which is more than our most advanced politicians claim as the full extent to which England can be taken by means of practical politics—as understood by the two great parties.
Now, I want to know, and I shall be glad if some practical friend will tell me, whether a programme of practical politics which leaves the metropolis of a free and democratic nation a nest of poverty, commercial slavery, vice, crime, insanity, and disease, is likely to make the English people healthy, and wealthy, and wise? And I ask you to consider whether this seven-branched programme is worth fighting for, if it is to result in a density of slum population nearly twice as great as that of the worst districts of the worst slums of Manchester?
It seems to me, as an unpractical man, that a practical programme which results in 522 persons to the acre, 18 hours a day for bread and butter, and nearly 4000 pauper funerals a year in one city, is a programme which onlyverypractical men would be fools enough to fight for.
At anyrate, I for one will have nothing to say to such a despicable sham. A programme which does not touch the sweater nor the slum; which does not hinder the system of fraud and murder called free competition; which does not give back to the English people their own country or their own earnings, may be good enough for politicians, but it is no use to men and women.
No, my lads, there is no system of economics, politics, or ethics whereby it shall be made just or expedient to take that which you have not earned, or to take that which another man has earned; there can be no health, no hope in a nation where everyone is trying to get more than he has earned, and is hocussing his conscience with platitudes about God's Providence having endowed men with different degrees of intellect and virtue.
How many years is it since the Newcastle programme was issued? What did itpromisethat the poor workers of America and France have not already obtained? What good would it do you if you got it?And when do you think you are likely to get it?Is it any nearer now than it was seven years ago? Will it be any nearer ten years hence than it is now if you wait for the practical politicians of the old parties to give it to you?
One of the great stumbling-blocks in the way of allprogress for Labour is the lingering belief of the working man in the Liberal Party.
In the past the Liberals were regarded as the party of progress. They won many fiscal and political reforms for the people. And now, when they will not, or cannot, go any farther, their leaders talk about "ingratitude" if the worker is advised to leave them and form a Labour Party.
But when John Bright refused to go any farther, when he refused to go as far as Home Rule, did the Liberal Party think of gratitude to one of their greatest men? No. They dropped John Bright, and they blamedhimbecause he had halted.
They why should they demand that you shall stay with them out of gratitude now they have halted?
The Liberal Party claim to be the workers' friends. What have they done for him during the last ten years? What are they willing to do for him now, or when they get office?
Here is a quotation from a speech made some years ago by Sir William Harcourt—
An attempt is being sedulously made to identify the Liberal Government and the Liberal Party with dreamers of dreams, with wild, anarchical ideas, and anti-social projects. Gentlemen, I say, if I have a right to speak on behalf of the Liberal Party, that we have no sympathy with these mischief-makers at all. The Liberal Party has no share in them; their policy is a constructive policy; they have no revolutionary schemes either in politics, in society, or in trade.
An attempt is being sedulously made to identify the Liberal Government and the Liberal Party with dreamers of dreams, with wild, anarchical ideas, and anti-social projects. Gentlemen, I say, if I have a right to speak on behalf of the Liberal Party, that we have no sympathy with these mischief-makers at all. The Liberal Party has no share in them; their policy is a constructive policy; they have no revolutionary schemes either in politics, in society, or in trade.
You may say that is old. Try this new one. It is from the lips of Mr. Harmsworth, the "official Liberal candidate" at the last by-election in North-East Lanark—
My own opinion is that amodus vivendishould be arrived at between the official Liberal Party and such Labour organisations as desire parliamentary representation, provided, of course, that they are nottainted with Socialist doctrines. It should not be difficult to come to something like an amicable settlement. I must say that it came upon me with something of a shock to find that amongst those who sent messages to the Socialist candidate wishing success to him in his propaganda were two Members of Parliament who profess allegiance to the Liberal Party.
My own opinion is that amodus vivendishould be arrived at between the official Liberal Party and such Labour organisations as desire parliamentary representation, provided, of course, that they are nottainted with Socialist doctrines. It should not be difficult to come to something like an amicable settlement. I must say that it came upon me with something of a shock to find that amongst those who sent messages to the Socialist candidate wishing success to him in his propaganda were two Members of Parliament who profess allegiance to the Liberal Party.
Provided, "of course," thatthey are not tainted withSocialist doctrines. With Socialist doctrines Sir William Harcourt and Mr. Harmsworth will have no dealings.
Now, if you read what I have written in this book you will see that there is no possible reform that can do the workers any real or lasting good unless that reform istainted with Socialist doctrines.
Only legislation of a socialistic nature can benefit the working class. And that kind of legislation the Liberals will not touch.
It is true there are some individual members amongst the Radicals who are prepared to go a good way with the Socialists. But what can they do? In the House they must obey the Party Whip, and the Party Whip never cracks for socialistic measures.
I wonder how many Labour seats have been lost through Home Rule. Time after time good Labour candidates have been defeated because Liberal working men feared to lose a Home Rule vote in the House.
And what has Labour got from the Home Rule Liberals it has elected?
And where is Home Rule to-day?
Let me give you a typical case. A Liberal Unionist lost his seat. He at once became a Home Ruler, and was adopted as Liberal candidate to stand against a Labour candidate and against a Tory. The Labour candidate was a Home Ruler, and had been a Home Ruler when the Liberal candidate was a Unionist.
But the Liberal working men would not vote for the Labour man. Why? Because they were afraid he would not get in. If he did not get in the Tory would get in, and the Home Rule vote would be one less in the House.
They voted for the Liberal, and he was returned. That is ten years ago. What good has that M.P. done for Home Rule, and what has he done for Labour?
The Labour man could have done no more for Home Rule, but he would have worked hard for Labour, and no Party Whip would have checked him.
Well, during those ten years it is not too much to say that fifty Labour candidates have been sacrificed in the same way to Home Rule.
In ten years those men would have done good service.And they were all Home Rulers.
Such is the wisdom of the working men who cling to the tails of the Liberal Party.
Return a hundred Labour men to the House of Commons, and the Liberal Party will be stronger than if a hundred Liberals were sent in their place, for there is not a sound plank in the Liberal programme which the Labour M.P. would wish removed.
But do you doubt for a moment that the presence in the House of a hundred Labour members would do no more for Labour than the presence in their stead of a hundred Liberals? A working man must be very dull if he believes that.
That is my case against the old parties. I could say no more if I tried. If you want to benefit your own class, if you want to hasten reform, if you want to frighten the Tories and wake up the Liberals, put your hands in your pockets, find afarthing a weekfor election and for parliamentary expenses, send a hundred Labour men to the House, and watch the effects. I think you will be more than satisfied. Andthatis whatIcall "practical politics."
Finally, to end as I began, if self-interest is the strongest motive in human nature, the man who wants his own advantage secured will be wise to attend to it himself.
The Liberal Party may be a better party than the Tory Party, but thebestparty for Labour is aLabourParty.
Self-interest being the strongest motive in human nature, he who wishes his interests to be served will be wise to attend to them himself.
If you, Mr. Smith, as a working man, wish to have better wages, shorter hours, more holidays, and cheaper living, you had better take a hand in the class war by becoming a recruit in the army of Labour.
The first line of the Labour army is the Trade Unions.
The second line is the Municipality.
The third line is Parliament.
If working men desire to improve their conditions they will be wise to serve their own interests by using the Trade Unions, the Municipalities, and the House of Commons for all they are worth; and they are worth a lot.
Votes you have in plenty, for all practical purposes, and of money you can yourselves raise more than you need, without either hurting yourselves or incurring obligations to men of other classes.
One penny a week from 4,000,000 of working men would mean a yearly income of £866,000.
We are always hearing that the working classes cannot find enough money to pay the election expenses of their own parliamentary candidates nor to keep their own Labour members if elected.
If 4,000,000 workers paid one penny a week (the price of a Sunday paper, or of one glass of cheap beer) they would have £866,000 at the end of a year.
Election expenses of 200 Labour candidates at £500 each would be £100,000.
Pay of 200 Labour members at £200 a year would be £40,000.
Total, £140,000: leaving a balance in hand of £726,000.
Election expenses of 2000 candidates for School Board, Municipal Councils, and Boards of Guardians at £50 per man would be £100,000. Leaving a balance of £626,000.
Now the cause of Labour has very few friends amongst the newspapers. As I have said before, at times of strikes and other industrial crises, the Press goes almost wholly against the workers.
The 4,000,000 men I have supposed to wake up to their own interest could establish weekly and daily papers oftheir ownat a cost of £50,000 for each paper. Say one weekly paper at a penny, one daily paper at a penny, or one morning and one evening paper at a halfpenny each.
These papers would have a ready-made circulation amongst the men who owned them. They could be managed, edited, and written by trained journalists engaged for the work, and could contain all the best features of the political papers now bought by working men.
Say, then, that the weekly paper cost £50,000 to start, and that the morning and evening papers cost the same. That would be £150,000, and the papers would pay in less than a year.
You see, then, that 4,000,000 of men could finance 3 newspapers, 200 parliamentary and 2000 local elections, and pay one year's salary to 200 Members of Parliament for £390,000, or less thanone halfpennya week for one year.
If you paid the full penny a week for one year you could do all I have said and have a balance in hand of £476,000.
Surely, then, it is nonsense to talk about the difficulty of finding money for election expenses.
But you might not be able to get 4,000,000 of men to pay even one penny.
Then you could produce the same result ifonemillion (half your present Trade Union membership) pay twopence a week.
And even at a cost of twopence a week do you not think the result would be worth the cost? Imagine the effect on the Press, and on Parliament, and on the employers, and on public opinion of your fighting 200 parliamentary and2000 municipal elections, and founding three newspapers. Then the moral effect of the work the newspapers would do would be sure to result in an increase of the Trade Union membership.
A penny looks such a poor, contemptible coin, and even the poor labourer often wastes one. But remember that union is strength, and pennies make pounds. 1000 pennies make more than £4; 100,000 pennies come to more than £400; 1,000,000 pennies come to £4000; 1,000,000 pennies a week for a year give you the enormous sum of £210,000.
WeClarionmen founded a paper called theClarionwith less than £400 capital, and with no friends or backers, and although we have never given gambling news, nor general news, and had no Trade Unions behind us, we have carried our paper on for ten years, and it is stronger now than ever.
Why, then, should the working classes, and especially the Trade Unions, submit to the insults and misrepresentations of newspapers run by capitalists, when they can have better papers of their own to plead their own cause?
Suppose it cost £100,000 to start a first-class daily Trade Union organ. How much would that mean to 2,000,000 of Unionists? If it cost £100,000 to start the paper, and if it lost £100,000 a year, it would only mean one halfpenny a week for the first year, and one farthing a week for the next. But I am quite confident that if the Unions did the thing in earnest they could start a paper for £50,000, and run it at a profit after the first six months.
Do not forget the power of the penny. If 10,000,000 of working men and women gaveone penny a yearit would reach a yearly income offorty thousand pounds. A good deal may be done with £40,000, Mr. Smith.
Now a few words as to the three lines of operations. You have your Trade Unions, and you have a very modest kind of Federation. If your 2,000,000 Unionists were federated at a weekly subscription of one penny per man, your yearly income would be nearly half a million: a very useful kind of fund. I should strongly advise you to strengthen your Trades Federation.
Next as to Municipal affairs. These are of moreimportance to you than Parliament. Let me give you an idea. Suppose, as in the case of Manchester and Liverpool, the difference between a private gas company and a Municipal gas supply amounts to more than a shilling on each 1000 feet of gas. Setting the average workman's gas consumption at 4000 feet per quarter, that means a saving to each Manchester working man of sixteen shillings a year, or just about fourpence a week.
Suppose a tram company carries a man to his work and back at one penny, and the Corporation carries him at one halfpenny. The man saves a penny a day, or 25s. a year. Now if 100,000 men piled up their tram savings for one year as a labour fund it would come to £125,000.
All that money those men are now giving to tram companiesfor nothing. Is that practical?
You may apply the same process of thought to all the other things you use. Just figure out what you would save if you had Municipal or State managed
and other necessaries.
On all those needful things you are now paying big percentages of profit to private dealers, all of which the Municipality would save you.
And you can municipalise all those things and save all that money by sticking together as a Labour Party, and by payingone penny a week.
Again I advise you to read those books by George Haw and R. B. Suthers. Read them, and give them to other workers to read.
And then set about making a Labour Partyat once.
Next as to Parliament. You ought to put at least 200 Labour members into the House. Never mind Liberalism and Toryism. Mr. Morley said in January that whatpuzzled him was to "find any difference between the new Liberalism and the new Conservatism." Do not try to find a difference, John. Have a Labour Party.
"Self-interest is the strongest motive in human nature." Take care of your own interests and stand by your own class.
You will ask, perhaps, what these 200 Labour representatives are to do. They should do anything and everything they can do in the House of Commons for the interests of the working class.
But if you want programmes and lists of measures, get the Fabian Parliamentary and Municipal programmes, and study them. You will find the particulars as to price, etc., at the end of this book.
But here are some measures which you might be pushing and helping whenever a chance presents itself, in Parliament or out of Parliament.
Removal of taxation from articles used by the workers, such as tea and tobacco, and increase of taxation on large incomes and on land.
Compulsory sale of land for the purpose of Municipal houses, works, farms, and gardens.Nationalisation of railways and mines.Taxation to extinction of all mineral royalties.Vastly improved education for the working classes.Old age pensions.Adoption of the Initiative and Referendum.Universal adult suffrage.Eight hours' day and standard rates of wages in all Government and Municipal works.Establishment of a Department of Agriculture.State insurance of life.Nationalisation of all banks.The second ballot.Abolition of property votes.Formation of a citizen army for home defence.Abolition of workhouses.Solid legislation on the housing question.Government inquiry into the food question, with a view to restore British agriculture.
Compulsory sale of land for the purpose of Municipal houses, works, farms, and gardens.
Nationalisation of railways and mines.
Taxation to extinction of all mineral royalties.
Vastly improved education for the working classes.
Old age pensions.
Adoption of the Initiative and Referendum.
Universal adult suffrage.
Eight hours' day and standard rates of wages in all Government and Municipal works.
Establishment of a Department of Agriculture.
State insurance of life.
Nationalisation of all banks.
The second ballot.
Abolition of property votes.
Formation of a citizen army for home defence.
Abolition of workhouses.
Solid legislation on the housing question.
Government inquiry into the food question, with a view to restore British agriculture.
Those are a few steps towards the desired goal ofSocialism.
You may perhaps wonder why I do not ask you to found a Socialist Party. I do not think the workers are ready for it. And I feel that if you found a Labour Party every step you take towards the emancipation of Labour will be a step towardsSocialism.
But I should like to think that many workers will become Socialists at once, and more as they live and learn.
The fact is, Mr. Smith, I do not want to ask too much of the mass of working folks, who have been taught little, and mostly taught wrong, and whose opportunities of getting knowledge have been but poor.
I am not asking working men to be plaster saints nor stained-glass angels, but only to be really what their flatterers are so fond of telling them they are now: shrewd, hard-headed men, distrusting theories and believing in facts.
For the statement that private trading and private management of production and distribution are the best, and the only "possible," ways of carrying on the business of the nation is only atheory, Mr. Smith; but the superiority of Municipal management in cheapness, in efficiency, in health, in comfort, and in pleasantness is a solidfact, Mr. Smith, which has been demonstrated just as often as Municipal and private management have been contrasted in their action.
One other question I may anticipate. How are the workers to form a Labour Party?
There are already two Labour parties formed.
One is the Trade Union body, the other is the Independent Labour Party.
The Trade Unions are numerous, but not politically organised nor united.
The Independent Labour Party is organised and united, but is weak in numbers and poor in funds.
I should like to see the Trade Unions fully federated, and formed into a political as well as an Industrial Labour Party on lines similar to those of the Independent Labour Party.
Or I should like to see the whole of your 2,000,000 of Trade Unionists join the Independent Labour Party.
Or, best of all, I should like to see the Unions, the Independent Labour Party, and the great and growing body of unorganised and unattached Socialists formed into one grand Socialist Party.
But I do not want to ask too much.
Meanwhile, I ask you, as a reader of this book, not to sit down in despair with the feeling that the workers will not move, but to try to move them. Be youone, John Smith. Be you the first. Then you shall surely win a few, and each of those few shall win a few, and so are multitudes composed.
Let us make a long story short. I have here given you, as briefly and as plainly as I can, the best advice of which I am capable, after a dozen years' study and experience of Labour politics and economics and the lives of working men and women.
If you approve of this little book I shall be glad if you will recommend it to your friends.
You will find Labour matters treated of every week in theClarion, which is a penny paper, published every Friday, and obtainable at 72 Fleet Street, London, E.C., and of all newsagents.
Heaven, friend John Smith, helps those who help themselves; but Heaven also helps those who try to help their fellow-creatures.
If you are shrewd and strong and skilful, think a little and work a little for the millions of your own class who are ignorant and weak and friendless. If you have a wife and children whom you love, remember the many poor and wretched women and children who are robbed of love, of leisure, of sunshine and sweet air, of knowledge and of hope, in the pent and dismal districts of our big, misgoverned towns. If you as a Briton are proud of your country and your race, if you as a man have any pride of manhood, or as a worker have any pride of class, come over to us and help in the just and wise policy of winning Britain for the British, manhood forallmen, womanhood forallwomen, and love to-day and hope to-morrow for the children whomChrist loved, but who by many Christians have unhappily been forgotten.
That it may please thee to succour, help, and comfortallthat are in danger, necessity, and tribulation.That it may please thee to defend, and provide for, the fatherless children, and widows, andallthat are desolate and oppressed.That it may please thee to have mercy uponallmen.
That it may please thee to succour, help, and comfortallthat are in danger, necessity, and tribulation.
That it may please thee to defend, and provide for, the fatherless children, and widows, andallthat are desolate and oppressed.
That it may please thee to have mercy uponallmen.
I end as I began, by quoting those beautiful words from the Litany. If we would realise the prayer they utter, we must turn toSocialism; if we would win defence for the fatherless children and the widows, succour, help, and comfort forallthat are in danger, necessity, or tribulation, and mercy forallmen, we must win Britain for the British.
Without the workers we cannot win, with the workers we cannot fail. Will you be one to help us—now?
The following books and pamphlets treat more fully the various subjects dealt with inBritain for the British.
To-day's Work.G. Haw. Clarion Press, 72 Fleet Street. 2s. 6d.Does Municipal Management Pay?By R. B. Suthers. 6d. Clarion Press, 72 Fleet Street.Land Nationalisation.A. R. Wallace. 1s. London, Swan Sonnenschein.Five Precursors of Henry George.By J. Morrison Davidson. 1s.Labour LeaderOffice, 53 Fleet Street, E.C.Dismal England.By R. Blatchford. Clarion Press, 72 Fleet Street, E.C. 1s.The White Slaves of England.By R. Sherard. London, James Bowden. 1s.No Room to Live.By G. Haw. 2s. 6d.Fields, Factories, and Workshops.By Prince Kropotkin. 1s.ClarionOffice, 72 Fleet Street, E.C.The Fabian Tracts, especially No. 5, No. 12, and Nos. 30-37. One penny each. Fabian Society, 3 Clement's Inn, Strand, orClarionOffice, 72 Fleet Street, E.C.Our Food Supply in Time of War.By Captain Stewart L. Murray. 6d.ClarionOffice, 72 Fleet Street, E.C.The Clarion.A newspaper for Socialists and Working Men. One penny weekly. Office, 72 Fleet Street, E.C.TheClarioncan be ordered of all newsagents
To-day's Work.G. Haw. Clarion Press, 72 Fleet Street. 2s. 6d.
Does Municipal Management Pay?By R. B. Suthers. 6d. Clarion Press, 72 Fleet Street.
Land Nationalisation.A. R. Wallace. 1s. London, Swan Sonnenschein.
Five Precursors of Henry George.By J. Morrison Davidson. 1s.Labour LeaderOffice, 53 Fleet Street, E.C.
Dismal England.By R. Blatchford. Clarion Press, 72 Fleet Street, E.C. 1s.
The White Slaves of England.By R. Sherard. London, James Bowden. 1s.
No Room to Live.By G. Haw. 2s. 6d.
Fields, Factories, and Workshops.By Prince Kropotkin. 1s.ClarionOffice, 72 Fleet Street, E.C.
The Fabian Tracts, especially No. 5, No. 12, and Nos. 30-37. One penny each. Fabian Society, 3 Clement's Inn, Strand, orClarionOffice, 72 Fleet Street, E.C.
Our Food Supply in Time of War.By Captain Stewart L. Murray. 6d.ClarionOffice, 72 Fleet Street, E.C.
The Clarion.A newspaper for Socialists and Working Men. One penny weekly. Office, 72 Fleet Street, E.C.
TheClarioncan be ordered of all newsagents
The American workingman will not find it very hard to see that the lesson of "Britain for the British" applies with even greater force to the conditions in his own country.
American railroads, mines, and factories exploit, cripple and kill American laborers on an even larger scale than the British ones. We have even less laws for the protection of the workers and their children and what we have are not so well enforced.
No one will deny the ability of America to feed herself. She feeds the world to-day save that some American workers and their families are rather poorly fed. The great problem with American capitalists is how to get rid of the wealth produced and given to them by American laborers.
Where Liberal and Conservative parties are mentioned every American reader will find himself unconsciously substituting Democratic and Republican.
It will do the average American good to "see himself as others see him" and to know that manhood suffrage, freedom from established Church and Republican institutions do not prevent his becoming an economic slave and living in a slum.
But we fear that some American readers will be shrewd enough to call attention to the fact that municipal ownership has not abolished, or to any great extent improved the slums of London, Glasgow and Birmingham. It is certain some of the thousands of German laborers who are living in America would be quick to point out that although Bismark has nationalized the railroads and telegraphs of Germany this has not altered the fact ofthe exploitation of German workingmen. Worst of all, it would be hard to explain to the multitude of Russian exiles now living in America that they would have been better off had they remained at home, because the Czar has made more industries government property than belong to any other nation in the world.
Even native Americans would find it somewhat hard to understand how matters would be improved by transferring the ownership of the coal mines, for example, from a Hanna-controlled corporation to a Hanna-directed government. There would be one or two different links in the chain of connection uniting Hanna to the mines and the miners but they would be as well forged and as capable of holding the laborer in slavery as the present ones.
Happily the chapter on "Why the old Parties will not do" gives us a clue to the way out. While the government is controlled by capitalist parties government ownership of industries does little more than simplify the process of reorganization to be performed when a real labor party shall gain control. The victory of such a party will for the first time mean that government-owned industries will be owned and controlled by all the workers (who will also be all the people, since idlers will have disappeared).
American workers are fortunate in that there is a political party already in the field which exactly meets the ideal described in the last three chapters. The Socialist Party is a trade-union party, a labor party and the political expression of all the workers in America who have become intelligent enough to understand their own self-interest. Those who feel that they wish to lend a hand in securing the triumph of the ideas set forth in "Britain for the British" should at once join that party and work for its success.
A. M. SIMONS.
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