, the respect of theold Portuguese party, and the esteem of the whole foreign diplomatic body, to whom he dispenses the honours and hospitality of a prudently managed court. As the sovereign of a constitutional country, content to abide within the strict limits imposed by his coronation oath, his reign has been prosperous and happy. In his private capacity he is kind and attentive to all around him, as well as a close observer of passing events. Possessed of a benevolent heart, and actuated by a noble singleness of purpose, he knows how to direct the reins of government, without undue interference or an injudicious exercise of his prerogative. It has often been emphatically said that the Emperor is not only the highest, but the best man in the country, both from his public conduct and his private virtues. The value of such a compliment is not enhanced, or probably we should say is not impaired, by any universal laxity and corruption around him, as in the case of another empire nearer home, wherein it issaid that the principal personage is not only the most honest, but the only honest, man in his own dominions. Probity[48]and high-mindedness of every kind in public life are as general in Brazil as in any part of Europe, England itself certainly not excepted; consequently the standard the Emperor is measured by is one by no means conventional or equivocal, but is such as any sovereign in the western world might feel proud of having applied to himself. Certainly, in the matter of truthfulness, the rarest of all monarchic virtues, he has set an example to the royal brotherhood of kings that might be followed with infinite profit to the reputation of the regal race, and with corresponding advantage to their subjects in numerous instances. His Brazilian Majesty is admirably supported by an excellent and high-minded partner, who, like her husband, is beloved by all classes in the empire. The imperial couple frequentlyattend public balls, and mix in social parties with citizens and foreigners, taking also the warmest interest in all local improvements, or measures calculated to benefit the country, and to raise the character of their subjects. When the kind of life they are compelled to lead is fairly considered, and the extent of court intrigue necessarily prevailing where parties are so much divided and respectively so potent, too much merit cannot be ascribed to the Emperor and Empress for the manner in which they conduct themselves, and the controlling influence they exercise over others. Every one who has been in Rio well knows how exceedingly popular he is, and how strong is the conviction that that popularity is most just and most deserved, though he never goes out of his way to obtain it by anyad captandumarts, or any conduct whatever that is not the result of sound judgment guiding an estimable nature. M. Reybaud, a Frenchman, in a biographical memoir, which appeared also in English in one of our illustrated journals at the close of the year before last, says:

‘But the great work of Don Pedro the 2nd, a work at once of humanity and policy, and which will be his indelible title of glory in the eyes of Europe, is, that of having openly attacked the national prejudice of the necessity of black slaves, and having overcome it. Thanks to him, thanks to his Ministers and the Legislative Chambers of Rio, the traffic is henceforth definitively suppressed in Brazil, for the people have understood and accepted the Imperial policy, which has for its motto, “No more traffic in slaves; European colonization.” Such is at this moment the cry of all Brazil. The agriculturists themselves, until lately insensible to the anathemas of philanthropy, have opened their eyes, and joined the Government and the Chambers in demanding the deliverance of the country from the living leprosy of the slave traffic. It was imperative that it should. It was indispensable that the country should associate itself with the measures of the Government, for up to this time the laws that were made were not carried out, and the people who thought them prejudicial to their interests did not scruple to infringe them. The policy of the Emperor and the Brazilian Chambers was very simple and sensible. It was not sufficient to decree the suppression of the traffic, but it was necessary to open up to the agriculturists new ways and means by which they should, within a longer or shorter delay, dispense with black labourers. The Legislature, to provide for this necessity, took proper means to attract European colonization. Several attempts tried on this new basis have been attended with the happiest results. Little colonies have sprung up, especially in the south of the empire, and are in a flourishing condition. The plantersand landed proprietors throughout the empire give a decided preference to free over slave labour, as experience teaches them that it is infinitely to their advantage.’

It is impossible too highly to eulogise the conduct of his Imperial Majesty in reference to the slave trade; but as one evidence, which may be useful by way of example in a certain portion of the world that regards itself as far more advanced than Brazil, I transcribe the following extract from a letter dated Rio, November 14th, 1853, and which appeared in some of the English papers in January last:—

‘The “Pernambucana,” one of the vessels of the Brazilian Steam Packet Company, was wrecked near St. Catherine’s, and upwards of 40 passengers drowned. This disaster afforded an opportunity for a display of heroism and bravery rarely equalled. A black sailor, belonging to the vessel, succeeded with many others in reaching the shore; numbers had perished in the attempt, and but few of the passengers remained upon the wreck. All of these, including a mother and six children, did Simon save. It is pleasing to add that the Brazilians were by no means slow in marking their appreciation of, and rewarding, this heroic action. A subscription was opened in the Praça do Commercio, and the amount subscribed in two days exceeded seven contos of reis, or about £800. The Emperor and Empress, whose hands are always open for the succour of the needy, or the reward of the meritorious, contributed 900 milreis, and the total amount already received approaches to £1,000. In addition to this, a statue of the black is to be placed in the exchange. An unfortunate circumstance, peculiarly annoying to our English community in Rio, may be noticed in connection with this affair. The promoters of the subscription, persons of great influence and respectability, brought the black to the Praça do Commercio, not merely to gratify the curiosity of those who were anxious to see one become so celebrated, but to afford any information which parties connected with the victims or survivors might require. The director of the month, who was unfortunately an Englishman, objected to the presence of a black in thesala, and in spite of the remonstrances of all present, insisted upon his immediate removal. This arbitrary proceeding has called forth some severe articles in the public papers, and it is provoking that one of us who pretend to so much philanthropy for the race should have shown so much prejudice against the colour. This heroic fellow, with whom the Emperor of the Brazils expressed himself proud to shake hands, was driven from the exchange because he was an African! And by an Englishman!’

I cannot learn that this conduct has called for any reprobation in England; that there have been any encomiums passed by our abolitionist press or declaimers on the monarch of that country wherein partiality for the slave trade was declared by the highestauthority amongst us to be ineradicable, except by violent measures on the part of England. Nor, indeed, can I find that there has been the least desire to make theamendein any way to Brazil for all the calumnies so long heaped upon her; for even that portion of the Slave Trade Treaties Report quoted, which relates to Brazil (and which has been circulated throughout the Brazilian press), has been passed over with indifference by our purists and censors. Nay, more, within a very short period preceding the date of these remarks, a tale of horrors was tricked out for the regalement of ourgobemouchepublic in this country by a pair of travelling philanthropic malevolents concerning a certain planter in Pernambuco inviting his brother planters of the province to a grand spectacle of boiling a slave alive; and the name of her Britannic Majesty’s consul was actually adduced as that of a witness to the act. The absurdity was, of course, scouted in Brazil as the conjuration of a diseased fancy; but the journals here that gave currency to the figment have evinced small alacrity in recording the contradiction elicited on the spot. So in the case of the imperial conduct towards Simon. Had the President of the United States acted as the Emperor did in this instance, or had a North American Uncle Tom performed any portion of what the Brazilian black achieved, dramas and novels by the score would have appeared, and, in fact, we should never have heard the last of it.[49]

Though she has made wonderful strides in the right direction—advances positively marvellous, considering the locality, and even as contrasted with what would have been the case in England at this present day, had a large section of otherwise enlightened men amongst us had had their way—still, commercially speaking, Brazil has yet much to do in the shape of reform. A great deal of the old leaven of Portuguese exclusiveness and exaction remain to this day, although it is not carried to such an absurd extent as at Lisbon, where is placed in the hands of every shipmaster visiting the port a document,[50]which, considering that its provisions are enforced by a civilised mercantile nation of Europe in the second half of the nineteenth century, and in a great port whence once sailed some of the mightiest maritime enterprises in history, deserves to be regarded as a curiosity of commercial literature, and is preserved as such in a note. No wonder the trade of Lisbon should dwindle down to a mere cypher, and the finances of the country be in so deplorable a state. Any nation issuing such a document as this places itself on a par with, if not on a lower footing than, China or Japan. In Brazilian ports you have the same ordeal of health visits, police, and custom-house searchers, before you can even leave the ship; and if a vessel arrives after dusk, no matter where from, coasting or otherwise, she must remain till morning for the visit, after which she is a kind of custom-house prey, watched and pounced upon in every possible manner, if all is not found to be strictly in accordance with the long string of regulations, numbered like a criminal code; and woe betide the unfortunate shipmaster or merchant, importing goods, who innocently falls into the trap laid for him. It is a case of heavy fines, damages, and often confiscation of ship or property; although it can be clearly and satisfactorily proved that no one is to blame in the matter, and that there has been no fraudulent intention whatever. The stipulations of the custom-house code are being continually infringed, and yet, like the laws of the Medes and Persians, it altereth not! All this is very sad, and unworthy of a country that looks to commerce for its intercourse with Europe, and as a main source of revenue and social progress. The only excuse lies in the force of habit, founded on inveterate prejudice, bequeathed by the old superannuated mother country.[51]

It is true that our own fiscal system twenty years ago contained much of the objectionable matter alluded to, although it was never distinguished by those absurd forms and regulations that are notonly a check to personal liberty, but involve the loss of much valuable time. If some public-spirited minister, who took a right and far-seeing view of the true interests of Brazil, were to grapple fairly with this subject, and had the moral courage to bring forward liberal measures, I firmly believe that he would carry them. For instance, let him abolish the farce of visiting vessels, both inwards and outwards, for sanitary or other state purposes; and as regards customs’ revenue, once let the duties be reduced to a scale that would render smuggling unprofitable, and there would be no need of a commercial code or of fines and restrictions. All experience proves that where duties have to be levied for the absolute necessities of the state, the more moderate the scale the less chance there is for smuggling, and the greater the increase and encouragement to consumption of the articles imported, which can then be sold at cheaper rates. It is notorious that for many years after the trade with Brazil was opened, not half, probably not a quarter, of the duties entitled to be levied found their way into the public treasury; and although a good deal of this iniquity has been done away with by the firmness of a few public servants,[52]yet the temptation remains, and some parties still profit by illegal importation at the expense of legitimate traders. I repeat my strong conviction that Brazil might derive a much larger revenue undera moderate scale of duties, and she could then afford to wipe away all the existing restrictions on commerce and shipping. It is true that she has done something, both in reduction of her tariff as well as of her anchorage dues, a step in the right direction, which, for her own sake, it is devoutly to be hoped she will soon follow up vigorously.

As regards the social condition of the Brazilian empire, there is doubtless still much room for improvement. Where is there not? But when we recollect that until 1808 there was not a printing-press in the whole country—and now behold no large town without its journal, generally very admirably managed, and when we see educational establishments, many on a very large and highly efficient scale, in nearly every province of the empire—certainly we cannot say her progress has been slow. Previously to that time the only instruction imparted was through the convents, and consequently it was tinctured with all the old monastic and narrow-minded leaven attached to those institutions, whose downfall in Spain and Portugal was soon followed by similar measures in Brazil. Secular education became extended; seminaries and schools were established, both under the patronage of government and by private individuals; newspapers increased, and are now multiplied to the number of upwards of 50, including scientific and literary; and the whole course of things was changed; but without so far resulting in any general plan by which instruction is communicated to the masses of the people. French being the principal medium of intercommunication between the better classes and all foreigners, and being very generally spoken, publications in that language are necessarily most in request; and an assortment of French reading of the latest Parisian stamp may be had in Rio equal to what is procurable in any second-rate town in the country it comes from. It is needless to say that French fashions, in other than strictly intellectual items, prevail among all the educated classes in the Brazilian capital; and by ministering to such tastes a large number of native French derive considerable profit. In addition to the educational advantages already enumerated, and the listmight be greatly extended were we to include the libraries, &c., some excellent institutions of a charitable nature abound, as well as hospitals; the one last founded of this class at Rio is on a most magnificent scale, in a small bay near the entrance of the port, where an admirably executed marble statue of the Emperor has also been most fittingly placed.[53]As it is under his auspices it has been commenced, and by his munificence and example, and that of his estimable consort, it has become one of the noblest edifices of the kind in existence on either side of the Atlantic.

Another of the social evils of Brazil is the difficulty of obtaining a labouring population, a necessity consequent on the importation of slaves having ceased. It is one which, unless seriously andpromptly dealt with, must entail very momentous consequences: a continuous immigration of free labourers appears to be the only solution of the question. But whence are they to come in anything like the required numbers? It is quite clear that European labourers cannot work with slaves, nor will the hardy islanders of the Atlantic consent to do so; people, moreover, are needed who can bear the climate, and will put up with hardships which only those acclimated can be expected to endure—that is, the climate of the more torrid parts of the Brazils; for there are vast regions, larger than the whole United Kingdom, where out-door labour is perfectly practicable to natives of Great Britain, and where some of such natives have settled and prospered as agriculturists, as we shall have occasion to refer to in speaking of the Banda Oriental, in respect to the adjoining Brazilian province of Rio Grande do Sul. The only alternative seems to be coolies from China; and with the present propensities of that class, no doubt numbers would flock to Brazil, if the needful encouragement and facilities were given. At all events the experiment might easily be tried, and the sooner it is done the better.[54]Some parties are sanguine enough to believe that the aborigines of the country, the remnants of the Indian tribes, might be brought under civilized rule, andinstructed so as eventually to be rendered capable of replacing slaves; but this plan seems very problematical, unless in those districts where they have already been accustomed to mingle and work with the other inhabitants, as in the northern provinces of Bahia and Pernambuco. In the latter province especially, there is a very fine race of men called Sertanejos, who make good labourers, and are very useful in bringing produce to market by means of horses. The number of men so employed may be imagined when, by the law of Pernambuco, one man must accompany every horse; and in the busy season 2,000 horses have been known to pass the toll-bar inwards, and the same number outwards, making altogether 4,000, although the edict alluded to is not very strictly enforced, the distance travelled by these horses being from 50 to 300 miles. It is literally impossible to form a proximate conjecture as to the number of Indians in Brazil, the estimates of various authorities ranging from one-fourth of a million to a million and a half, divided into Indios, Mansos, and Tapirios; the former partially civilized and speaking some Portuguese, the latter still savage. Nearly all the tribes are of large stature; and though exceedingly low in the scale of civilization, possess many of the virtues of the barbarian, especially when uncontaminated by the vices of the white man, or proximity to him. For the most part they are warlike, the climate by no means enervating their bodies or subduing their spirit; and though insome respects ferocious when excited, the practice of cannibalism towards prisoners taken in battle is quite extinct, if indeed it ever really existed. Some of the tribes exhibit an extraordinary antipathy to the negroes, which is the more remarkable as the marriages of people of colour with whites are very common, and degrees of black that would throw a citizen of the United States into a fever of indignation are looked upon with philosophic indifference, both by Brazilians and natives of Portugal in Brazil. Probably this is one reason why slaves in Brazil are treated with a kindness and humanity altogether unexampled in any other part of the world, a fact upon which all authorities are agreed, notwithstanding some shocking exceptions that were wont to be practised towards newly-imported unfortunates from the coast of Africa, a custom now fortunately at an end. No doubt a wise and conciliatory policy exercised towards those Indian tribes who still occupy large districts of Brazil would be attended with beneficial results; but this is a work of time. What the country now wants is immediate labour, and for a supply of this, emigration of some kind is the only available source. The towns are already beginning to feel the effects of the diminution, and wages have consequently risen considerably; whilst in the interior the value of slaves has greatly increased, a preliminary perhaps to their future emancipation.

Before quitting the subject of Rio improvements, I may note an interesting excursion made over a short line of railway, and the first ever attempted in this country, which is to connect the city with Petropolis (the mountain and summer residence of the court and upper classes), and which was recorded as below in the ‘Journal do Commercio’ of the 6th September, 1853, the day on which we left Rio for the River Plate.[55]

Respecting the mercantile position of Brazil generally, I turned with some considerable curiosity to the edition published in the course of the present year, 1854, of ‘M’Culloch’s Commercial Dictionary,’ a work of deserved authority and influence, as everybusiness man is aware, though, I regret to be obliged to add, the article on the country I am now treating of does not sustain the character to which the volume is in so many other respects entitled. I had expected, as the result of recent events in Brazil, some marked modification in the writer’s opinions as expressed under this head in former editions, but could find none; and indeed the whole of his remarks, which I annex, would appear, from internal evidence, to be as emphatic as in previous editions, notwithstanding the date on his title-page, and his assertion in the preface that the latest information had been brought to bear on every point. He says:—

‘The imports into Brazil, which are chiefly from Great Britain, consist principally of our cottons, woollens, linen, iron and steel, hardware, butter, and other articles, amounting in all, in ordinary years, to about £2,500,000. It is frequently, no doubt, said that our exports to Brazil amount to double that sum, or to more than £5,000,000. But there is no room or ground for any such statement. The return is not derived from Brazil, but from our own Custom-house; and there is no reason why the merchants should undervalue the exports to Brazil more than to any other country. The commercial policy of Brazil has, on the whole, been characterised by considerable liberality. The duties on imports and exports have been mostly moderate, and have been imposed more for the sake of revenue than of protection. In October, 1847, the legislature of Brazil issued a decree, imposing 33⅓ per cent. higher duties on the ships and produce of those nations which did not admit the ships and produce of Brazil into their ports on a fair footing of reciprocity. This decree was, in part, provoked by our policy in regard to the slave trade, and was in avowed retaliation of the high discriminating duties we had imposed on Brazilian and other slave-grown sugar. But the modified views of the Brazilian government in regard to the slave-trade, and the admission of slave-grown sugars into our markets under reasonable duties, which are to be equalised with those on British colonial sugars in 1854, occasioned, in 1849, the revocation of the discriminating duties referred to. A provincial duty of 15 per cent., imposed in some of the provinces on hides and other articles, has also been repealed. Great Britain enjoys the largest share of the trade of Brazil; and that share will, it is probable, be a good deal increased, when the duties on foreign and colonial sugars are equalised in 1854. The abolition of the discriminating duty on foreign coffee in the course of the year 1851 has occasioned a considerable increase in the imports of Brazilian coffee. The commerce of Brazil has sustained great injury from the wretched state of the currency and of the finances; the value of the former, which consists almost wholly of paper, being excessively depreciated and liable to extremefluctuations, and the revenue being inadequate to meet the expenditure. Latterly, however, vigorous efforts have been made to increase the revenue; and it is hoped that, in the event of the finances being placed on a better footing, measures may also be taken to improve the currency.’

The concluding passage, as to the inadequacy of the income to the expenditure, is altogether questionable; and the admission of such an assertion into a work of the character just quoted from, betrays a determination altogether inexplicable, for of course it is impossible to put it down to the score of ignorance. The rapid and progressive liquidation of the national debt, and the unfailing punctuality of the dividends, added to the price Brazilian stocks command in the British market, sufficiently bespeak the healthiness of Brazilian finance. I have not been able to discover upon what data it is that Mr. M’Culloch fixes the annual imports of British produce into Brazil at so low a figure as he mentions in the foregoing extract, and which figure has appeared in successive editions of his work for many years back. But it is quite incorrect; and, at least, as much below the actual amount as the one he condemns as too high. A witness before the committee on Slave Trade Treaties last year, a gentleman officially connected with the Brazilian embassy, and having the best means of knowing the accuracy of what he said, declared the amount of trade during the year 1852 between Great Britain and the Brazils to be about three millions and a half sterling per annum of imports, entirely from England. Those imports[56]are sold there on one year’s credit; so that every year there are £7,000,000 of English goods in Brazil. There is always a deposit of British goods equal to oneyear’s consumption, and one year’s consumption due. Besides that, there is a national debt to England of £6,000,000 sterling; Brazil has to pay interest for that. Then there is the internal debt, where £600,000 of bonds belong to Englishmen; which makes a total of £13,600,000 of British property engaged in Brazil.

Hence, then, the magnitude of the interests in this country as affected by our relations with Brazil. Nor are the interests of humanity at large on a less extensive scale. The witness last adverted to—and I can state of my own knowledge that the authority he adduces is a most competent one—an Englishman long resident in Brazil, in the public service of that country, says:—

‘Allow me to cite from the writings of an Englishman who appears to be very well acquainted with the affairs of the Brazils: it is an article about a book published by Sir Woodbine Parish, from the British Quarterly Review for February, 1853. The book is about the River Plate, but there are in the article of the Review two or three little passages to which I will beg the attention of the Committee; beginning about the attack of Caseros, where Rosas had been put down. He says, “On this occasion, however, the Brazilian alliance introduced a regular, well disciplined, and properly commanded army into the contest, and in the hour of Buenos Ayrean defeat, it was to its humanity, order, discipline, and obedience that the troops of Rosas appealed; Surrender to the blue pants (so the Brazilian infantry was termed), they do not kill! was their cry.” This is to prove that Brazilians are not so blackened in civilization as they generally think in Europe, and not so inhuman; “and thus a body not exceeding 3,000 men had upwards of 5,000 prisoners, not one of whom was injured; on the contrary, a contingent of Rosas’ army refused to surrender to the Oriental forces of Urquiza; but on the appearance of a Brazilian officer (Captain Petra) at once laid down their arms; nor was this example of humanity lost on the Argentines themselves, in the subsequent occurrences at Buenos Ayres.” I have read that to show that the Brazilian people are ill judged of, and that they are more desirous to put an end to slavery than they have had credit for, on account of the point of civilization they have come to, and on account of the circumstance of its being to their interest. The article of the Review contains still the following observations: “Nor ought the events we have narrated to be uninstructive to Europe; for they teach the impolicy of England and France attempting to precipitate, either by diplomatic or military agency, events in distant countries, whose circumstances they are so imperfectly acquainted with; and the shortsightedness of prohibiting the intervention of a nation materially and geographically, as well as politically, concerned. They teach us also the dignity and office of the Empire of Brazil in the political system of the world; and how much more that state may be made to contribute its share to the great mass of human happiness, by promoting its welfare, than, as has been done, by wounding its pride.” Thus by promoting its welfare, and coming to an amicable understanding with it, there would have been a much fairer result, perhaps much quicker, than by wounding its pride, and by much stronger measures.’

CHURCH OF THE NOSSA SENOR A DA GLORIA, AND AQUEDUCT, RIO DE JANEIRO.

This is most just and true; and though the cause of irritation to Brazil, indirectly glanced at in the concluding sentence, has happily passed away, it is no less necessary to remember with what forbearance that country endured the slights and indignities put upon her, and with what magnanimity she forbore from soliciting the aid of a neighbouring nation that might have required small inducement to vindicate the honour and inviolability of the Brazilian flag; for there cannot be a question that the government of Washington would very gladly avail itself of any opportunity that might contribute to strengthen the connection between the States and Brazil, though it is remarkable that some attempt of the kind has not been made, in the mode of which the establishment of such a steam company as the one I represent is an example.[57]

1839 and 1844.—Average annual value of imports and exports, 13 millions sterling.

1845 and 1849.—Average annual value was 16 millions sterling, or an increase of 3 millions.

In this latter period the average yearly number of vessels employed was

showing an average increase over the former period of 1839 to 1844 of

Of the above figures, the imports averaged in value,

During the same period, the proportions of foreign and coasting trade were:

Of the aforesaid total imports and exports,

And in the total value of imports,

Ditto in exports:

The percentage of this commerce divided amongst the ports of Brazil, is as follows:

The value of imports and exports bearing about a relative proportion to these figures.

The total number of bags and barrels of coffee exported from Rio Janeiro in 1847 was 1,650,300; in 1848, 1,706,544; in 1849, 1,451,715; in 1850, 1,392,361; in 1851, 1,993,255; in 1852, 1,899,861; and in 1853, 1,657,520. The total number of cases of sugar was, in 1847, 3,136; in 1848, 2,371; in 1849, 3,212; in 1850, 6,465; in 1851, 4,752; in 1852, 9,012; in 1853, 2,667. The total number of hides imported in 1847 amounted to 268,492; in 1848 to 348,947; in 1849 to 299,262; in 1850 to 195,706; in 1851 to 173,746; in 1852 to 210,223; and in 1853 to 75,852. In 1853 were also exported 21,808 boxes and barrels of coffee; 17,556 bags of sugar; 5,049 half-tanned hides; 222,577 ox and cow-horns; 1,050 pipes of rum; 25,825 rolls of tobacco; 9,935 bags of rice; 32,610 planks of jacaranda; 7,085 barrels of tapioca; and 71,680 lbs. of ipecacuanha. The shipments of coffee to the United States in 1853 were 853,023 bags against 960,850 in 1852, 996,552 in 1851, 638,801 in 1850, 634,565 in 1849, 806,907 in 1848, 729,742 in 1847, 727,263 in 1846, 551,276 in1845, 534,689 in 1844, 543,239 in 1843, 357,278 in 1842, 427,096 in 1841, 296,705 in 1840, 344,833 in 1839, 265,656 in 1838, 127,032 in 1837, 313,934 in 1836, 264,721 in 1835, 171,737 in 1834, and 236,708 in 1833. These statements are made up from the vessels’ manifests, excepting coffee, which, from the beginning of 1834, is from the daily shipments at the Consulado. The yearly exportation of coffee was, in 1820, 97,500 bags; in 1821, 105,386; in 1822, 152,048; in 1823, 185,000; in 1824, 224,000; in 1825, 183,136; in 1826, 260,000; in 1827, 350,900; in 1828, 369,117; in 1829, 375,107; in 1830, 391,785; in 1831, 448,249; in 1832, 478,950; in 1833, 561,692; in 1834, 560,759; in 1835, 647,438; in 1836, 715,893; in 1837, 657,005; in 1838, 765,696; in 1839, 889,324; in 1840, 1,068,418; in 1841, 1,028,368; in 1842, 1,174,659; in 1843, 1,183,646; in 1844, 1,269,381; in 1845, 1,187,591; and in 1846, 1,522,434 bags.

Besides a large number of vessels calling in, &c.

Of which 560 vessels with produce, 68 with foreign merchandise, and 139 with their inward cargoes; 15 in ballast had foreign destinations, 15 with their inward cargoes, 2 in port laden with produce, and 205 in ballast, proceeded to other parts of the empire.

The amount of paid-up capital is £2,300,000 sterling.

12,479,437 reis, or about a million and a half sterling. The revenue in 1852 exceeded that of 1853 by about £250,000, owing to discouragements of trade by disputes amongst sellers and buyers; and the total revenue of 1852 exceeded that of 1847 and 1848 about 50 per cent. The Consulado revenue for 1853 was 2,208,059 reis, or about £250,000 sterling.

Each bag consists of 5 arrobas, or 160lbs. English weight each, the gross value being upwards of £2,000,000.

Since the foregoing data were published, they have been summarised and annotated by a very competent authority in London, and the results issued for private circulation among Anglo Brazilians. The document so published presents, in a very succinct and comprehensive form, the financial status of the empire; and a further condensation of it, to suit these pages, cannot but be acceptable to such readers as the previouschevaux de frizeof figures may repel from the perusal of what is really most interesting fiscal and instructive political facts.

The National Debt of Brazil dates from 1824, when the imperial government contracted a loan of 1,000,000l., 5 per cents, at the price of 75, in order to defray the expenses of the war of independence. In the following year, the government contracted a second loan of 2,000,000l., also 5 per cents, at the price of 85, with the further advantage of a year’s dividend, to provide for the expenses attendant on the suppression of the revolt in the northern provinces; and in consideration of the recognition of Brazilian independence by Portugal, they undertook the liability of the loan of 1,500,000l.5 per cents., which the mother country had contracted at 87 in 1823. The expenditure was seriously increased by the subsequent war with Buenos Ayres, and scarcely was this brought to a conclusion when the government was led into fresh liabilities by the assistance which Dom Pedro I. gave the constitutional party in Portugal, on the usurpation of the crown of that country by his brother, Dom Miguel. In 1829, two 5 per cent. loans, 392,584l., were contracted at 54; and the Regency, ten years later, were compelled to contract another 5 per cent. loan of 312,512l.at 78, in order to meet the deficit in the revenue, which then embarrassed the government. During the usurpations of Dom Miguel, the payment of the dividends on the Portuguese loan of 1823 was suspended; but as soon as the authority of Donna Maria was established, her government provided for the arrears, and in 1842 a financial treaty was concluded between Brazil and Portugal, under which the former delivered to the Portuguese agents stock to the amount of 732,600l., whichat 85, the price at which it was issued, was equal to 622,702l., the sum agreed to be paid by Brazil, in liquidation of this and all other claims.

The National Debt of Brazil, therefore, amounted in 1853 to 6,999,200l., the interest on which, throughout all the difficulties and embarrassments of the government, has been punctually paid, though, at times, the measures necessary to provide for its payment have been severely felt by the people. The several loans specified were contracted on the terms of a sinking fund, which were fully carried out until 1828, when the increased expenditure compelled the government to put a period to its operations. But as soon as the expiration of the commercial treaty with England in 1844 allowed the government of Dom Pedro II. to revise the tariff of customs duties, and by that means to obviate the pressure of a deficiency in the revenue, the provisions of the sinking fund were revived. The Portuguese loan was thus reduced to 954,250l., and in 1852 it was paid off by a new 4½ per cent. loan of that amount, contracted at 95. Reductions of the other loans have been effected in the same way, and the foreign debt of Brazil now stands at only 5,900,000l.Further reductions are being gradually effected, and if the provisions of the Sinking Fund continue to be carried out, as doubtless they will be, the time cannot be far distant when the foreign debt of the empire will be entirely liquidated.

Between 1836 and 1840 the deficiency in the revenue increased from 476,825,000 reis to 3,639,608,000 reis, and in consequence of the expenditure consequent on the rebellion in the province of Rio Grande do Sul, this deficiency continued to increase until 1844, in which year it amounted to 9,484,520,000. This deficit did not entirely disappear during the next three or four years, but in 1849-50 there was a surplus of 3,035,006,000 reis (341,438l.), in 1850-1 of 3,552,404,000 reis (399,645l.), in 1851-2 of 4,010,220,000 reis (451,149l.), in 1852-3 of 3,970,202,000 reis (446,647l.), and in 1853-4 of 3,528,934,000 reis (397,005l.). Since 1836 the revenue has increased from 13,024,749,000 reisto 35,290,691,000 reis, at which sum it may reasonably be estimated for some years. The expenditure has increased from 13,501,574,000 reis to 30,471,066,000, which increase has not only been at a slower rate than that of the receipts, but exhibits a progression from a deficiency to a surplus, and since 1844 it may be taken as representing an improvement in the administration, the growth of an efficient steam navy, and those numerous public works which have been referred to in preceding pages. The surplus revenue of the last five years has been the natural result of the fiscal reforms of 1844, which have extended commerce and promoted internal prosperity, at the same time that their success has paved the way for further and more extensive reforms in the same direction.

These accounts refer only to the imperial revenue, in addition to which each of the twenty provinces into which the empire is divided has its separate revenue, raised by its Provincial Assembly, and expended on local objects, the aggregate amount of which is about one-third that of the imperial revenue. This system causes the demands on the imperial treasury to be much fewer than in countries where the administration is centralised, and the entire expenditure is defrayed from the general revenue. The entire debt of Brazil does not much exceed three years’ revenue, and while the latter is yearly increasing, the former exhibits an annual diminution. This proportion between income and liabilities is such as few states can exhibit, and considering the almost illimitable resources of the country, and the commercial prosperity that is fast growing out of its adoption of a Free Trade policy, a debt of 12,362,290l.cannot be deemed a serious or burdensome charge. Indeed, when we look at the progress which has been made towards the diminution of the debt, in years when the facilities of the government for meeting its liabilities were much less than at present, there can be no doubt that it will in the course of a few more years be extinguished altogether, and thus enable the government to carry out farther reductions, and promote many schemes of improvement.

In concluding this summary of the commercial and social status of Brazil, I venture, before making any observations on the Plate, to solicit the attention of the reader to some very admirable remarks which appeared in an influential morning journal a few weeks ago, with the signature of ‘Braziliensis,’ explanatory of the precise relationship of the empire to the Oriental del Uruguay and to the Argentine states generally. A knowledge of this relationship is essential to an appreciation of what is called, often erroneously, the ‘River Plate Question;’ and, with the aid of the writer referred to, whose remarks I am about to epitomise, and a few explanatory addenda incorporated with them, the matter may be rendered transparent in a brief compass. First, as to the Uruguay, touching which republic Brazil is assumed by ill-informed politicians in England to have sinister designs. Now, Brazil, of all countries, has most interest in the peace and progress of Uruguay as an independent state. But it must not be overlooked that Brazil is a Platine state, just as much as Uruguay, as the Argentine Confederation, as Bolivia, or Paraguay. It is in Brazilian territories that the River Paraguay has its main source, that the River Uruguay rises, that the Parana begins to flow, and that these (with their tributaries) form the River Plate. All three are navigable in Brazil; each forms the natural access to great and rich provinces of that empire, which has, therefore, a deep interest in the free navigation of the upper waters of the Plate; and that interest is the key to her policy on the southern side of the empire. She has a plethora of land. What she wants is an increase to her free population: to European immigration all parties are directing earnest attention. Civilians, not soldiers of fortune, govern Brazil. The Emperor is a civilian; his ministers are civilians: there is nothing aggressive or ambitious in Brazilian policy. Law, order, commerce, and peace—not the sword—prevail. The army is small, not exceeding 65,000 men, of which the regular troops number 22,540 officers and privates (including 3,127 cavalry, and 3,582 artillery); the remainder are militia, and the whole are strictly obedient to the civil power. Like England, Brazil cultivates anaval force, and that never sways the destinies of the state in any country.

To save itself from the unlicensed soldiery of the Spanish provinces—from the savage Artigas—Monte Video sought and found admission into the Brazilian empire, and became its Cis-Platine province. The jealousies of the Spanish and Portuguese races (and Buenos Ayrean intrigues) produced revolt, and led to war between Brazil and Buenos Ayres for possession of the Banda. But this war was most unpopular in Brazil. Her native population did not regard the territory as worth fighting for, and the obstinacy of Dom Pedro I., in persevering against public opinion, was one cause of his downfall. Hostilities terminated by the creation of the independent Republic of Uruguay. But Lord Ponsonby’s treaty, by which it was accomplished, was one of preliminaries only. So little, however, did Brazil then care to intrigue in Uruguay, that, notwithstanding her material interests suffered from the want of definite arrangements, she was content, so long as Uruguay preserved the shadow of independence, to go on with provisional relations only. But Rosas first attacked and then subdued the independence of Uruguay; and then Uruguay became a source of danger, for it adjoins Rio Grande do Sul, in which serious disturbances had with difficulty been suppressed. These Rosas tried to revive. Its boundaries, too, were unsettled; and Oribe carried his incursions into Brazilian territories, levied enormous contributions on Brazilian subjects, and carried off 800,000 head of cattle. Nor was this all: the navigation of the Uruguay, Parana, and Paraguay was closed to Brazil, and commerce down the Plate, Brazil was allowed to have none. Still, whilst there was a chance that British and French intervention would remedy this state of things, she waited patiently. When those powers not only retired, but wholly failed, Rosas openly assumed the protectorate of Uruguay, and required Brazil to submit to the depredations of Oribe, his lieutenant. Brazil expelled the power of Rosas from Uruguay, then drove him from Buenos Ayres, but at once withdrew within its own frontiers, and,in the succeeding troubles, refused to interfere further than to give good and the same advice to all. Brazil had then the opportunity of annexing the Oriental State, and of again advancing her frontier to the Plate. In fixing the boundary line she has gained no territory; her pecuniary claims she has postponed until those of other countries are discharged; she has insisted on the free navigation of the rivers, not for herself only, but for all the countries they water; and when the government of Monte Video was lately oppressed by poverty, she consented to lend it 60,000 dols. a month, in order that it might preserve its independence. Brazil was no party to the recent change of presidents at Monte Video; and just as Brazil supported Giro himself when in power, as the head of the governmentde facto, so, in the interests of peace and independence, she now lends moral support to the present government.[58]She takes no part against Urquiza; she is neither his partisan nor that of Buenos Ayres in Argentine disputes; she has, indeed, tried to throw oil on their troubled waters; but, as that was not to be done, like England and France, Brazil now waits fortheir natural solution. She is the only South American state with a stable government, with a large and increasing commerce, with a growing surplus, with an augmenting population. She has secured the esteem of England by at last abandoning the slave trade, and she will not risk either her prosperity or her reputation by ambitious designs on Uruguay. [See chapter on the River Plate.] We have seen that she is most favourable to the free navigation of those rivers on her southern and eastern frontier, whose opening has so long been the desideratum of European and South American commerce; and we shall see presently that she is most wisely and energetically coöperating with an affluent company, composed of English, Brazilian, and Portuguese capitalists, for bringing the blessings of steam to bear upon the Amazon, the results of which proceeding it is entirely impossible to exaggerate.

Ten years ago the finances of Brazil were in very great embarrassment. Under all circumstances of distress and difficulty, Brazil had, indeed, paid, as she still continues regularly to pay, the interest on her debt, thereby honourably distinguishing herself from other South American, and not a few European states. But, at that time, her expenditure largely exceeded her income. Gradually Brazil has reversed this state of things; instead of a heavy deficit, she now has a steadily increasing surplus, has been able to reduce the rate of interest on part of her foreign debt, is slowly reducing its capital, and is in a position to compete in the money market of London with the most favoured European governments. Ten years ago Brazil was not a little embarrassed by the fiscal restrictions she had imposed on herself by her commercial treaties with other countries. Now she is free from all such embarrassments, has full powers over her own trading and financial system, and has no treaties at all with other states. Intermediately she raised for revenue purposes her tariff of Custom duties; but now that she has a surplus to dispose of, her Government is engaged in reducing those duties, to the enlargement, of course, of her commerce. The total funded domestic debt of the empire on the 31st of Dec. last amounted to 57,704,200,000 reis, and the funded debt of theprovince of Rio Janeiro to 3,940,000,000 reis. The total revenue for the present year, 1854, is estimated at about 32,353,000 milreis (£3,594,700), and the expenditure at about 29,633,706 milreis (£3,292,630). The income is chiefly derived from thead valoremduty charged on all articles imported into Brazil, amounting in 1851-2 to £2,814,443; a low duty charged on the articles exported, amounting in the same year to £503,070; and rents, royalties on mines, &c. The estimated expenditure for 1853-4 is thus distributed: Ministry of the Interior, £412,355; Justice, £250,020; Foreign Affairs, £60,000; Marine, £452,138; War, £813,935; Finances, £1,304,162: total, £3,292,630.

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