Chapter 10

[118]This company had traded extensively among the Indians on the Penn. border prior to 1765. During the Indian wars the firm lost heavily and it was in an attempt to retrieve its fortune that a branch house was established in the Illinois Country.[119]Morgan's MS Letter Book.[120]Morgan's MS Letter Book.[121]Five batteaus loaded with goods under the command of John Jennings, sailed from Fort Pitt, March 9, 1765. Joseph Dobson to Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan, March 9, 1765, MS letter, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.[122]Morgan's MS Letter Book.[123]Ibid.[124]Ibid.[125]Ibid.[126]Gage wrote in 1770 that the "Company from Philadelphia (Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan) failed in the Ilinois trade." Gage to Hillsborough, Dec. 7, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 128.[127]See Ch. II for references.[128]Johnson to Hillsborough, Aug. 14, 1770,N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 224. See extract from "Ponteach or the Savages of North America: A Tragedy," in Parkman,Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 344 ff.[129]Johnson to Hillsborough, Aug. 14, 1770,N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 224.[130]Johnson to Hillsborough, Aug. 14, 1770,N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 292.[131]Johnson to Lords of Trade, Sept. 1767,N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 964-965.[132]Ibid.[133]Ibid.[134]Ibid.[135]The British were not so well situated to command the trade as the French had been. The Illinois post had always been the center for the trade of the Missouri river region, but after the cession of Illinois to England and the Foundation of St. Louis by La Clede in 1764, the latter place became the centre for the trade of that region.[136]Information of the State of Commerce given by Capt. Forbes, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 125.[137]Gordon's Journal down the Ohio, 1766, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Phym to Johnson, April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS, Vol. 25, No. 109.[138]Gage to Hillsborough, April 24, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124 Gage to Shelburne, April 24, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124.[139]Gage to Hillsborough, Nov. 10, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126 Huchin's Remarks upon the Illinois country, 1771, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. It may be noted also that during the French regime the French-Canadians traded extensively in this region. See Gage's Report on the State of the Government of Montreal.[140]Wilkins to Barrington, Dec. 5, 1769, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124.[141]Johnson to Carleton, Jan. 27, 1767, C.A., Ser. Q, Vol. IV, p 115.[142]Johnson to Hillsborough, Feb. 18, 1771,N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 263.[143]Gage to Hillsborough, Apr. 24, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124.[144]Order for O'Reilly, Jan. 27, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.[145]Information of the State of Commerce, in the Illinois Country, given by Captain Forbes, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, Vol. 125. Morgan's MS Letter Book.[146]Gage to Hillsborough, Nov. 10, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.[147]Gage to Shelburne, Jan. 17, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. 27, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.[148]Gage to Shelburne, Dec. 23, 1766, B. T. Papers, Vol. 27, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Johnson to Gage, Jan. 29, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. 35. Gage to Shelburne, Feb. 22, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage to Johnson, Jan. 25, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. 28. George Phym to Johnson, Apr. 15, 1768, Johnson MSS, Vol. XXV, No. 109. Gage to Dartmouth, May 5, 1773, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 128. Gage wrote in 1766 that skins and furs bore a price of ten pence per pound higher at New Orleans than at any British market. Gage to Conway, July 15, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.[149]Gage to Conway, July 15, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.[150]Gage to Shelburne, Dec. 23, 1766, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVII, Pa. Hist. Lib.[151]Ibid., Feb. 22, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.[152]Gage to Shelburne, Feb. 22, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.[153]Ibid., "As long as Skinns and Furrs bear a high price at New Orleans they will never be brought to a British Market. The Indian Trade in general from the observations I have made, will always go with the stream, and the whole will either go down the St. Lawrence or Mississippi Rivers." Gage to Johnson, Jan. 25, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 28. "I am entirely of your opinion concerning the Trade, &c. by way of the Mississippi whilst the Traders find better markets at New Orleans." Johnson to Gage, Jan. 29, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. 35. Also Johnson to Gage, Feb. 24, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 67. "So long as New Orleans is in the hands of another power, the whole produce of the western country must center there. For our merchants will always dispose of their peltry or whatever the country produces, at New Orleans where they get as good a price as if they were to ship them off." Phym to Johnson, Mobile, April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS, Vol. XXV, No. 109. "The Traders from these Colonies say it will answer to carry Goods down the Ohio, but that it will not answer to return with their Peltry by the same route, as they can get to Sea at so much less expense, & greater expedition by means of Rapidity of the Mississippi, and pretend that they have Ships at New Orleans to transport their Peltry to England." Gage to Shelburne, Jan. 17, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. "The Peltry gained by the Traders from Canada, whether on the Mississippi or on the Ouabache we may be satisfied generally goes down the St. Lawrence River to Quebec: it has been the usual track of those Traders from the beginning, & there is no reason to suspect the contrary now. But the British Traders at the Ilinois who carry their Goods above three hundred miles by land before they have the convenience of Water or Carriage cannot afford to return the same way, with the produce of their Trade." Gage to Hillsborough, Nov. 10, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126. That this state of affairs continued through most of the period is evident from the following: "The Trade of the Mississippi, except that of the upper parts from whence a portion may go to Quebec, goes down that River; and has, as well as everything we have done on the Mississippi, as far as I have been able to discover tended more to the Benefit of New Orleans than of ourselves. And I conceive it must be the case, as long as the Commodities of the Mississippi bear a better price at New Orleans than at a British Market." Gage to Dartmouth, May, 5, 1773, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 128.[154]It is necessary to ascertain the cost of maintaining the military establishments and the Indian department in the West, and the amount of peltries imported into England. I already have some figures on this but not enough upon which to base any statement.[155]Beer,British Colonial Policy, 222.[156]Hutchins, Remarks on the Country of the Illinois, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Hutchins gives an account of the exports from Illinois from Sept. 1769 to Sept. 1770. In that year 550 packs of peltries were sent from Illinois, while from the Spanish side 835 packs were exported. Wilkins, the commandant at Fort Chartres at this time, makes a somewhat higher estimate, but the two agree in essentials.[157]Gage estimated it at 80,000 pounds sterling. Gage to Shelburne, Jan. 17, 1767. B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVII. Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. "New Orleans remits one hundred thousand pounds Sterling worth of Peltry annually for France." Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan to McLeane, Oct. 9, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVI, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.[158]Gage to Johnson, Jan. 19, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. 23, Captain Forbes, commandant at Fort Chartres during part of 1768, wrote to Gage: "As I am very sensible of the immense expence this Country is to the Crown & the little advantage the Public has hitherto reaped by the trade with the savages, & the reason is that the inhabitants have continued to send their Peltry to New Orleans which is shipped from thence to Old France & all the money that is laid out for the Troops and Savages is immediately sent to New Orleans, for which our Subjects get French Manufactures. I hope, Sir, you will excuse me when I observe to Your Excellency, that the Crown of Great Britain is at all the expence & that France reaps the advantages." Forbes to Gage, April 15, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124. Commandant Wilkins wrote the same year, "the French of New Orleans are the sole gainers in this Trade and the public suffer greatly thereby." Wilkins to Gage, Sept. 13, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office.[159]Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.[160]Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123.[161]Gage to Johnson, Feb, 8, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. 44.[162]"It has not the least command of the River, owing to an Island which lies exactly opposite to it, & the Channel is entirely on the other side for a great part of the year. This is impassable from a sand bar which runs across even for small boats, & the French & their contraband goods, forcing an illicit Trade, to our great disadvantage & a certain and very considerable loss to his Majesty's Revenue." Wilkins to Barrington, Dec. 5, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123.[163]Gordon's Journal, 1766, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage to Johnson, Feb. 8, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 44. Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.[164]Gage to Hillsborough, Jan. 16, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol 124.[165]Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123. Johnson to Lords of Trade, Sept. 1767, N. Y. Col. Docs. Vol. VII, 974.[166]Gage to Conway, July 15, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I. Vol. 122. Gordon's Journal down the Ohio, 1766, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage to Johnson, Jan. 25, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 28. Ibid., Feb. 8, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 44. Gage to Shelburne, Jan. 17, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123. Johnson to Lords of Trade, Sept. 1767, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 974. Phym to Johnson, April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS, XXV, No. 109. Wilkins to Gage, Sept. 13, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 125. Wilkins to Harrington, Dec. 5, 1769, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123. Gage to Hillsborough, Nov. 10, 1772, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.[167]Gordon's Journal down the Ohio, 1766, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.[168]Gage to Hillsborough, June 16, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124.[169]Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.[170]Alden,Governments West of the Alleghanies before 1789, pp No attempt is made in my study to add any new contribution to the period preceding 1763.[171]Ibid., 7-11.[172]Original Articles of Agreement of the Mississippi Co. Chatham Papers, Vol. 97, Pub. Rec. Office. Another copy, in the handwriting of Washington, is in the Lib. of Congress. No mention is made in the original articles relative to the exact location of the proposed colony. Most of the information concerning the project comes from a collection of papers relating to the company, in the handwriting of William Lee, which I found in a miscellaneous collection of the Earl of Chatham's papers, in the Pub. Rec. Office.[173]Some of the original members of the company were George, Samuel and John Washington, and several of the Lees and Fitzhughs. There were 38 charter members, but provision was made for 50.[174]Articles of Agreement, Chatham Papers, Vol. 97. Each member was to have fifty thousand acres. Ibid.[175]Memorial to the crown, prepared at a meeting of the company at Belleview, Va., Sept. 9, 1763.[176]Ibid. Articles of Agreement.[177]Tennessee River.[178]Memorial to the crown, Sept. 9, 1763. Four years later this suggestion was withdrawn at the suggestion of their London agent, Thomas Cumming. Letter to Cumming, March 1, 1767. Catham Papers, Vol. 97. Some of the members declared their determination to become early settlers in the new colony. Memorial to the crown, Sept. 9, 1763. Petition to the crown, Dec. 16th, 1768, Butler,Hist. of Ky., 381-383.[179]Memorial to the crown, Sept. 9th, 1763, Chatham Papers, Vol. 97.[180]Ibid.[181]Letter of the company to Thomas Cumming, Sept. 26th, 1763.[182]Can. Arch.,Report for 1906, p 122. See ch. III.[183]Ibid.[184]"I can never look upon that proclamation in any other light (but this I say between ourselves), than as a temporary expedient to quiet the minde of the Indians, and must fall, of course, in a few years, especially when those Indians are consenting to our occupying the lands." Washington to Crawford, Sept. 21, 1767. Writings of Washington, II, 220-221. (Ford ed.)[185]Letter of William Lee, London, May 30, 1769, Chatham Papers, Vol. 97.[186]I have found no account of any further activity on the part of the company. In 1774 a copy of the correspondence was sent to the Earl of Chatham, which may have been done in the hope that his interest might be aroused in the undertaking. The bundle of papers contains the following indorsement: "Mississippi Cos. papers, sent to the Right Honble William Earl of Chatham, on Saturday the 20th of April 1774. Charles Lee, in speaking of this undertaking, said: "Another society solicited for lands on the lower part of the Illinois, Ohio or on the Mississippi: this was likewise rejected; but from what motives it is impossible to define, unless they suppose that soldiers invested with a little landed property, would not be so readily induced to act as the instruments of the oppression of their fellow subjects, as those whose views are solely turned, if not reduced, to farther promotion; and if reduced, to full pay." The Lee Papers, N. Y. Hist. Soc. Colls., VII, 98.[187]The Charles Lee of Revolutionary fame.[188]Lee Papers,N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., VII, 214. Sparks, Life of Lee, Sparks Bio. Ser., IV, 19.[189]Lee Papers, VII, 214.[190]Ibid.[191]Ibid.[192]Ibid.[193]Croghan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 127[194]Alden, New Government West of the Alleghanies before 1780, p 12. Mr. Alden notes a pamphlet published in London entitled "Advantages of a Settlement upon the Ohio in North America," and another pamphlet issued at Edinburgh in 1763 entitled "Expediency of Securing our American Colonies." In the same connection the following is of interest: "As the happy possession of the Illinois Country is the Subject of much conversation, both in England & America, we beg leave to inclose,—a small pamphlet, wrote lately on a very interesting point—towit, The Establishment of a Civil Government there: The Author, has borrowed some of his Sentiments from Monsr. De Prats." Baynton, Wharton, & Morgan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, Vol. XII, No. 128.[195]George Croghan who was in London in 1764 wrote: There is a talk of setleing a Colony from the mouth of the Ohio to the Ilinois, which I am tould Lord Halifax will Desier my opinion of in a few Days. Mr. pownal tould me yesterday that I would be soon sent for attend the board of Trade. what Meshures they will Take Lord knows but nothing is talkt of but Oconomy," Crogan to Johnson. Mar. 10, 1764, Johnson MSS, VIII.[196]N.Y. Col. Docs., VII, 605. As appears from the above note Croghan was to have been summoned before the Board of Trade to answer questions relative to a new colony. Whether he was finally called upon for his testimony is not known.[197]Later, however, he adopted this idea. Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Vol. XII, No. 127.[198]Johnson to Lords of Trade, Jan. 31, 1766, N.Y. Col. Docs., VII, 809. When Croghan was preparing to go to the Illinois in 1766 in order to pacify the Indians, Johnson wrote him as follows: "As soon as I hear farther from the General I shall write you and send the Instructions in which I shall insert an Article directing you to enquire into the French bounds & Property at the Illinois. I have no objection to what you propose on that subject there, and as the French are now said to be retiring fast, you will have the better opportunity of making a good Choice on which the value will chiefly depend." Johnson to Croghan, Mar. 28, 1786, Johnson MSS, XII, 126.[199]Gage to Conway, Mar. 28, 1766, B. T. Papers, Vol. XX. Pa. His. Soc. Lib. He explained further "that Lands should be granted without delay, by any Person authorized properly to do it; but no Fees are to be taken by the Person who grants, or by Secretarys, Clerks, Surveyors, or other Persons whatever; that no large tracts should be given, but the Lands granted in Farms, consisting of an Hundred & Fifty or Two Hundred Acres of good Land, unless to Half Pay Officers, who might have Four or Five Hundred Acres. People may be tempted on these Advantages to transport themselves with a Year's Provisions, Seed, Corn and Tools for Husbandry, down the Ohio. The Lands shall be held of the King on condition of Military Service, & such other obligations as shall be convenient." To anticipate somewhat, the details thus outlined by Gage are in striking contrast to those proposed by the active promoters of the colony.[200]Croghan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766. Johnson MSS, XII, No. 127.[201]Articles of Agreement, MS copy in Pa. His. Soc. Lib. The signers of the original draught were: William Franklin, Sir William Johnson per George Croghan, George Croghan, John Baynton, Samuel Wharton, George Morgan, Joseph Wharton, Sr., Joseph Wharton, Joseph Hughes and Joseph Galloway. Gage declined being concerned in the project, although his attitude doubtless contributed something towards it. Johnson to Gov. Franklin, June 20, 1766, MS letter in AM. Antiq. Soc. Lib.[202]William Franklin to B. Franklin, Apr. 30, 1766, Printed in Bigelow's Life of Franklin, 538, "Inclosed is the proposals Drawn up by governor franklin for yr honours perusal and such Amendments or Alterations as you may judge necessary," Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No, 127.[203]Articles of Agreement, Penn. Hist. Soc. Lib. This was a new contribution to the original plans of Croghan, Johnson, and Gage. It was probably Franklin's own suggestion, as we have seen that he himself drew up the sketch.[204]Articles of Agreement. Croghan writing to Johnson said: "itt is likewise preposed to aply for a Grant of 1200,000 Acres to the crown in that Country and to take into this Grant two or three Gentlemen of fortune and Influence in England and Governor franklin and those other Gentlemen desire to know whome your honour would chouse to be concerned, & that you wold write to them if you should nott name ye whole you wold chouse they Designe to Save y. Nomination of such as you dont to Dr. franklin who they prepose to send the proposals to he is much attended to by ye Ministry and certainly can be of Service in this affair." March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 127.[205]Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 127. Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan to Johnson, June 6, 1766, Johnson MSS, Vol. XII, 197.[206]Croghan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766. Johnson to Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan, June 20, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 214. Johnson to William Franklin, July 8, 1766, Johnson Papers, Am. Antiq. Soc. Lib.[207]Croghan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766. Johnson to William Franklin, June 20, 1766, Johnson Papers, Am. Antiq. Soc. Lib. Johnson to B. W. & M. June 20, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 204.[208]Johnson to Conway, July 10, 1766, B. T. Papers, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.[209]See letters of Franklin to his son, in Franklin's Works, IV, 136-145.[210]Brown, Hist. of Ill., 212-213.[211]Can. Arch.,Report, 1907, p 75.[212]Brown,Hist. of Ill., 213.[213]Can. Arch.,Report for 1907, p 75.[214]Brown,Hist. of Ill., 213.[215]Ibid.[216]Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18th, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I. 122.[217]Ibid.[218]Can. Arch.,Report for 1907, p 86.[219]Butler,Treaty Making Power, I.[220]Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.[221]Ibid. Farmer to Gage, Dec. 19, 1765, B. T. Papers, Vol. 20, Penn. Hist. Soc. Lib.[222]Petition of inhabitants to Gage, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122. The petition is signed by such prominent men as La Grange, who acted for a time as civil judge under the British; Rocheblane, who became the last British commandant in Illinois; Blouin, a wealthy merchant and later a prominent advocate of a civil government, J. B. Beanvais, Charleville and others. Gage granted their request without waiting for an answer from London, thus indorsing the action of his subordinate. Gage to Conway, Jan. 16, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.[223]Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.[224]Sterling to Gage, Dec. 15, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.[225]Ibid.[226]Ibid.[227]Ibid. Cahokia Records, British Period.[228]Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122, N. Y. Col. Docs. X, 1161.[229]Monette, in Hist. of the Valley of the Mississippi, I, 411, says that "Capt. Stirling died in December, St. Ange returned to Fort Chartres, and not long afterward Major Frazer, from Fort Pitt arrived as commandant." Billou, in Annals of St. Louis, I, p 26, makes the same assertion. The statement is an error, since Sterling served in the Revolutionary war, and lived until 1808. Frazer never commanded at Fort Chartres. See Winsor, Narr. & Crit. Hist. VI, 706. For a sketch of Sterling's career see N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 706, and Dic. of Nat. Biog. Vol.

[119]Morgan's MS Letter Book.

[120]Morgan's MS Letter Book.

[121]Five batteaus loaded with goods under the command of John Jennings, sailed from Fort Pitt, March 9, 1765. Joseph Dobson to Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan, March 9, 1765, MS letter, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.

[122]Morgan's MS Letter Book.

[123]Ibid.

[124]Ibid.

[125]Ibid.

[126]Gage wrote in 1770 that the "Company from Philadelphia (Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan) failed in the Ilinois trade." Gage to Hillsborough, Dec. 7, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 128.

[127]See Ch. II for references.

[128]Johnson to Hillsborough, Aug. 14, 1770,N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 224. See extract from "Ponteach or the Savages of North America: A Tragedy," in Parkman,Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 344 ff.

[129]Johnson to Hillsborough, Aug. 14, 1770,N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 224.

[130]Johnson to Hillsborough, Aug. 14, 1770,N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 292.

[131]Johnson to Lords of Trade, Sept. 1767,N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 964-965.

[132]Ibid.

[133]Ibid.

[134]Ibid.

[135]The British were not so well situated to command the trade as the French had been. The Illinois post had always been the center for the trade of the Missouri river region, but after the cession of Illinois to England and the Foundation of St. Louis by La Clede in 1764, the latter place became the centre for the trade of that region.

[136]Information of the State of Commerce given by Capt. Forbes, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 125.

[137]Gordon's Journal down the Ohio, 1766, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Phym to Johnson, April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS, Vol. 25, No. 109.

[138]Gage to Hillsborough, April 24, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124 Gage to Shelburne, April 24, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124.

[139]Gage to Hillsborough, Nov. 10, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126 Huchin's Remarks upon the Illinois country, 1771, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. It may be noted also that during the French regime the French-Canadians traded extensively in this region. See Gage's Report on the State of the Government of Montreal.

[140]Wilkins to Barrington, Dec. 5, 1769, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124.

[141]Johnson to Carleton, Jan. 27, 1767, C.A., Ser. Q, Vol. IV, p 115.

[142]Johnson to Hillsborough, Feb. 18, 1771,N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 263.

[143]Gage to Hillsborough, Apr. 24, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124.

[144]Order for O'Reilly, Jan. 27, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.

[145]Information of the State of Commerce, in the Illinois Country, given by Captain Forbes, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, Vol. 125. Morgan's MS Letter Book.

[146]Gage to Hillsborough, Nov. 10, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.

[147]Gage to Shelburne, Jan. 17, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. 27, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.

[148]Gage to Shelburne, Dec. 23, 1766, B. T. Papers, Vol. 27, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Johnson to Gage, Jan. 29, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. 35. Gage to Shelburne, Feb. 22, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage to Johnson, Jan. 25, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. 28. George Phym to Johnson, Apr. 15, 1768, Johnson MSS, Vol. XXV, No. 109. Gage to Dartmouth, May 5, 1773, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 128. Gage wrote in 1766 that skins and furs bore a price of ten pence per pound higher at New Orleans than at any British market. Gage to Conway, July 15, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.

[149]Gage to Conway, July 15, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.

[150]Gage to Shelburne, Dec. 23, 1766, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVII, Pa. Hist. Lib.

[151]Ibid., Feb. 22, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.

[152]Gage to Shelburne, Feb. 22, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.

[153]Ibid., "As long as Skinns and Furrs bear a high price at New Orleans they will never be brought to a British Market. The Indian Trade in general from the observations I have made, will always go with the stream, and the whole will either go down the St. Lawrence or Mississippi Rivers." Gage to Johnson, Jan. 25, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 28. "I am entirely of your opinion concerning the Trade, &c. by way of the Mississippi whilst the Traders find better markets at New Orleans." Johnson to Gage, Jan. 29, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. 35. Also Johnson to Gage, Feb. 24, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 67. "So long as New Orleans is in the hands of another power, the whole produce of the western country must center there. For our merchants will always dispose of their peltry or whatever the country produces, at New Orleans where they get as good a price as if they were to ship them off." Phym to Johnson, Mobile, April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS, Vol. XXV, No. 109. "The Traders from these Colonies say it will answer to carry Goods down the Ohio, but that it will not answer to return with their Peltry by the same route, as they can get to Sea at so much less expense, & greater expedition by means of Rapidity of the Mississippi, and pretend that they have Ships at New Orleans to transport their Peltry to England." Gage to Shelburne, Jan. 17, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. "The Peltry gained by the Traders from Canada, whether on the Mississippi or on the Ouabache we may be satisfied generally goes down the St. Lawrence River to Quebec: it has been the usual track of those Traders from the beginning, & there is no reason to suspect the contrary now. But the British Traders at the Ilinois who carry their Goods above three hundred miles by land before they have the convenience of Water or Carriage cannot afford to return the same way, with the produce of their Trade." Gage to Hillsborough, Nov. 10, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126. That this state of affairs continued through most of the period is evident from the following: "The Trade of the Mississippi, except that of the upper parts from whence a portion may go to Quebec, goes down that River; and has, as well as everything we have done on the Mississippi, as far as I have been able to discover tended more to the Benefit of New Orleans than of ourselves. And I conceive it must be the case, as long as the Commodities of the Mississippi bear a better price at New Orleans than at a British Market." Gage to Dartmouth, May, 5, 1773, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 128.

[154]It is necessary to ascertain the cost of maintaining the military establishments and the Indian department in the West, and the amount of peltries imported into England. I already have some figures on this but not enough upon which to base any statement.

[155]Beer,British Colonial Policy, 222.

[156]Hutchins, Remarks on the Country of the Illinois, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Hutchins gives an account of the exports from Illinois from Sept. 1769 to Sept. 1770. In that year 550 packs of peltries were sent from Illinois, while from the Spanish side 835 packs were exported. Wilkins, the commandant at Fort Chartres at this time, makes a somewhat higher estimate, but the two agree in essentials.

[157]Gage estimated it at 80,000 pounds sterling. Gage to Shelburne, Jan. 17, 1767. B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVII. Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. "New Orleans remits one hundred thousand pounds Sterling worth of Peltry annually for France." Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan to McLeane, Oct. 9, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVI, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.

[158]Gage to Johnson, Jan. 19, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. 23, Captain Forbes, commandant at Fort Chartres during part of 1768, wrote to Gage: "As I am very sensible of the immense expence this Country is to the Crown & the little advantage the Public has hitherto reaped by the trade with the savages, & the reason is that the inhabitants have continued to send their Peltry to New Orleans which is shipped from thence to Old France & all the money that is laid out for the Troops and Savages is immediately sent to New Orleans, for which our Subjects get French Manufactures. I hope, Sir, you will excuse me when I observe to Your Excellency, that the Crown of Great Britain is at all the expence & that France reaps the advantages." Forbes to Gage, April 15, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124. Commandant Wilkins wrote the same year, "the French of New Orleans are the sole gainers in this Trade and the public suffer greatly thereby." Wilkins to Gage, Sept. 13, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office.

[159]Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.

[160]Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123.

[161]Gage to Johnson, Feb, 8, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. 44.

[162]"It has not the least command of the River, owing to an Island which lies exactly opposite to it, & the Channel is entirely on the other side for a great part of the year. This is impassable from a sand bar which runs across even for small boats, & the French & their contraband goods, forcing an illicit Trade, to our great disadvantage & a certain and very considerable loss to his Majesty's Revenue." Wilkins to Barrington, Dec. 5, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123.

[163]Gordon's Journal, 1766, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage to Johnson, Feb. 8, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 44. Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.

[164]Gage to Hillsborough, Jan. 16, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol 124.

[165]Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123. Johnson to Lords of Trade, Sept. 1767, N. Y. Col. Docs. Vol. VII, 974.

[166]Gage to Conway, July 15, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I. Vol. 122. Gordon's Journal down the Ohio, 1766, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage to Johnson, Jan. 25, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 28. Ibid., Feb. 8, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 44. Gage to Shelburne, Jan. 17, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123. Johnson to Lords of Trade, Sept. 1767, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 974. Phym to Johnson, April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS, XXV, No. 109. Wilkins to Gage, Sept. 13, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 125. Wilkins to Harrington, Dec. 5, 1769, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123. Gage to Hillsborough, Nov. 10, 1772, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.

[167]Gordon's Journal down the Ohio, 1766, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.

[168]Gage to Hillsborough, June 16, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124.

[169]Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.

[170]Alden,Governments West of the Alleghanies before 1789, pp No attempt is made in my study to add any new contribution to the period preceding 1763.

[171]Ibid., 7-11.

[172]Original Articles of Agreement of the Mississippi Co. Chatham Papers, Vol. 97, Pub. Rec. Office. Another copy, in the handwriting of Washington, is in the Lib. of Congress. No mention is made in the original articles relative to the exact location of the proposed colony. Most of the information concerning the project comes from a collection of papers relating to the company, in the handwriting of William Lee, which I found in a miscellaneous collection of the Earl of Chatham's papers, in the Pub. Rec. Office.

[173]Some of the original members of the company were George, Samuel and John Washington, and several of the Lees and Fitzhughs. There were 38 charter members, but provision was made for 50.

[174]Articles of Agreement, Chatham Papers, Vol. 97. Each member was to have fifty thousand acres. Ibid.

[175]Memorial to the crown, prepared at a meeting of the company at Belleview, Va., Sept. 9, 1763.

[176]Ibid. Articles of Agreement.

[177]Tennessee River.

[178]Memorial to the crown, Sept. 9, 1763. Four years later this suggestion was withdrawn at the suggestion of their London agent, Thomas Cumming. Letter to Cumming, March 1, 1767. Catham Papers, Vol. 97. Some of the members declared their determination to become early settlers in the new colony. Memorial to the crown, Sept. 9, 1763. Petition to the crown, Dec. 16th, 1768, Butler,Hist. of Ky., 381-383.

[179]Memorial to the crown, Sept. 9th, 1763, Chatham Papers, Vol. 97.

[180]Ibid.

[181]Letter of the company to Thomas Cumming, Sept. 26th, 1763.

[182]Can. Arch.,Report for 1906, p 122. See ch. III.

[183]Ibid.

[184]"I can never look upon that proclamation in any other light (but this I say between ourselves), than as a temporary expedient to quiet the minde of the Indians, and must fall, of course, in a few years, especially when those Indians are consenting to our occupying the lands." Washington to Crawford, Sept. 21, 1767. Writings of Washington, II, 220-221. (Ford ed.)

[185]Letter of William Lee, London, May 30, 1769, Chatham Papers, Vol. 97.

[186]I have found no account of any further activity on the part of the company. In 1774 a copy of the correspondence was sent to the Earl of Chatham, which may have been done in the hope that his interest might be aroused in the undertaking. The bundle of papers contains the following indorsement: "Mississippi Cos. papers, sent to the Right Honble William Earl of Chatham, on Saturday the 20th of April 1774. Charles Lee, in speaking of this undertaking, said: "Another society solicited for lands on the lower part of the Illinois, Ohio or on the Mississippi: this was likewise rejected; but from what motives it is impossible to define, unless they suppose that soldiers invested with a little landed property, would not be so readily induced to act as the instruments of the oppression of their fellow subjects, as those whose views are solely turned, if not reduced, to farther promotion; and if reduced, to full pay." The Lee Papers, N. Y. Hist. Soc. Colls., VII, 98.

[187]The Charles Lee of Revolutionary fame.

[188]Lee Papers,N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., VII, 214. Sparks, Life of Lee, Sparks Bio. Ser., IV, 19.

[189]Lee Papers, VII, 214.

[190]Ibid.

[191]Ibid.

[192]Ibid.

[193]Croghan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 127

[194]Alden, New Government West of the Alleghanies before 1780, p 12. Mr. Alden notes a pamphlet published in London entitled "Advantages of a Settlement upon the Ohio in North America," and another pamphlet issued at Edinburgh in 1763 entitled "Expediency of Securing our American Colonies." In the same connection the following is of interest: "As the happy possession of the Illinois Country is the Subject of much conversation, both in England & America, we beg leave to inclose,—a small pamphlet, wrote lately on a very interesting point—towit, The Establishment of a Civil Government there: The Author, has borrowed some of his Sentiments from Monsr. De Prats." Baynton, Wharton, & Morgan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, Vol. XII, No. 128.

[195]George Croghan who was in London in 1764 wrote: There is a talk of setleing a Colony from the mouth of the Ohio to the Ilinois, which I am tould Lord Halifax will Desier my opinion of in a few Days. Mr. pownal tould me yesterday that I would be soon sent for attend the board of Trade. what Meshures they will Take Lord knows but nothing is talkt of but Oconomy," Crogan to Johnson. Mar. 10, 1764, Johnson MSS, VIII.

[196]N.Y. Col. Docs., VII, 605. As appears from the above note Croghan was to have been summoned before the Board of Trade to answer questions relative to a new colony. Whether he was finally called upon for his testimony is not known.

[197]Later, however, he adopted this idea. Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Vol. XII, No. 127.

[198]Johnson to Lords of Trade, Jan. 31, 1766, N.Y. Col. Docs., VII, 809. When Croghan was preparing to go to the Illinois in 1766 in order to pacify the Indians, Johnson wrote him as follows: "As soon as I hear farther from the General I shall write you and send the Instructions in which I shall insert an Article directing you to enquire into the French bounds & Property at the Illinois. I have no objection to what you propose on that subject there, and as the French are now said to be retiring fast, you will have the better opportunity of making a good Choice on which the value will chiefly depend." Johnson to Croghan, Mar. 28, 1786, Johnson MSS, XII, 126.

[199]Gage to Conway, Mar. 28, 1766, B. T. Papers, Vol. XX. Pa. His. Soc. Lib. He explained further "that Lands should be granted without delay, by any Person authorized properly to do it; but no Fees are to be taken by the Person who grants, or by Secretarys, Clerks, Surveyors, or other Persons whatever; that no large tracts should be given, but the Lands granted in Farms, consisting of an Hundred & Fifty or Two Hundred Acres of good Land, unless to Half Pay Officers, who might have Four or Five Hundred Acres. People may be tempted on these Advantages to transport themselves with a Year's Provisions, Seed, Corn and Tools for Husbandry, down the Ohio. The Lands shall be held of the King on condition of Military Service, & such other obligations as shall be convenient." To anticipate somewhat, the details thus outlined by Gage are in striking contrast to those proposed by the active promoters of the colony.

[200]Croghan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766. Johnson MSS, XII, No. 127.

[201]Articles of Agreement, MS copy in Pa. His. Soc. Lib. The signers of the original draught were: William Franklin, Sir William Johnson per George Croghan, George Croghan, John Baynton, Samuel Wharton, George Morgan, Joseph Wharton, Sr., Joseph Wharton, Joseph Hughes and Joseph Galloway. Gage declined being concerned in the project, although his attitude doubtless contributed something towards it. Johnson to Gov. Franklin, June 20, 1766, MS letter in AM. Antiq. Soc. Lib.

[202]William Franklin to B. Franklin, Apr. 30, 1766, Printed in Bigelow's Life of Franklin, 538, "Inclosed is the proposals Drawn up by governor franklin for yr honours perusal and such Amendments or Alterations as you may judge necessary," Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No, 127.

[203]Articles of Agreement, Penn. Hist. Soc. Lib. This was a new contribution to the original plans of Croghan, Johnson, and Gage. It was probably Franklin's own suggestion, as we have seen that he himself drew up the sketch.

[204]Articles of Agreement. Croghan writing to Johnson said: "itt is likewise preposed to aply for a Grant of 1200,000 Acres to the crown in that Country and to take into this Grant two or three Gentlemen of fortune and Influence in England and Governor franklin and those other Gentlemen desire to know whome your honour would chouse to be concerned, & that you wold write to them if you should nott name ye whole you wold chouse they Designe to Save y. Nomination of such as you dont to Dr. franklin who they prepose to send the proposals to he is much attended to by ye Ministry and certainly can be of Service in this affair." March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 127.

[205]Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 127. Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan to Johnson, June 6, 1766, Johnson MSS, Vol. XII, 197.

[206]Croghan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766. Johnson to Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan, June 20, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 214. Johnson to William Franklin, July 8, 1766, Johnson Papers, Am. Antiq. Soc. Lib.

[207]Croghan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766. Johnson to William Franklin, June 20, 1766, Johnson Papers, Am. Antiq. Soc. Lib. Johnson to B. W. & M. June 20, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 204.

[208]Johnson to Conway, July 10, 1766, B. T. Papers, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.

[209]See letters of Franklin to his son, in Franklin's Works, IV, 136-145.

[210]Brown, Hist. of Ill., 212-213.

[211]Can. Arch.,Report, 1907, p 75.

[212]Brown,Hist. of Ill., 213.

[213]Can. Arch.,Report for 1907, p 75.

[214]Brown,Hist. of Ill., 213.

[215]Ibid.

[216]Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18th, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I. 122.

[217]Ibid.

[218]Can. Arch.,Report for 1907, p 86.

[219]Butler,Treaty Making Power, I.

[220]Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.

[221]Ibid. Farmer to Gage, Dec. 19, 1765, B. T. Papers, Vol. 20, Penn. Hist. Soc. Lib.

[222]Petition of inhabitants to Gage, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122. The petition is signed by such prominent men as La Grange, who acted for a time as civil judge under the British; Rocheblane, who became the last British commandant in Illinois; Blouin, a wealthy merchant and later a prominent advocate of a civil government, J. B. Beanvais, Charleville and others. Gage granted their request without waiting for an answer from London, thus indorsing the action of his subordinate. Gage to Conway, Jan. 16, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.

[223]Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.

[224]Sterling to Gage, Dec. 15, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.

[225]Ibid.

[226]Ibid.

[227]Ibid. Cahokia Records, British Period.

[228]Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122, N. Y. Col. Docs. X, 1161.

[229]Monette, in Hist. of the Valley of the Mississippi, I, 411, says that "Capt. Stirling died in December, St. Ange returned to Fort Chartres, and not long afterward Major Frazer, from Fort Pitt arrived as commandant." Billou, in Annals of St. Louis, I, p 26, makes the same assertion. The statement is an error, since Sterling served in the Revolutionary war, and lived until 1808. Frazer never commanded at Fort Chartres. See Winsor, Narr. & Crit. Hist. VI, 706. For a sketch of Sterling's career see N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 706, and Dic. of Nat. Biog. Vol.

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