Chapter 205

Incedis per ignesSuppositos cineri doloso.

Horatiusad Asin. Pollionem, ode 1, lib. 2.

Memorandum the parliament was then sitting and runne violently against the king's prerogative.

[1311]Memorandum he told me that bp. Manwaring[1312](of St. David's) preach'dhis doctrine; for which, among others, he was sent prisoner to the Tower. Then thought Mr. Hobbes, 'tis time now for me to shift for my selfe, and so withdrew[1313]into France, and resided[1314]at Paris. As I remember, there were others[1315]likewise did preach his doctrine. This little MS. treatise grew to be[1316]his bookDe Cive[1317], and at last grew there to be the so formidable and ...Leviathan; the manner of writing of which booke (he told me) was thus. He walked much and contemplated, and he had in the head of his staffe[1318]a pen and inke-horne, carried alwayes a note-booke in his pocket,and as soon as a thought[1319]darted, he presently entred it into his booke, or otherwise he might[1320]perhaps have lost it. He had drawne the designe of the booke into chapters, etc. so he knew whereabout it would come in. Thus that booke was made.

'He wrote and published the Leviathan far from the intention either of disadvantage to his majestie, or to flatter Oliver (who was not made Protector till three or four yeares after) on purpose to facilitate his returne; for there is scarce a page in it that he does not upbraid him.'—Mr. Hobbes considered, p.8.

[1321]''Twas written in the behalfe of the faithfull subjects of his majestie, that had taken his part in the war, or otherwise donne their utmost endeavour to defend his majestie's right and person against the rebells: wherby, having no other meanes of protection, nor (for the most part) of subsistence, were forced to compound with your masters, and to promise obedience for the saving of their lives and fortunes, which, in his booke he hath affirmed, they might lawfully doe, and consequently not bear arms against the victors. They had done their utmost endeavour to performe their obligation to the king, had done all they could be obliged unto; and were consequently at liberty to seeke the safety of their lives and livelihood wheresoever, and without treachery.'— p.20.

'His majestie was displeased with him' (at Paris) 'for a while, but not very long, by means of some's complayning of and misconstruing his writing. But his majestie had a good opinion of him, and sayd openly that he thought Mr. Hobbes never meant him hurt.'—p.28.

'Before his bookeDe Hominecame forth, nothing of the optiques writt intelligibly. As for the Optiques of Vitellio[1322], and several others, he accounts them rather geometry than optiques.'—p.54. [Will not this p.54more aptly come in in another place?]

'So also of all other arts; not every one that bringsfrom beyond seas a new gin, or other janty devise, is therfore a philosopher. For if you reckon that way, not only apothecaries and gardiners, but many other sorts of workmen will put-in for, and get the prize—

'Then,[1323]when I see the gentlemen of Gresham Colledge apply themselves to the doctrine of motion (as Mr. Hobbes has done, and will be ready to helpe them in it, if they please, and so long as they use him civilly), I will looke to know some causes of naturall events from them, and their register, and not before; for nature does nothing but by motion.

'The reason given by him, why the drop of glasse so much wondred at shivers into so many pieces by breaking only one small part of it, is approved for probable by the Royall Societie and registred in their colledge:[CV.]but he has no reason to take it for a favour, because hereafter the invention may be taken, by that means, not for his, but theirs.'—p.55.

[CV.]This clause I leave to your judgment, if not fitt to be left out.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38v.

'As for his selfe-prayse[CVI.], they can have very little skill in morality, that cannot see the justice of commending a man's selfe, as well as of any thing else, in his own defence.'—p.57.

[CVI.]Should these excerpts of his moralls come in here, or rather be cast-after to another place?—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38v.

'Then for his morosity and peevishnesse, with which some asperse him, all that know him familiarly, know the contrary. 'Tis true that when vain and ignorant young scholars, unknowne to him before, come to him on purpose to argue with him, and fall into undiscreet and uncivill expressions, and he then appeare not well contented, 'twas not his morosity, but their vanity, which should be blamed.'— p.59.

[1324]During his stay at Paris he went through a course of chymistry with Dr. ... Davison; and he there also studied Vesalius's Anatomie. This I am sure was before 1648; for that Sir William Petty (then Dr. Petty,physitian) studyed and dissected with him. Vide pag. 18b. A. W.[1325]

[1326]Anno 165-[CVII.], he returned into England, and lived most part[CVIII.]in London, in Fetter lane, where he writt, or finished, his bookeDe Corpore, ...[1327], in Latin and then in English; and writt his lessons against the two Savillian professors at Oxon[1328], etc.; vide the anno Domini when printed. (Puto 1655 or 56.)

[CVII.]Quaere de hoc: vide his life.—'Twas 1650 or 1651.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38v.

[CVIII.]Quaere etiam de hoc. I thinke true as I remember.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38v.

[1329]1655 or 1656: about this time he setled the piece of land (aforesayd), given to him by his uncle, upon his nephew Francis[CIX.]for life, the remaynder to his nephew's eldest son, Thomas Hobbes. He also not long after[1330]dischardged a mortgage (to my knowledge[CX.], to Richard Thorne, an attorney) of two hundred pounds, besides the interest thereof, with which his nephew Francis (a careles[1331]husband) had incumbred his estate.

[CIX.]Or brother: I have now forgott. But surely 'twas to his nephewe[1332].—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 30v.

[CX.]I doe not insert this to be published, but only my familiar way of writing to you and to give to you the greater testimonie.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 39v.

He was much in London till the restauration of his majesty, having here convenience not only of bookes, but of learned conversation, as Mr. John Selden, Dr. William Harvey, John Vaughan, etc., wherof anon in the catalogue of his acquaintance.

I have heard him say, that at his lord's house in thecountrey[1333]there was a good library, and bookes enough for him, and that his lordship stored the library with what bookes he thought fitt to be bought; but he sayd, the want of learned[1334]conversation[CXI.]was a very great inconvenience[1335], and that though he conceived[1336]he could order his thinking as well perhaps as another man, yet he found a great defect[1337].

[CXI.]Methinkes in the country, in long time, for want of good conservation, one's understanding (witt, invention) growes mouldy.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 39v.

Amongst other of his acquaintance I must not forget our common friend, Mr. Samuel Cowper, the prince of limners of this last age, who drew his picture[CXII.]as like as art could afford, and one of the best pieces that ever he did: which his majesty, at his returne, bought of him, and conserves as one of his great rarities in his closet at Whitehall.

[CXII.]This picture I intend[1338]to be borrowed of his majesty, for Mr. Loggan to engrave an accurate piece by, which will sell well both at home and abroad. Mr. Loggan is well acquainted.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 39v.

[1339]1659. In 1659 his lord was—and some yeares before—at Little Salisbury-house (now turned to the Middle-Exchange), where he wrot, among other things, a poeme, in Latin hexameter and pentameter, of the encroachment of the clergie (both Roman and reformed) on the civil power[FS]. I remember I saw then 500 + verses, for he numbred every tenth as he wrote. I remember he did read Cluverius'sHistoria Universalis, and made-up his poeme from thence. His amanuensis remembers this poeme, for he wrote them out, but knows .

His place of meditation was then in the portico in the garden.

His manner[1340]of thinking:—he sayd that he sometimeswould sett his thoughts upon researching[1341]and contemplating, always with this rule[1342]that he very much and deeply considered one thing at a time (scilicet, a weeke or sometimes a fortnight).

There was a report[CXIII.](and surely true) that in parliament, not long after the king was setled, some of the bishops made a motion to have the good old gentleman burn't for a heretique. Which he hearing, feared that his papers might be search't by their order, and he told me he had burn't part of them.—I have received word[1343]from his amanuensis and executor that he 'remembers there were such verses[1344]for he wrote them out, but knowes not what became of them, unlesse he presented them to Judge Vaughan[1345], or burned them as I did seeme to intimate.' ☞ But I understand since by W. Crooke, that he can retrive a good[1346]many of them.

[CXIII.]Quaere[1347]the bishop of Sarum de hoc, i.e. pro tempore.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 41v.

[1348]1660. The[1349]winter-time of 1659 he spent in Derbyshire. In[FT]March following was the dawning of the coming in of our gracious soveraigne, and in April the Aurora.

[1350]I then sent a letter to him in the countrey to advertise him of the Advent[1351]of his master the king and desired him by all meanes to be in London before his arrivall; and knowing[1352]his majestie was a great lover of good painting I must needs presume he could not but suddenly seeMr. Cowper's curious pieces, of whose fame he had so much heard abroad and seene some of his worke, and likewise that he would sitt to him for his picture, at which place and time he would have the best convenience[1353]of renewing his majestie's graces to him.[1354]He returned me thankes for my friendly intimation and came to London in May following.

It happened, about two or three dayes after his majestie's happy returne, that, as he was passing in his coach through the Strand, Mr. Hobbes was standing at Little Salisbury-house gate (where his lord then lived). The king espied him, putt of his hatt very kindly to him, and asked him how he did. About a weeke after he had[1355]orall conference with his majesty at[1356]Mr. S. Cowper's, where, as he sate for his picture, he was diverted[1357]by Mr. Hobbes's pleasant discourse[1358]. Here his majestie's favours were redintegrated to him, and order was given that he should have free accesse to his majesty, who was always much delighted in his witt and smart repartees.

The witts at Court were wont to bayte him. But he feared none of them[1359], and would make his part good. The king would call himthe beare[CXIV.]: 'Here comes the beare to be bayted!'

[CXIV.]This istoo lowwitt to be published.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 40v.

Repartees.He was marvellous happy and ready in his replies, and that without rancor (except provoked)—but now[1360]I speake of his readinesse in replies as to witt and drollery. He would say that he did not care to give, neither was he adroit[1361]at, a present answer to a serious quaere: he had as lieve they should have expected an[1362]extemporary solution to an arithmeticall probleme, for he turned and winded and compounded in philosophy, politiques, etc., as if he hadbeen at analyticall[1363]worke. He alwayes avoided, as much as he could, to conclude hastily (Humane Nature, p. 2). Vide[1364]p. 15 b.

[1365]Memorandum—from 1660 till the time[CXV.]he[1366]last went into Derbyshire, he spent most of his time in London at his lord's (viz. at Little Salisbury-howse; then, Queen Street; lastly, Newport-house), following his contemplation and study. ☞ He contemplated and invented (set downe a hint with a pencill or so) in the morning, but compiled[1367]in the afternoon.

[CXV.]Quaere when. Quaere W. Crooke de hoc. [You[1368]say somewhere[1369]that he went into Derbyshire, 1675. Here, while he was at London, he was much sought after and courted: taught and directed those that sought after him.]—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 41v.

1664. In[1370]1664 I sayd to him 'Me thinkes 'tis pitty that you that have such a cleare reason and working[1371]head did never take into consideration the learning of the lawes'; and I endeavoured to perswade him to it. But he answered that[1372]he was not like to have life enough left to goe through with such a long and difficult taske. I then presented him the lord chancellor Bacon's Elements of the Lawe (a thin quarto), in order therunto and to drawe him on; which he was pleased to accept, and perused; and the next time I came to him he shewed me therin two cleare paralogismes in the 2nd page (one, I well remember, was in page2), which I am heartily sory are now out of my remembrance.[1373]I desponded, for his reasons, that he should make anytentamen[1374]towards this designe; but afterwards, it seemes, in the countrey he writt his treatiseDe Legibus[FU](unprinted)of which Sir John Vaughan, Lord Chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas, had a transcript, and I doe affirme that he much admired it.

[1375]Insert here part of his lettre to me about it.

'Tis thus, viz., in a letter to me[1376], dated Aug. 18, 1679, among severall other things, he writes[1377]:—

'I have been told that my booke of the Civill Warr is come abroad and am heartily sorry for it, especially because I could not get his majestie to license it, not because it is ill printed or hath a foolish title set to it, for I beleeve that any ingeniose man may understand the wickednes of that time, notwithstanding the errors of the presse[CXVI.].

[CXVI.]Quaere is it best to let the letter stand whole[1378]or to let that part, of the Civill Warr, be referred to the catalogue of bookes?

'The treatiseDe Legibus(at the end of it) is imperfect. I desire Mr. Horne[1379]to pardon me that I cannot consent to his motion; nor shall Mr. Crooke himselfe get my consent to print it.

'I pray you present my humble thankes to Mr. Sam. Butler.

'The privilege of stationers is, in my opinion, a very great hinderance to the advancement of all humane learning[1380].

'I am, sir, your very humble servant,'Th. Hobbes.'

[1381]1665. This yeare he told me that he was willing to doe some good to the towne where he was borne; that his majestie loved him well, and if I could find out something in our countrey that was in his guift, he did beleeve he could beg it of his majestie, and seeing[1382]he was bred a scholar, he thought it most proper to endowe[1383]a free-schoole there; which is wantingnow[CXVII.](for, before the reformation, all monasteries had greatschooles appendant to them; e.g. Magdalen schoole and New College schoole). After[1384]enquiry I found out a piece of land in Bradon-forest (of about 25li.per annum value) that was in his majesties guift[1385], which he designed[1386]to have obtained of his majestie for a salary for a schoolmaster; but[CXVIII.]the queen's priests[1387]smelling-out the designe and being[1388]his enemies, hindred[1389]this publique and charitable intention.

[CXVII.]The burghesses give a schoolmaster Xli.per annum out of their....

[CXVIII.]Aubrey queries—'Will not this give offence?'—Anthony Wood replies—'Perhaps no.'—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 42v.

[1674[1390]. Anno[1391]Domini 1674 Mr. Anthony à Wood sett forth an elaborate worke of eleven[1392]yeares study, intituledthe History and Antiquities of the University of Oxford, wherin, in every respective Colledge and Hall, he mentions the writers there educated and what bookes they wrote. The deane of Christ Church having plenipotentiary[1393]power of the presse there], perused every sheet before 'twas to be sent to the presse[1394]; and maugre the author and to his[1395]sore displeasure did expunge and inserted what he pleased. Among other authors[CXIX.], he made divers alterations in Mr. Wood's copie in the account he gives of Mr. T. Hobbes of Malmesbury's life, in pag. 444, 445[1396], Lib. II—

[CXIX.]Memorandum—bishop John Fell did not only expunge and insert what he pleased in Mr. Hobbes' life; but also in the lives of other very learned men, to their disparagement, particularly of Dr. John Prideaux, afterwards bishop of Worcester, and in the life of Dr. Twiss.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 48v.

'Vir sane de quo (inter tot prosperae et adversae famae qui de eo sparguntur hominum sermones) hoc verissime pronuntiare fas est, animum ipsi obtigisse, uti omnis scientiae capacissimum et infertum, ita divitiarum, saeculi, et invidiae negligentissimum; erga cognatos et alios pium et beneficum; inter eos quibuscum vixit, hilarem et apertum, et sermone libero; apud exteros in summa semper veneratione habitum,' &c.; this and much more was quite dashed out of the author's copie by the sayd deane.

[1397]These[CXX.]additions and expunctions being made by the sayd deane of Christ Church, without[1398]the knowledge or advice of the authour and quite contrary to his mind, he told him it was fitt Mr. Hobbes should know it[1399], because that his name being set to the booke and all people knowing it to be his, he should be liable to an answer, and so consequently be in perpetuall controversie. To this the deane replied, 'Yea, in God's name; and great reason it was that he should know what he had done, and what he had donne he would answer for,' etc.

[CXX.]Me thinkes[1400]page15might be something extracted and abridged; but doe you consider of it.

1674. Hereupon[1401], the author acquaints[1402]J. A., Mr. Hobbes's correspondent, with all that had passed; J. A. acquaints Mr. Hobbes. Mr. Hobbes takeing it ill, was resolved to vindicate himselfe in an Epistle to the Author. Accordingly an epistle, dated Apr. 20, 1674, was sent to the author in MS., with an intention to publish it when the History of Oxford was to be published. Upon the reciept of Mr. Hobbes's Epistle by Anthony à Wood, he forthwith repaired, very honestly and without any guile, to the dean of Christ Church to communicate it to him[1403]. The deane read it over carelesly, and not without scorne, and whenhe had donne, bid Mr. Wood tell Mr. Hobbes, 'that he was an old man, had one foote in the grave, that he should mind his latter end, and not trouble the world any more with his papers,' etc., or to that effect.

In the meane time Mr. Hobbes meetes with the king in the Pall-mall, in St. James's parke; tells him how he had been served by the deane of Christ Church, in a booke then in the presse (scilicet the 'History' aforesayd), intituled the History and Antiquities of the Universitie of Oxon, and withall desires his majestie to be pleased to give him leave to vindicate himselfe. The king seeming to be troubled at the dealing of the deane, gave Mr. Hobbes leave, conditionally that he touch no-body but him who had abused him, neither that he should reflect upon the Universitie.

Mr. Hobbes understanding that this History would be published at the common Act at Oxon, about 11 July, the said yeare 1674, prints his Epistle[1404]at London, and sends downe divers copies to Oxon, which being dispersed at coffee-houses and stationers' shops, a copie forthwith came to the deane's hands, who upon the reading of it fretted and fumed[1405], sent[1406]for the author of the History and chid him, telling withall that he had corresponded with his enemie (Hobbes). The author replied that surely he had forgot what he had donne, for he had communicated to him before what Mr. Hobbes had sayd and written; wherupon the deane recollecting himselfe, told him that Hobbes should suddenly heare more of him[1407]; so that the last sheete[1408]of paper being then in the presse and one leafe thereof being left vacant, the deane supplied itwith this answer. Both the epistle and answer I here exhibite.

[1409]Here insert the Epistle[1410]and Answer[1411].

To this angry[1412]answer the old gentleman never[1413]made any reply, but slighted[1414]the Dr's passion and forgave it. But 'tis supposed it might be the cause why Mr. Hobbes was not afterwards so indulgent, or spared the lesse to speake his opinion, concerning the Universities and how much their doctrine and method had contributed to the late troubles [e.g. in his History of the Civill Warre].

1675, mense ..., he left Londoncum animo nunquam revertendi, and spent the remaynder of his dayes in Derbyshire with the earl of Devonshire at Chatsworth and Hardwyck, in contemplation and study. He wrote there[1415]... (vide vitam).

[1416]Then[1417], his sicknesse, death, buriall and place, and epitaph,which send for[1418].

[1419]Extracted out of the executor's lettre (January 16, 1679) to me:—

'To his highly honoured friend, Jo. Aubrey, esq., these.'—

(His sicknesse) 'Worthy sir—he fell sick about the middle of October last,' etc.[1420]—

[1421]☞ 'He dyed worth neer 1000li., which (considering his charity) was more then I expected: vide his verses[1422]in the last page.—From W. Crooke, from Mr. Jackson who had 500li.of his in his hands.—

[1423]Describe face, eyes, forehead, nose, mouth, eyebrows, figure of the face, complexion; stature of body; shape (slender, large, neat, or otherwise); figure of head and magnitude of head; shoulders (large, round, etc.); arms, legs, how?—

[1424]Mr. Hobbes's person, etc.:—hazel, quick eie, which continued to his last. He was a tall man, higher then I am by about halfe a head (scil.... feet), i.e. I could putt my hand between my head and his hatt.—When young he loved musique and practised on the lute. In his old age he used to sing prick-song every night (when all were gonne and sure nobody could heare him) for his health, which he did beleeve would make him live two or three yeares longer.

[1425]In his youth unhealthy; of an ill yellowish complexion: wett in his feet, and trod both his shoes the same way.

[1426]His complexion.In his youth he was unhealthy, and of an ill complexion (yellowish).

His[CXXI.]lord, who was a waster, sent him up and downe to borrow money, and to gett gentlemen to be bound for him, being ashamed to speake him selfe: he tooke colds, being wett in his feet (then were no hackney coaches to stand in the streetes), and trod both his shoes aside the same way. Notwithstanding he was well-beloved: they lov'd his company for his pleasant facetiousnes and good-nature[1427].

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