APPENDIXES

TribeXo(Xo− X̅)(Xo− X̅)2---------------Σ((Xi− X̅)2){ (Xo− X̅)2}√{1/6 + ----------------}{ Σ((Xi− X̅)2)}{ (Xo− X̅)2}t.2Sf× √{1/6 + ----------------}{ Σ((Xi− X̅)2)}Kato3.37-.22.0281.4414.267Bear River3.04-.55.1756.5851.353Lassik3.22-.37.0795.4962.300Nongatl4.44.85.4193.7655.462Shelter Cove Sinkyone4.20.67.2160.6186.374

The results of the calculations are given in table 7. The figures are point estimates with 80 per cent confidence intervals. This means that under the assumptions given earlier we expect that the tabled intervals will contain the true population 8 times out of 10. I have accepted the estimates derived from fishing miles because their confidence intervals are a bit shorter on the average.

TribeFishing-mile EstimateArea EstimateKato1,523 ± 2671,470 ± 263Bear River1,276 ± 353840 ± 556Lassik1,411 ± 3002,020 ± 291Nongatl2,325 ± 4622,830 ± 692Shelter Cove Sinkyone2,145 ± 3741,920 ± 257

The question of whether the fishing-mile estimates yield shorter confidence intervals than the area estimates brings up an entire range of problems pertaining to economy, settlement pattern, and the like. The obvious interpretation of the shorter confidence intervals would be that the economy of the people in question depended more on fish and fishing than on the general produce over the whole range of their territory. The question then becomes one of quantitative expression—we would like to have some index of the extent of dependence on various factors in the economy. This might best be approached from the standpoint of analysis of covariance, where we would obtain the "components of variance." This technique is a combination of the methods of regression used in this paper and those of the analysis of variance. It would evidently yield sound indices of economic components, but it involves, for myself at least, certain problems of calculation and interpretation which will have to be resolved in the future.

Another problem of this kind turns on the question of which factors are important in which area. Considering the State of California, for instance, we might want to know about such factors as deer population, water supply, the quantity of oak trees, etc. Any one of these factors or any combination of them might be important in a particular area; the problem of gathering the pertinent information then becomes crucial. Moreover, because the situation has changed since aboriginal times, we must combine modern information with available historic sources. S. F. Cook has shown that energetic and imaginative use of these sources yields very good results (e.g., Cook, 1955).

Finally, there is the problem of the assumptions we were required to make in order to obtain our population estimates. Although many of the assumptions in the present paper are difficult to assess, the two which I would like to discuss here were particularly unyielding—the assumptions of the number of persons per house and the assumptions of the number of houses per village.

The question of how many persons there were per house has been dealt with extensively by both Kroeber and Cook. There is also a great deal of random information in the ethnographic and historical literature. I believe there are enough data now at hand to provide realistic limits within which we could work, at least for the State of California. This information should be assembled and put into concise and systematic form so that it would be available for use in each area. It would also be of interest in itself from the standpoint of social anthropology.

For the number of houses per village we have also a considerable body of information, but here we are faced with a slightly different problem. It often happens that we know, from ethnographic information or from archaeological reconnaissance, how many house pits there are in a village site but do not know how many of the houses which these pits represent were occupied simultaneously. In the present paper it has been assumed that four-fifths of the house pits represents the number of houses in the village occupied at any one time. This, however, is simply a guess, and one has no way of knowing how accurate a guess. The solution to this problem is simple but laborious. From each area of the State a random sample of villages with recorded house counts should be taken. Each of these village sites should then be visited and the house pits counted. A comparison of the two sets of figures would give us a perfectly adequate estimate, which could then be used subsequently over the entire area.

TribeArea (sq. mi.)Fishing MilesPop. EstimateArea DensityFishing-mile DensityKroeber[5]EstimateCook[6]EstimateKato[4]225291,5236.7752.55001,100Wailaki296231,6565.5972.06002,315Pitch Wailaki182151,1046.0773.64001,032Lassik[4]389251,4113.6356.45001,500Shelter Cove Sinkyone[4]350672,1456.1332.03751,450Lolangkok294632,0767.0633.03751,450Sinkyone Mattole17038.51,2007.0631.2350840Bear River[4]121211,27610.5560.8150360Nongatl[4]855852,3252.7227.47503,300Whilkut461702,5885.6137.01,0002,100Hupa424391,4753.4837.81,0002,000Total3,767475.518,7794.9939.56,00017,447

[4]The population figures for these groups are estimated in the gross by the method indicated in the text.

[5]Kroeber, 1925a, p. 883. The breakdown has been changed somewhat to accommodate boundary changes; the total remains the same. The population density, according to Kroeber's figures, is 1.6 persons per sq. mi.

[6]Cook, 1956. The breakdown has been changed somewhat to accommodate boundary changes; the total remains the same. The population density, according to Cook's figures, is 4.6 persons per sq. mi.

The corpus of information provided by the methods outlined above would be useful in two ways. First, it would clarify our definitions of the economic factors in the lives of hunter-gatherers. Functional hypotheses which postulate dependence of social factors on economy would be subject to objective, quantitative tests of their validity.

Second, the corpus of information would afford a suitable basis for inference from archaeological data. If we can determine what were the major economic factors in the lives of a prehistoric people, then we can make assertions about population, settlement pattern, and the like. Conversely, information about population and settlement pattern would imply certain facts about the economy. This technique has already been developed to some extent. For instance, Cook and Heizer, depending on assumptions derived from ethnographic data (Cook and Treganza, 1950; Heizer, 1953; Heizer and Baumhoff, 1956), have made inferences concerning village populations. These methods have such great possibilities for the conjunctive approach in archaeology that their use should be extended as much as possible.

The Tolowa are an Athabascan group living on the coast from a short distance north of the mouth of the Klamath River to the Oregon-California boundary. Information on this group has not been included in the main body of the paper because the Tolowa are separated from the other California Athabascan groups and belong more properly with the Oregon Athabascans; It was thought, however, that Merriam's data on the Tolowa should be recorded and they have therefore been appended in this form. The following passages are taken verbatim from Merriam's notes.

The following notes are from information given me by Sam Lopez and wife and Lopez' father at the Mouth of Smith River, Del Norte County, Sept. 16-17, 1923.

Name.—The tribe as a whole had no distinctive name for themselves except Huss, the word for people. But they had definite names for village areas. Those living at the mouth of Smith River call themselves Hah´-wun-kwut; those at Burnt Ranch, about three miles south of the mouth of Smith River, Yahnk´-tah-kut; those at Crescent City Tah-ah´-ten—and so on.

Location, boundaries, and neighbors.—The territory of the tribe as a whole extends from Winchuk River (Um-sahng´-ten) on the California-Oregon boundary south to Wilson Creek (Tah-geshl-ten) about eight miles north of the mouth of Klamath River.

The coast tribe immediately north (on the Oregon side of the line) is called Cheet or Che´-te. Their language differs materially from that of the Hah´-wun-kwut, though most of the words could be understood. Only a single woman survives.

The tribe on the south, from Wilson Creek to Klamath River, is called Tah-che-ten-ne and Tet-le-mus (Polikla).

The tribe immediately east of the Cheet on the Oregon side of the California-Oregon boundary is called Ka-Ka-sha. Another name, Choo-ne, also was given but I am in doubt as to whether or not the same tribe was meant. The Ka-ka-sha live near Waldo on the north side of the Siskiyou Mountains and speak a language widely different from that of the Hah´-wun-kwut. They are said to be lighter in color than the coast Indians.

Dress and ornament.—The people used deer skin blankets called Nah-hi-ne tanned with the hair on, and also blankets of rabbit skin, called Wa-gah hahs-nis-te. Deer skins tanned with the hair on are called Nah-ki-le. The breech cloth formerly worn by the men was called Rut-soo and tat-es-tat. Moccasins, Kus-ki-a, of elk hide were worn by rich men.

The women wore a front apron called Sahng; and on dress occasions an ornamented cloak-like skirt (Chah) that extended all the way around and lapped over in front. They also wore basket hats, called Ki´-e-traht´ and necklaces, the general term for which is Ni-ta-kle-ah. On occasions they wore ear pendants, Bus-shra-mes-lah, of elk or deer bone. Nose bones or shells, Mish-mes-lah, were sometimes worn; those of rich persons consisted of one of the longDentaliumshells. The chin is tattooed with three narrow vertical lines called Tah-ah ruthl-tes.

Houses.—The houses (Munt) were square and were built of planks or slabs hewn from redwood trees and stood up vertically, as in the case of those of the Klamath River Indians. The ceremonial houses are called Nā´-stahs-mā´-ne. They are square and have a ridge roof. During important dances the front side is removed. The sweat house is called Shes´-klĕ and is large enough to hold twenty people. It is square or rectangular, and the ground floor is excavated to a depth of about four feet. The roof is of hewn planks covered with earth.

Money.—The ordinary medium of exchange or "money" (Trut) consisted of shells ofDentalium, of which the valuable long ones are called Tā´-tos, the commoner short ones Kle´-ah. Clam shell disks or buttons are called Nah´-set.

Treatment of dead.—The dead are buried in a grave (Chĕ´-slo). The people assert that they never burned their dead. They say that a spirit or ghost, called Nah-who´-tlan, goes out of the body after death and becomes a ghost.

Ceremonial dances.—Dances are called Nā´-stahs or Nesh-stahsh. A puberty dance, Chahs´-stah wā´-nish tahs, was held for the girls. Other important dances are held. Some last 5 days; others last 10 days.

The ceremonial drums Hah´-et-sah differ radically from those of any other California Indians known to me. They are large cooking baskets about two feet in diameter. Only new baskets are used in order that they may stand the drumming.

Rattles called Chah-pāt´-chah are made of the small hoofs of deer. Cocoon rattles were not used.

Whistles, called Tut´-tle-nik are made of large quill feathers of birds, not of bone.

The stick game.—The stick game is a feature of the people, as in most California tribes. It consists of a number of slender sticks called Not-trā´-le, of which one, called Chah-when´, is marked. The counters are called Chun´; the man who keeps count, Chun-ting. A dressed buckskin is stretched tightly on the ground between the players, and when the game is called, the sticks are thrown down upon it.

Baskets.—The basketry is of twined weave called Chet-too. The big storehouse baskets, called Hawsh-tan, are closely woven and have a shallow saucer-shape lid. The large open work burden basket is called Tus, the large cooking basket, Met-too´-silch, the small mush bowl Hah´-tsah, the large shallow meal tray Mes-chet´-te-gah´, the large open work shallow bowl Tre-kwahs´-tuk, the small open work plate or platter Kah´-se, the subglobular choke-mouth trinket basket Net´-tah, the milling basket Ki´-e-sut, the baby basket Kah´-yu, its shade Ne´-whats-tah, the women's basket hat Ki´-e-traht´. There is also a subglobular openwork basket called I´-ă-loo´ with an arched handle for carrying on the arm.

The cooking bowls, mush baskets, and other small baskets are made of spruce roots, 'Hre´, more or less covered with an overlay ofbear grass (Xerophyllum, called Too-tĕchl) and maiden hair fern (Adiantum) called Ke´-tsi-shah´-te, meaning Blue-jay knees, because of the slender form and black color. The roots used in the carrying baskets, baby baskets, and other coarse baskets are of hazel, called 'Kun. The common black design in ordinary baskets consists of Spruce roots that have been buried in dark mud and are called Tah´-che-gut-kle-ah. They are ordinarily used in connection with the bear grass (Xerophyllum).

Fragments of Hahwunkwut myths.—Skum, Coyote man, made the world.

When the sun dropped down the Coon caught it up and it was hot, and blackened the insides of his hands.

When the world first floated there was just one big white Redwood tree called Kus-choo´-ke. A big Eagle was sitting on the tree and was king of the world.

The Falcon (Tah´-tes) won the battle for the people.

Hahwunkwut foods.—A large variety of foods are eaten: meat (Chā´-sun) of elk and deer, both fresh and dried, salmon and other fish, fresh and dried, marrow, tallow, salmon eggs (usually smoke-dried), clams of several kinds, mussels, fish milt both dried and fresh, acorn mush and bread, and a number of roots, berries, and other parts of plants. Among the food berries are strawberries, blackberries, salmon-berries, huckleberries, salal berries, elder berries and manzanita berries.

Elder berries are mixed with blackberries and steamed in the ground oven; manzanita berries are mashed and mixed with smoke-dried salmon eggs.

Two kinds of kelp are eaten.

Root masses of the brake fern (Pteris aquilina, called Tah´-sohn-ki) are cooked in the ground oven. They are said to be like milk and have a fine flavor.

Salt is not used.

Wild tobacco is called Yahn-sĕchyah-we and Sĕch-yu. The pipe is straight and is called A-chah.

Hahwunkwut plant notes.—The Tree Maple (Acer macrophyllum) is called Chā´-she. Its inner bark is used for the ordinary everyday dress for women.

The Tanbark Oak is the dominant species in the northwest coast region and its acorns (Sohng´-cheng) are largely eaten by the people. Acorn meal before leaching is called Rut-ta-gaht. If it is allowed to become mouldy, the bitter taste disappears so that it does not have to be leached. Acorn bread cooked on hot ashes is called Seshl-te. The ordinary mush is called Ma-guts-kush.

Hahwunkwut animal notes.—The Bobcat (Lynx rufus) is called Ne´-ti-us ah´-nā. Its name is never mentioned in the presence of a baby. If the mother sees one before the baby is born, the baby will have fits and die.

The falcon or Duck Hawk (Tah´-tes) was a high personage among the First People. He won the first battle for the Indians, standing on the first Redwood Tree.

The California Condor (Tā-long-yi´-chah) is so big and powerful that he can lift a whale. His name shows this as it is from the name of the whale (Tā´-lah) and means "whale lifter."

The Dove (Sroo´-e-gun´-sah) cries for his grandmother, especially in the spring of the year.

The Purple Finch is called Klah´-nis-me´-tit-le, meaning "many brothers," because the birds go together in small flocks.

The Night Heron (Nah-gah´ che yahs´-se) is known as the "sickness bird."

Hahwunkwut pits for catching elk and deer.—The Smith River Hah-wun-kwut used to catch elk and deer in pits, called Song´-kit, dug in the ground along the runways. These pits differ materially from those of the Pit River Indians, being much shallower. No effort was made to make them deep enough to prevent the captured animals from jumping out, but an ingenious device was used to prevent them from jumping. The pits were only a little deeper than the length of the legs of the elk, but poles were placed across the top so that when the animal fell through, the body would rest on the poles so his feet could not touch the ground. This of course prevented him from jumping out.

When "set," the pits were lightly covered with slender sticks and branches and leaves, to resemble the surrounding ground, but the cover was so frail that an animal the size of a deer would at once break through.

Smelt fishery.—At Ocean Shore, Smith River, Calif., July 21, 1934. Vast numbers of smelt, a small surf fish, are caught in nets by the Hawungkwut Indians. During a "run" at high tide flocks of sea gulls hover over the incoming fish, thus making their approach known. The Indians catch them with nets. After a preliminary drying on a circular mat of brush called the nest, the smelt are transferred to the fish bed, a long flat rectangular and slightly elevated area built up of sand and capped with a layer of small smooth stones. On this they are left till thoroughly dry.

Massacres of Huss Indians by the whites.—There were three notable killings by the whites.

The first killing took place at Burnt Ranch, three miles south of the mouth of Smith River, at the rancheria called Yahnk-tah´-kut, a name perpetuated by the district school house name. Here a large number of Indians were caught during a ceremonial dance and ruthlessly slaughtered. The Indians say this was the first killing.

The second killing was at the rancheria of Ā´-choo-lik on the big lagoon known as Lake Earl about three miles north of Crescent City [cf. Drucker's etculet in Drucker, 1937, map 3]. The Indians were engaged in gambling at the time.

The third killing was at the large village of Hah-wun-kwut [Xawun hwut, Drucker, 1937, map 3] at the mouth of Smith River.

At the time of the Indian troubles in northwestern California Chief Ki´-lis (named for Ki-o-lus the Willow tree) was chief of the Hah´-wun-kwut tribe.

Three young men of the tribe were active in resenting the aggressions of the whites and were said to have killed several of the early settlers. They were very clever and neither the settlers nor the soldiers were able to capture them. Finally the officer in charge of the troops at Fort Dick (a log fort on Smith River, about three miles from the present settlement called Smith River Corners) told Chief Ki´-lis that he would be hung by the soldiers unless he captured the three young men in question.

It happened that the chief had two wives, who were sisters of the three young men. The chief was in great trouble and called a meeting of his head men. They said that if the people would contribute enough blood money (which consists of the long Dentalium shells) they could pay the two sisters the price necessary to atone for the killing in accordance with the law of the tribe. The people agreed to this and raised the necessary money. The nearest male relatives of the young men were chosen to do the killing, but the young men could not be found.

One day when one of the chief's wives was getting mussels near the mouth of Smith River one of the young men appeared and told her that he and his brothers were hungry and wanted food. She designated a place on the point of a nearby ridge where she said she would take food, and it was agreed that the three brothers would come to get it in the late afternoon or early evening. Shethen went home and told her husband, Chief Ki-lis, who in turn notified the nearest relatives of the young men; they went and concealed themselves near the spot. When the young men came and were looking for the food their relatives fell upon them and killed them. They were buried in the same place and the graves may be seen there to this day.

The officer in charge of the troops was greatly pleased. He and his soldiers arranged "a big time," giving the Indians plenty to eat and also some blankets. This ended the "Indian war" in that region.

There is a small island called Stun-tahs ahn-kot (50 acres or more in extent) in the lower part of Smith River, half or three-quarters of a mile from its mouth. On some of the early maps it bears the name Ta´-les after the chief. This island the officer gave to the Indians in the name of the Government, telling them it would always be theirs, and gave the chief a paper stating that it was given in return for killing the three outlaw boys. Sometime afterward this paper was burned.

After the Indians had been driven to the Hoopa Reservation and had come back, they were not allowed to go to their former rancheria Hah´-wun-kwut, but were told to go to this island. Later the whites claimed the island and did not let the Indians have it.

The present Indian settlement, a mile or two north of the mouth of Smith River, was purchased for the Indians in or about 1908 by Agent Kelsey of San Jose, and paid for by the Indian Office from a part of an appropriation made by Congress for homeless California Indians. It is occupied at present (1923) by ten or a dozen families.

A. L. Kroeber

The following data were got from Eben Tillotson at Hulls Valley, north of Round Valley, on July 12, 1938.

A. Eben said he was a Wi·t'u·knó'm Yuki. This was a "tribe" speaking a uniform dialect, having uniform customs, but embracing several "tribelets." Their general territory was along main (or middle) Eel R. where this runs from E to W, on both sides of it, and S of Round V. They also owned Oklá·c̆ and Púnki·nipi·ṭ ("wormwood hole"), Poonkiny. The subdivisions or tribelets were:

[10.6] 1. Us̆i·c̆lAlhótno'm ("crayfish-creek-large-people") on Salt Cr., S of Middle Eel.2. Olkátno'm, at Henley or Hop ranch in S part of Round V., where the road enters the flat of the valley. They owned S to the Middle Eel and down it to Dos Rios confluence.3. Alniuk'í·no'm, at W edge of Round V.4. Ontítno'm, E of Henley ranch in Round V.; also Eden V. to S.

[10.6] 1. Us̆i·c̆lAlhótno'm ("crayfish-creek-large-people") on Salt Cr., S of Middle Eel.

2. Olkátno'm, at Henley or Hop ranch in S part of Round V., where the road enters the flat of the valley. They owned S to the Middle Eel and down it to Dos Rios confluence.

3. Alniuk'í·no'm, at W edge of Round V.

4. Ontítno'm, E of Henley ranch in Round V.; also Eden V. to S.

B. The following were not grouped together by the informant, but agree in having a southerly range:

[10.6] 5. LAlkú·tno'm, around Outlet Cr.6. Tí·tAmno'm, eastward, across (S of Middle) Eel R., toward Sanhedrin Mt., W of the ridge which runs W of Gravelly V. Mountain people, without villages of size. Dixie Duncan was half of this group.7. Ki·c̆ilú·kam is Gravelly V. The Huchnom roamed in that.

[10.6] 5. LAlkú·tno'm, around Outlet Cr.

6. Tí·tAmno'm, eastward, across (S of Middle) Eel R., toward Sanhedrin Mt., W of the ridge which runs W of Gravelly V. Mountain people, without villages of size. Dixie Duncan was half of this group.

7. Ki·c̆ilú·kam is Gravelly V. The Huchnom roamed in that.

C. East of Hull's V., extending nearly to Hammerhorn Mt., but this was Nomlaki.

[10.6] 8. ŠipimA´lno'm, on a creek running from W into (S-flowing) Eel R.9. I·'mptí·tAmno'm, at an opening in the range—i·'mp is a gap. They were across the Eel, on its E side.10. Pi·lílno'm, beyond (farther E or SE?), at Kumpí·t, "salt hole," where salt was got, also at Snow Mt. These were Yuki, but "talked something like" Nomlaki Wintun (who adjoined them, across the main Coast Range watershed). Their language was about as different from Yuki as was Huchnom. They were "half Stony Creek" (along which lived Salt Pomo, then Hill Patwin, then Nomlaki).11. U·k'í·c̆no'm (added later by informant), in Williams V., "E" of Hull's V.12. A Yuki group at Twin Rock Cr.—Eben had forgotten their name.

[10.6] 8. ŠipimA´lno'm, on a creek running from W into (S-flowing) Eel R.

9. I·'mptí·tAmno'm, at an opening in the range—i·'mp is a gap. They were across the Eel, on its E side.

10. Pi·lílno'm, beyond (farther E or SE?), at Kumpí·t, "salt hole," where salt was got, also at Snow Mt. These were Yuki, but "talked something like" Nomlaki Wintun (who adjoined them, across the main Coast Range watershed). Their language was about as different from Yuki as was Huchnom. They were "half Stony Creek" (along which lived Salt Pomo, then Hill Patwin, then Nomlaki).

11. U·k'í·c̆no'm (added later by informant), in Williams V., "E" of Hull's V.

12. A Yuki group at Twin Rock Cr.—Eben had forgotten their name.

D. The real Yuki, centering in Round V., and coming N into the foothills only about as far as Ebley's Flat. To the N were the Onainó'm, Pitch Indians, Athabascans, who owned Hull V. ("here") and adjoined the ŠipimAlno'm (no. 8).

[10.6] 13. Hákno'm, in Round V., around Agency, in the N side of the valley.14. Ukomnó'm, in middle of the valley. They did not own up into the mountains.15. At TotimAl, W of Covelo, were a people whose name Eben had forgotten.16. At NW end of Round V., another group whose name he could not recall.

[10.6] 13. Hákno'm, in Round V., around Agency, in the N side of the valley.

14. Ukomnó'm, in middle of the valley. They did not own up into the mountains.

15. At TotimAl, W of Covelo, were a people whose name Eben had forgotten.

16. At NW end of Round V., another group whose name he could not recall.

It will be seen that the informant's knowledge was fullest for the part of Yuki territory S of Round V.

He thought that all the groups mentioned made the Taikomol and Hulk'ilAl initiations and performances.

Aa mid-raised a, nasalizedṭretroflex or palatal tŠshc̆chk' etc.glottalized·longƚsurd l, Athabascan onlyηng Athabascan

Map 18. Yuki "Tribes" according to Eben Tillotson.

Onainó'm were the Pitch Indians, a people of the rugged mountains, adjoining the ŠipimA´lno'm Yuki, and with Hull's Valley in their range. They were "half Yuki and half Wailaki," and spoke both languages.

The TA´no'm were at Spy Rock on main Eel R. They were also half Yuki and half Wailaki and bilingual. [But other Yuki cite them as Yuki who also knew Wailaki.] TAno'm were: Nancy Dobie, Sally Duncan, and Tip.

These two groups did not make Taikomol or Hulk'ilAl rites [this agrees with Handbook] but, probably knew about them from having seen them performed.

Between the Pitch people and the TAno'm, in the Horse Ranch country, lived the Ko'il, the Wailaki (proper). Most of the survivors of these spoke Yuki also.

The following notes, mainly on Athabascans, were obtained at Round Valley on July 13, 1938. Lucy Young, the informant, was born on Eel River at Tseyes̆enteƚ, opposite Alder Point. Though listed by the Government as a Wailaki, she is actually what ethnologists call Lassik. Her father was born 3 mi. from Alder Pt.; her mother, at Soldier Basin, 22 mi. NE. Her mother's first cousin was T'a·su's, known to the whites as Lassik, from his Wintun name Lasek. He was chief for Alder Pt., Soldier Basin, (upper) Mad River. Mary Major, informant's contemporary, is from Soldier Basin and of the same tribe.

The following were obtained as names of groups of people, though some of them may be place names.

Setelbai, "yellow rock," Alder Pt., etc.Nals̆a, "eat each other," downstream, around Fort Seward.Kos̆o-yaη, "soaproot eaters," farther downstream and on Van Duzen R.Tenaη-keya, Mad R. Indians.Kentetƚa(η), Kettenchow V., a flat with roots.Sec̆(ƚ)enden-keya, at Zenia.Ka·snol-keya, S of Zenia, called Kikawake in Hayfork [Wintun].Tok'(a)-keya, South Fork of Eel Indians [Sinkyone].Sayaη, "lamprey eel eaters," the Spy RockWailaki [the Ko'il of Tillotson].Djeh-yaη, "pinenut eaters," the Pitch Wailaki, on North Fork Eel R.[The outlook seems to have been chiefly downstream and inland.]

Setelbai, "yellow rock," Alder Pt., etc.

Nals̆a, "eat each other," downstream, around Fort Seward.

Kos̆o-yaη, "soaproot eaters," farther downstream and on Van Duzen R.

Tenaη-keya, Mad R. Indians.

Kentetƚa(η), Kettenchow V., a flat with roots.

Sec̆(ƚ)enden-keya, at Zenia.

Ka·snol-keya, S of Zenia, called Kikawake in Hayfork [Wintun].

Tok'(a)-keya, South Fork of Eel Indians [Sinkyone].

Sayaη, "lamprey eel eaters," the Spy Rock

Wailaki [the Ko'il of Tillotson].

Djeh-yaη, "pinenut eaters," the Pitch Wailaki, on North Fork Eel R.

[The outlook seems to have been chiefly downstream and inland.]

C̆iyinc̆e, Yuki.Baikihaη, Hayfork Wintu.Yaη-keya, the Wintu from Weaverville to Redding; their own name was Poibos. The same name Yaη-keya was applied also to the Cottonwood Creek Wintun, whom the Lassik met at Yolla Bolly Mt. to trade salt. [Wintu and Wintun were treated as one language.]Yitá·kena, people of lowest Eel R., the Wiyot.

C̆iyinc̆e, Yuki.

Baikihaη, Hayfork Wintu.

Yaη-keya, the Wintu from Weaverville to Redding; their own name was Poibos. The same name Yaη-keya was applied also to the Cottonwood Creek Wintun, whom the Lassik met at Yolla Bolly Mt. to trade salt. [Wintu and Wintun were treated as one language.]

Yitá·kena, people of lowest Eel R., the Wiyot.

AA American AnthropologistBAE-B Bureau of American Ethnology, BulletinSI-MC Smithsonian Institution, Miscellaneous CollectionsUC University of California Publications-AR Anthropological Records-IA Ibero-Americana-PAAE American Archaeology and Ethnology

American Anthropological Association

1916. Phonetic Transcription of Indian Languages, Report of Committee of American Anthropological Association, SI-MC, Vol. 66, No. 6.

Barrett, S. A.

1908. The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring Indians. UC-PAAE 6:1-332.

Bennett, C. A., and N. L. Franklin

1954. Statistical Analysis in Chemistry and the Chemical Industry. John Wiley and Sons, New York.

Cook, S. F.

1943. The Conflict between the California Indian and White Civilization: I. UC-IA 21, pp. 161-194.1955. The Aboriginal Population of the San Joaquin Valley, California. UC-AR 16:31-80.1956. The Aboriginal Population of the North Coast of California. UC-AR 16:81-130.

1943. The Conflict between the California Indian and White Civilization: I. UC-IA 21, pp. 161-194.

1955. The Aboriginal Population of the San Joaquin Valley, California. UC-AR 16:31-80.

1956. The Aboriginal Population of the North Coast of California. UC-AR 16:81-130.

Cook, S. F., and A. E. Treganza

1950. The Quantitative Investigation of Indian Mounds. UC-PAAE 40:223-262.

Curtis, E. S.

1924. The North American Indian. Vols. 13, 14.

Dixon, Roland B.

1910. The Chimariko Indians and Language. UC-PAAE 5:293-380.

Drucker, Philip

1937. The Tolowa and Their Southwest Oregon Kin. UC-PAAE 36:221-300.

Du Bois, Cora

1935. Wintu Ethnography. UC-PAAE 36:1-148.

Essene, Frank

1942. Culture Element Distributions: XXI. Round Valley. UC-AR 8:1-97.

Foster, George M.

1944. A Summary of Yuki Culture. UC-AR 5:155-244.

Gifford, E. W.

1939. The Coast Yuki. Anthropos, 34:292-375.

Goddard, Pliny E.

1903a. Life and Culture of the Hupa. UC-PAAE 1:1-88.1903b. Kato Pomo not Pomo. AA 5:375-376.1904. Hupa Texts. UC-PAAE 1:89-377.1907. Lassik. In Handbook of American Indians. BAE-B 30.1909. Kato Texts. UC-PAAE 5:65-238.1914a. Notes on the Chilula Indians of Northwestern California. UC-PAAE 10:265-268.1914b. Chilula Texts. UC-PAAE 10:289-379.1923a. The Habitat of the Wailaki. UC-PAAE 20:95-109.1923b. Wailaki Texts. International Journal of American Linguistics, II:77-135.1924. Habitat of the Pitch Indians, a Wailaki Division. UC-PAAE 17:217-225.1929. The Bear River Dialect of Athapascan. UC-PAAE 24:291-324.

1903a. Life and Culture of the Hupa. UC-PAAE 1:1-88.

1903b. Kato Pomo not Pomo. AA 5:375-376.

1904. Hupa Texts. UC-PAAE 1:89-377.

1907. Lassik. In Handbook of American Indians. BAE-B 30.

1909. Kato Texts. UC-PAAE 5:65-238.

1914a. Notes on the Chilula Indians of Northwestern California. UC-PAAE 10:265-268.

1914b. Chilula Texts. UC-PAAE 10:289-379.

1923a. The Habitat of the Wailaki. UC-PAAE 20:95-109.

1923b. Wailaki Texts. International Journal of American Linguistics, II:77-135.

1924. Habitat of the Pitch Indians, a Wailaki Division. UC-PAAE 17:217-225.

1929. The Bear River Dialect of Athapascan. UC-PAAE 24:291-324.

Goldschmidt, Walter

1951. Nomlaki Ethnography. UC-PAAE 42:303-443.

Goldschmidt, W. R., and H. E. Driver

1940. The Hupa White Deerskin Dance. UC-PAAE 35:103-142.

Heizer, R. F., ed.

1953. The Archaeology of the Napa Region. UC-AR 12:225-358.

Heizer, R. F., and M. A. Baumhoff

1956. California Settlement Patterns.InPrehistoric Settlement Patterns in the New World. G. R. Willey, ed. Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, No. 23.

Jepson, W. L.

1951. A Manual of the Flowering Plants in California. Univ. Calif. Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles.

Kroeber, A. L.

1925a. Handbook of the Indians of California. BAE-B 78.1925b. A Kato War. Festchrift, Publication d'Hommage Offert au P. W. Schmidt, pp. 394-400.1932. The Patwin and Their Neighbors. UC-PAAE 29:253-423.1939. Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America. UC-PAAE, Vol. 38.

1925a. Handbook of the Indians of California. BAE-B 78.

1925b. A Kato War. Festchrift, Publication d'Hommage Offert au P. W. Schmidt, pp. 394-400.

1932. The Patwin and Their Neighbors. UC-PAAE 29:253-423.

1939. Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America. UC-PAAE, Vol. 38.

Loud, Llewellyn L.

1918. Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory. UC-PAAE 14:221-436.

Merriam, C. Hart

1905. The Indian Population of California. AA 7:594-606.1923. Application of the Athapaskan Term Nung-kahhl. AA 25:276-277.1928. An-nik-a-del, the History of the Universe. The Stratford Company, Boston.1930. The New River Indians Tlo-Hom-tah-hoi. AA 32:280-293.1955. Studies of California Indians. Univ. Calif. Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles.

1905. The Indian Population of California. AA 7:594-606.

1923. Application of the Athapaskan Term Nung-kahhl. AA 25:276-277.

1928. An-nik-a-del, the History of the Universe. The Stratford Company, Boston.

1930. The New River Indians Tlo-Hom-tah-hoi. AA 32:280-293.

1955. Studies of California Indians. Univ. Calif. Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles.

Nomland, G. A.

1935. Sinkyoni Notes. UC-PAAE 36:149-178.1938. Bear River Ethnography. UC-AR 2:91-124.

1935. Sinkyoni Notes. UC-PAAE 36:149-178.

1938. Bear River Ethnography. UC-AR 2:91-124.

Nomland, G. A., and A. L. Kroeber

1936. Wiyot Towns. UC-PAAE 35:39-48.

Powers, Stephen

1877. Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. 3. Tribes of California. Dept. of Interior, U.S. Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region.

Rostlund, Erhard

1952. Freshwater Fish and Fishing in Native North America. Univ. Calif. Publ. Geog., Vol. 9.

Waterman, T. T.

1920. Yurok Geography. UC-PAAE 16:177-314.

Map showing the lower Trinity River and locations of Hupa villages. The map was made by George Gibbs, a member of the expedition of Colonel Redick McKee in 1852. The village names shown are in the Yurok language.

Views of Athabascan territory.a. View of Hoopa Valley looking north. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1901, UCMA 15-2917.b. Big rock on Mad River at Big Bend "taken from village site" (UCMA catalogue). Big Bend is in the southern part of Mad River Whilkut territory. There is no record of the site referred to. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1906, UCMA 15-3166.c. Fishing place on Van Duzen River between Bridgeville and Old Fort Baker. Nongatl informant Peter is shown on the rock. This spot is somewhere among the villages shown on map 7. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1906, UCMA 15-3156.d. Rock on ridge of Snow Camp between Mad River and Redwood Creek. It is about halfway between Kloki Whilkut village no. 45 and Mad River Whilkut village no. 15 on map 17. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1906, UCMA 15-3165.e. Rock on Eel River near Blocksburg in southern Nongatl territory. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1906, UCMA 15-3201.f. Indian house at Blocksburg in southern Nongatl territory. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1903, UCMA 15-3017.

Views of Athabascan territory,a. Model house (right) and sweathouse made for Goddard by the Wailaki Captain Jim. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1906, UCMA 15-3281.b. Eel River in Wailaki territory, looking from the west. The mouth of North Fork Eel River is shown in the lower right-hand corner. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1906, UCMA 15-3264.c. Picture taken from the Blue Rock stage road to Cummings. This is the hinterland of the Eel River Wailaki west of the Eel River. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1902, UCMA 15-3011.d. A view of Usal, the southernmost village of the Shelter Cove Sinkyone. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1902, UCMA 15-2922.e. A village site near Laytonville in Kato territory. The village is not known. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1906, UCMA 15-3146.

Plate 9. The lower Trinity River, showing the locations of Hupa villages. Map by George Gibbs, 1852.

Plate 10. Athabascan territory.

Plate 11. Athabascan territory.

Transcribers Notes:Obvious spelling and grammar errors corrected.P. 23 capital L in the middle of two Indian words may be intentional.

Transcribers Notes:

Obvious spelling and grammar errors corrected.

P. 23 capital L in the middle of two Indian words may be intentional.

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