CHAPTER IX

Hammers of Thor (From the closing years of heathendom).

The forces of the Anse-gods were in retreat all along the religious frontier; but it is not to be supposed that they were panic-stricken. To their zeal for the ancestral worship was added a love for the conflict which inspired the faithful to contest every inch of the Christian advance. The challenge of Thor has a sort of historic reality in it:in a sense the issue of religion was settled in the North by wager of battle. In his admiration for strength and force, many a Northman seemed willing to follow the lead of the stronger cult.

The Anse-faith of the viking age seems to have been a development of an ancient form of heaven worship or possibly of sun worship, traces of which have been found in the North from the days of the stone age.[261]In time the deity came to be viewed from various angles, and each particular aspect was individualised and made the object of separate worship. Thus, apparently, arose the three great divinities, Thor, Woden, and Frey. Thor is the god of strength, the mighty defender of gods and men. His name (O. Eng.Thunor), his flaming beard, the crash of his hammer-stroke show that the Thor-conception was closely associated with early notions of thunder and lightning. Similarly, the name of Woden[262]associates his divinity with the untamed forces of nature, the fury of the tempest, the wrath of the storm. He is, therefore, the god of the battle rush, the divine force that inspires the athletic frenzy of the berserk. Thor is armed with a hammer, Woden with a spear. Thor rides in a cart drawn by rams; Woden's mount isa swift eight-footed horse. But Woden is more than a mere god of conflict; he is wise and cunning and knows the mysteries of the world. Frey is the god of fruitfulness, the sun-god as giver of life and growth. He should be worshipped by tillers of the soil.

In the course of time, new deities were admitted to the Scandinavian pantheon; some of these were no doubt developed from older conceptions; others were evidently introduced from neighbouring cults. Gradually the old, rude beliefs came to be overlaid with myths, a series of strange tales, bold, strong, and weird. Recent scholars have held that many of these were borrowed from the bulging storehouse of Christian faith and legend—the result of intellectual contact between the old races and the Norse immigrant on the Western Islands.[263]But even where this borrowing can be clearly traced, the modifying touches of the Norse imagination are clearly in evidence.

The Northern peoples also developed a system of ethics of which we have a remarkable statement in the Eddic poem, the "Song of the High One." While of a lower character than that associated with Christianity, it was, when we consider the soil from which it sprang, a remarkable growth. Candour, honesty, courage, strength, fidelity, and hospitality were enjoined and emphasised. The Northman was impressedwith the fact that all things seem perishable; but he hoped that the fame of a good life would continue after death.

Cattle die, kinsmen die,Finally dies one-self;But never shall perish the fame of himWho has won a good renown.Cattle die, kinsmen die,Finally dies one-self;But one thing I know that always remains,Judgment passed on the dead.[264]

But the duties toward the hostile and the weak, that Christianity strove to inculcate, the Northman did not appreciate: slavery was common; weak and unwelcome children were often exposed at birth; revenge was a sacred duty.

It is not the intention to enter upon a full discussion of Old Northern faith and morals: in the conversion of a people that had reached the particular stage of culture that the Norsemen occupied in the eleventh century, neither is of prime importance. It is doubtful whether the vikings were much interested in the intricacies of dogma, be it heathen or Christian. It also seems unlikely that Christian morals as practised at the time could have proved very attractive. In the life of Saint Olaf, for instance, there was little that we should regard as saintly, but much that was cruel, sinful,and coarse. The Celtic Church, with which the Norwegians first came into close contact, seems to have put a somewhat liberal construction on the ten commandments. The forms of worship, however, were of the first importance: in the gorgeous ritual of the mediæval Church the heathen could not fail to see a tangible excellence that his own rude worship did not possess.

The Anse-faith knew no priesthood: the various local officials were charged with the duty of performing the ancient rites, though some evidently had peculiar responsibilities in this matter. In the family the father had certain sacerdotal duties. The gods were worshipped in temples, though not exclusively so; sacred groves and fountains were also used for such purposes. Frequently, also, the great hall of a chief was dedicated to the gods and used for sacrificial feasts.[265]

Most famous of all the Old Scandinavian sanctuaries was that at Upsala in Eastern Sweden, built, we are told, by the god Frey himself. It was a large wooden structure, highly ornamented with gold. Within were rude images of the three major divinities, Thor, Woden, and Frey, with Thor's image in the chief place. Near the temple there grew, according to the account in Adam's chronicle, an exceedingly large tree that always kept its verdure, in winter as well as in summer. There was also a fountain where the victims were sometimes drowned; if the corpse did not reappear,the favour of the gods was assured. In the sacred grove about the sanctuary, the sacrificial victims were hung—horses, dogs, and other beasts, frequently also human beings. The corpses were not removed but permitted to hang from the trees. Adam reports that an eye-witness once counted seventy-two such sacrificial victims.[266]

Every ninth year the entire Swedish nation was summoned to sacrifice at Upsala. The feast was celebrated shortly before the vernal equinox and continued nine days. At least one human being was sacrificed each day. Great multitudes were in attendance—king and people all sent their offerings to Upsala. It seems, however, that Christians were released from the duty of attendance on the payment of money.[267]It is clear that the gathering had a national as well as a religious significance. Elaborate festivities were combined with the sacrifices.

Three times in the year did the Northmen gather in this manner to feast and to invoke the gods: at Yule-tide in January, at the vernal equinox, and late in the autumn. Of these gatherings the sagas speak somewhat explicitly and seem to give reliable information.

It was the old way, when a sacrifice was to be, that all the franklins should come to the place where the temple was, and carry thither the victuals that they wished to have as long as the feast lasted. Allwere to have a drinking together, and there were also slaughtered all kinds of cattle and also horses.And all the blood that came thereof was then called sortilege-blood, and sortilege-bowls those wherein the blood stood, and sortilege-twigs that were made like a sprinkler. With this blood were all the altars to be sprinkled withal, and also the walls of the temple without and within, and also sprinkled on the people, but the meat was seethed for the entertainment of the people.There had to be fires in the midst of the floor of the temple, and kettles over them, and the toasts were carried across the fire.And he that made the feast or was chief had to make a sign over the toast and the sanctified meat.First must come Woden's toast: that was drunk to victory and power of the king; and then Niard's toast; and Frey's toast for good seasons and peace.It was many men's wont to drink Brage's toast after that.Men also would drink a toast to their kinsmen that had been laid in their barrows, and that was called the memory toast.[268]

And all the blood that came thereof was then called sortilege-blood, and sortilege-bowls those wherein the blood stood, and sortilege-twigs that were made like a sprinkler. With this blood were all the altars to be sprinkled withal, and also the walls of the temple without and within, and also sprinkled on the people, but the meat was seethed for the entertainment of the people.

There had to be fires in the midst of the floor of the temple, and kettles over them, and the toasts were carried across the fire.

And he that made the feast or was chief had to make a sign over the toast and the sanctified meat.

First must come Woden's toast: that was drunk to victory and power of the king; and then Niard's toast; and Frey's toast for good seasons and peace.

It was many men's wont to drink Brage's toast after that.

Men also would drink a toast to their kinsmen that had been laid in their barrows, and that was called the memory toast.[268]

This description applies more especially to the great Yule-festivities, but its more prominent features, the gathering, the sacrificial slaughter, the blood-sprinkling, the toasts, and the feasting, were evidently common usages, though places and occasions probably developed varieties of customary worship. On the same occasions, the willof the gods was ascertained by the casting of lot or other processes of sortilege. Vows were pledged and oaths were registered.

A ring of two-ounce weight or more must lie on the altar in every head temple. This ring everygodë(temple-official) must carry in his hand to any law-moot that he himself was to preside over, and he must first redden it in the blood of the sacrificial beast which he sacrificed there himself.[269]

In the myth Ragnarok the Sibyl has told of the end of all things, even of the divinities; how the twilight shall settle down upon the life of the Anses; how their strength shall wither and age steal upon them; and how at last Swart, the lord of the fire-world, shall come to the attack wrapped in flames.

Swart from the south comesWith flaming sword;Bright from his bladeThe sun is blazing.Stagger the stony peaks,Stumble the giants;Heroes fare HelwardAnd heaven yawns.[270]

It is an awful picture that the prophetess unrolls for us of all the personified forces of destruction mustering to do battle against the gods. Theforces of evil win, for weakness has stolen upon the world in the "twilight" preceding the final conflict: "an age of lust, of ax and sword, and of crashing shields, of wind and wolf ere the world crumbles."[271]Then comes the end of all things:

Swart is the sun,Earth sinks in the ocean,The shining starsAre quenched in the sky.Smoke and steamEncircle the Ash-tree,Flame-tongues lickThe lofty heaven.[272]

(Monument from the Island of Gotland. The stone shows various mythological figures; see below, page 302.)

The prophecy of destruction as well as an expressed hope of future regeneration shows quite clearly the result of Christian influence on thought and imagery. The poem must consequently have been produced after the North had come under the spell of Western culture, some time, perhaps, in the tenth century. Less than a century later the "twilight of the gods" had set in.

The union of the Anglo-Saxon to the Danish crown could not fail to affect missionary operations in the North. It would seem at first sight as if the work would be strengthened and hastened, for now the Christianising energies of Britain would be added to those of Germany. As a matter of fact the situation became more complex and difficult:the union brought out the question whether the primacy of the new church should belong to Hamburg-Bremen or to Canterbury. It seems that Canute at one time held out hopes to Archbishop Ethelnoth of rising to metropolitan authority of the Danish as well as of the English nation. Such an arrangement would seem natural and highly desirable: the empire that Canute ruled from Winchester could be more readily held together if its ecclesiastical concerns were all directed from the cathedral at Canterbury.

These new plans with respect to the young Danish Church apparently date from the years immediately following Canute's return to England as Danish king (1020). His new interest in English ecclesiastical matters has been discussed elsewhere. In 1022, Ethelnoth consecrated three bishops for Danish sees: Gerbrand for Zealand (Roeskild); Reginbert for Funen (Odense); and Bernhard for the Scanian lands.[273]The sources also state that many other English bishops were sent to Denmark from England, but no names are given. It is to be noted that the names given above are not Anglo-Saxon but German. It has therefore been thought that these bishops were from Flanders or Lorraine, in which regions there was an ecclesiastical movement of some importance in the days of Canute.[274]

Of these three the most important was doubtlessGerbrand, whose cathedral was located at Roeskild, the royal residential city. At this time Unwan was archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen. Unwan was an aggressive and ambitious prelate; it was not with pleasure that he learned of the new bishops from the West; without the North as its mission-field, Bremen would be a sorry province. Bishop Gerbrand on his journey to his new parish,—he was probably sailing along the German coast according to custom,—was captured and brought before Archbishop Unwan who forced him to do proper homage. Apparently the German Prelate made a favourable impression on Bishop Gerbrand for through his influence the Archbishop induced Canute to agree that future bishops should be consecrated at Bremen.[275]

Tradition is doubtless correct in ascribing to Canute considerable activity in the endowment of churches. The statement that he established monasteries in Denmark is probably an error; if he attempted to do so, his efforts failed[276]; some time still had to pass before the viking could find contentment in the cloister. Danish monasticism dates from the closing years of the century, when twelve monks from Evesham on the Avon came on request of King Eric to found a monastery at Odense. It seems likely that the payment of Peter's pence dates from this reign. As to the amount of this tax nothing is known; but it isprobable that the sum was a very modest one, as the Danes in England seem to have been specially favoured in this matter, the tax in the Danelaw being half as large as in the rest of England.[277]

Across the Sound in Scania, the introduction of Christianity was a slower process. We learn that in Sweyn's time an Englishman, Godebald, was appointed bishop there, and that he occasionally preached in the neighbouring sections of Sweden and Norway.[278]The results were evidently meagre, but it is significant that the preacher came from England.

The Norwegian Church is in a peculiar sense a daughter of the English Church. The first serious attempt at mission work in Norway was made about the middle of the tenth century, when King Hakon built a few churches and sent for English priests to officiate in them. One of these apparently bore the episcopal title, Sigfrid, a monk of Glastonbury.[279]The yeomanry gathered and slew the missionaries and the work came to nought.

When Olaf Trygvesson seized the kingship (995), he came accompanied by English priests. Among these was Bishop Sigurd, who was probably a Northumbrian of Norse ancestry, and evidently a man of strength and discretion. After the battle of Swald he seems to have continuedhis labours in Sweden. English missionaries also came with Olaf the Stout.

He was accompanied by a number of priests and bishops from England through whose doctrine and instruction he prepared his heart for God, and to whose guidance he entrusted the people who were subject to him. Among these were men who were famous for learning and virtue, namely Sigfrid, Grimkell, Rudolf, and Bernhard.[280]

The Church at Urnes (Norway) (From about 1100.)

It is to be observed once more that none of these bears an Anglo-Saxon name: Sigfrid and Grimkell were doubtless natives of the Danelaw, of Norse blood, but English in culture and faith; Bernhard may have been a German from the country of the lower Rhine; Rudolf is said to have been a kinsman of Edward the Confessor; as his name is Norman, we shall have to conclude that he was a relative of Queen Emma, Edward's mother. Late in life he received from the Confessor an important appointment as abbot of Abingdon (1050).[281]So long as King Olaf lived Grimkell seems to have held the office of chief bishop.

These were the men who laid the foundation of the Norwegian Church; later missionaries from Britain continued the work along the earlier lines. The result was that the new Church came largely to be organised according to English models. Its ceremonial came to reflect Old English practices.Its terminology was formed according to Anglo-Saxon analogies.[282]Characteristic of both the English and the Norse Church was an extensive use of the vernacular. And many remarkable parallels have been found in the church legislation of King Ethelred and the ecclesiastical laws attributed to Saint Olaf.[283]

It would seem most fitting that a church so intimately connected with English Christianity should pass under the metropolitan jurisdiction of the see at Canterbury, and such may have been Saint Olaf's original intention. But the establishment of Danish power at Winchester, the appointment of Canute's friend Ethelnoth to the primacy, and Canute's designs on the Norwegian throne made such an arrangement impractical. There was consequently nothing to do but to enter into relations with the see of Bremen. Adam tells us that Olaf sent an embassy[284]headed by Bishop Grimkell

with gifts to our archbishop and bearing the request that he receive these [English] bishops favourablyand send others of his own consecration that the rude Norwegian people might be strengthened in the Christian faith.

Runic Monument Shows Hammer Of Thor—The Odderness Stone

It is difficult to appreciate the tremendous social changes that the introduction of Christianity worked among the Northmen of the eleventh century. There was so much that was new in Christian practice that the adjustment was a difficult matter. The rigid observance of the seventh day; the numerous holidays; the frequent fasts and the long abstentions of Lent; the duties of confession and penance; the support of a new social class, the priests; all these things the unwilling convert found exceedingly irksome. In addition to this, there were certain prohibitions that also worked hardships: marriage within certain degrees of kinship; the exposure of children (except such as were born with deformities, who might be exposed after baptism); the eating of horseflesh, and other honoured Northern customs. Much that was heathen could not be rooted out. The churches were frequently built near the old sanctuaries and the new worship unavoidably came to be associated in many minds with much that was heathen.[285]

While Canute was organising the Church in Denmark, Olaf was striving to reshape Norwegian society and uproot the old faith. With force andfair words he won many for the new order, but many more refused to receive baptism. Ten years passed with growing discontent; so long as the nation was still heathen in morals and view of life, resistance was inevitable. Finally the partisans of the old rites and practices turned to Canute, the great Christian King. And he who should have been a defender of the faith heard their complaints with unfeigned joy.

FOOTNOTES:[259]Snorre,Saga of Harold Fairhair, c. 41. Hakon's dates according to saga are 935-961. The earlier date should probably be corrected to 945 or a later year, perhaps 947. SeeNorges Historie, I., ii., 139.[260]Snorre,Saga of Hakon the Good, c. 3. Eric Bloodax was Hakon's half-brother. For a time he ruled Northumbria as vassal of the English King.Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 952. The vassal relationship is asserted in the sagas.[261]Montelius,Kulturgeschichte Schwedens, 312. Two symbols of sun worship, the wheel and the axe (the symbol of lightning which later developed into Thor's hammer), can be traced back to the close of the stone age.Ibid., 55. The worship of the bright sky may have preceded that of the sun.[262]GermanWotan. Cf. Mod. Ger.Wuth.[263]Particularly the late Sophus Bugge inThe Home of the Eddic Poemsand elsewhere.[264]Hávamál, 39-40. (Corpus Poeticum Boreale, i, 8.)[265]Montelius,Kulturgeschichte Schwedens, 321.[266]Gesta, iv., c. 27 and schol. 134, 137.[267]Ibid.[268]Vigfusson and Powell,Origines Islandicæ:, i., 309-310. From theHakonar Saga.[269]Vigfusson and Powell,Origines Islandicæ, i., 311. From theLandnáma-bóc.[270]Voluspá, II. 155-158. (Corpus Poeticum Boreale, i., 199.)[271]Voluspá, II. 133-134.[272]Ibid., II. 175-178.[273]Stubbs,Registrant Sacrum Anglicanum, 33.[274]Steenstrup,Normannerne, iii., 383.[275]Adamus,Gesta, ii., c. 53.[276]Danmarks Riges Historie, i., 403, 500-501.[277]Danmarks Riges Historie, i., 403.[278]Adamus,Gesta, ii., c. 39.[279]Taranger,Den angelsaksiske Kirkes Indflydelse paa den norske, 143.[280]Adamus,Gesta, ii., c. 55.[281]Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 1050.Anglia Sacra, i., 167.[282]An illustration of this appears on a runic monument at Odderness in Southern Norway raised in memory of a godson of Saint Olaf: "Oivind, Saint Olaf's godson [kosunrorgosunr]raised this church on his allodial land."[283]For the account of the Anglo-Saxon missionaries I am indebted to Taranger's work on the influence of the Anglo-Saxon on the Norwegian Church:Den Angelsaksiske Kirkes Indflydelse paa den norske.[284]Gesta, ii., c. 55; iv., c. 33. The embassy was probably sent some time during the years 1020-1023, and perhaps shortly before Canute accepted the supremacy of Hamburg-Bremen in Denmark.[285]This paragraph is summarised from Professor Bugge's discussion inNorges Historie, I., ii., 379-381.

[259]Snorre,Saga of Harold Fairhair, c. 41. Hakon's dates according to saga are 935-961. The earlier date should probably be corrected to 945 or a later year, perhaps 947. SeeNorges Historie, I., ii., 139.

[260]Snorre,Saga of Hakon the Good, c. 3. Eric Bloodax was Hakon's half-brother. For a time he ruled Northumbria as vassal of the English King.Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 952. The vassal relationship is asserted in the sagas.

[261]Montelius,Kulturgeschichte Schwedens, 312. Two symbols of sun worship, the wheel and the axe (the symbol of lightning which later developed into Thor's hammer), can be traced back to the close of the stone age.Ibid., 55. The worship of the bright sky may have preceded that of the sun.

[262]GermanWotan. Cf. Mod. Ger.Wuth.

[263]Particularly the late Sophus Bugge inThe Home of the Eddic Poemsand elsewhere.

[264]Hávamál, 39-40. (Corpus Poeticum Boreale, i, 8.)

[265]Montelius,Kulturgeschichte Schwedens, 321.

[266]Gesta, iv., c. 27 and schol. 134, 137.

[267]Ibid.

[268]Vigfusson and Powell,Origines Islandicæ:, i., 309-310. From theHakonar Saga.

[269]Vigfusson and Powell,Origines Islandicæ, i., 311. From theLandnáma-bóc.

[270]Voluspá, II. 155-158. (Corpus Poeticum Boreale, i., 199.)

[271]Voluspá, II. 133-134.

[272]Ibid., II. 175-178.

[273]Stubbs,Registrant Sacrum Anglicanum, 33.

[274]Steenstrup,Normannerne, iii., 383.

[275]Adamus,Gesta, ii., c. 53.

[276]Danmarks Riges Historie, i., 403, 500-501.

[277]Danmarks Riges Historie, i., 403.

[278]Adamus,Gesta, ii., c. 39.

[279]Taranger,Den angelsaksiske Kirkes Indflydelse paa den norske, 143.

[280]Adamus,Gesta, ii., c. 55.

[281]Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 1050.Anglia Sacra, i., 167.

[282]An illustration of this appears on a runic monument at Odderness in Southern Norway raised in memory of a godson of Saint Olaf: "Oivind, Saint Olaf's godson [kosunrorgosunr]raised this church on his allodial land."

[283]For the account of the Anglo-Saxon missionaries I am indebted to Taranger's work on the influence of the Anglo-Saxon on the Norwegian Church:Den Angelsaksiske Kirkes Indflydelse paa den norske.

[284]Gesta, ii., c. 55; iv., c. 33. The embassy was probably sent some time during the years 1020-1023, and perhaps shortly before Canute accepted the supremacy of Hamburg-Bremen in Denmark.

[285]This paragraph is summarised from Professor Bugge's discussion inNorges Historie, I., ii., 379-381.

The sons of Earl Hakon, Eric and Sweyn, who ruled Norway for fifteen years after the fall of Olaf Trygvesson, were not aggressive rulers. They were not of the blood royal, they were vassals of alien kings, both seem by nature to have been of an easy-going disposition; hence they were not able to command obedience to the extent that a strong monarchy demanded. As a result, the Norwegian aristocracy arrogated to itself a great measure of independence. The peasantry resumed their old habits and practices; in many places the old worship was wholly restored, including the sacrificial festivals. The Earls were Christians, but did not interfere.

Of a different type was King Olaf Haroldsson. He was determined and forceful, equipped with a vigorous intellect and a will that could brook no opposition. Though his policies extended far beyond the religious field, his chief anxiety was to make Norway a Christian kingdom. His zealwas that of the convert, the passion of the devotee; but it was more than that: it was the purpose of the far-seeing statesman. In his viking adventures he had become acquainted with the advantages of the European political system. He wished to introduce this into his own kingdom, to Europeanise Norway. This was the great king-thought for which Saint Olaf lived and fell. But at the basis of the European system lay Christianity. In his proselyting endeavours, he met opposition from the very beginning; but for a time he was able to overcome all resistance. However, the spirit of rebellion was silenced only; after five years of missionary effort, King Olaf found that Christian progress was apparent rather than real. He also found that the devotees of the old worship were still determined and that a group of chiefs were organising an opposition that might overturn his throne.

The opposition was of two sorts: on the one hand the Christian was opposed by the partisan of the old gods; on the other hand Olaf's strong kingship was disliked by the chiefs who recalled the freedom that they had enjoyed in the days of the two earls. Distances were great in Norway; travel was difficult; the ocean was the best highway. But with sail and oar it took time to reach the settlements on the long coast line, and the King soon learned that promises to renounce the Anses were easily forgotten or broken. Then followed crop failures in the far North: it was clear thatFrey was angry and wished to punish the apostacy of his people.[286]

In the aristocratic opposition five chieftains bear special prominence. At Soli on the wide plains of Jæderen in South-western Norway, not far from the modern city of Stavanger, lived Erling, the son of Skjalg. Erling had sailed with King Olaf to Wendland, but had had no part in the fight at Swald. Later the Earls found it advisable to make peace with the Soli family and gave Erling Skjalgsson a magnificent fief in the South-west. From the Naze to the Sogn Firth his was the ruling influence. Of all the Norwegian magnates Erling was unquestionably the most powerful; and though both Earl Eric and King Olaf had looked askance at his power, he maintained his position for a quarter of a century. Five active sons and a spirited daughter grew up in Erling's house. The lord of Soli never was an ideal subject; but after his nephew Asbjörn slew one of King Olaf's servants in the royal presence during the Easter festivities, a quarrel broke out that had fatal consequences.[287]

The island of Giski some distance north of Cape Stadt was the ancestral seat of the famous Arnung family, which for several generations held a prominent place in the councils of Norway. According to tradition the family was founded by one Finnvid who was found in an eagle's nest, and hence was known as Finnvid Found. The familytook its name from Arne, a prominent chief in Saint Olaf's day and a good friend of the King. Seven sons and a daughter were born to Arne and his good wife Thora. The oldest of the sons married the only daughter of the mighty Erling. Arne's daughter became the wife of another prominent lord and enemy of Olaf, Harek of Tjotta. For a time all the sons of Arne supported the King and Kalf alone finally joined his enemies. Olvi of Egg, a wealthy Thronder, was found to have continued the old sacrificial practices in secret, and on the King's orders was slain. Kalf Arnesson married his widow, and from that day his loyalty was shaken.[288]

Far to the north lived two chiefs who were also counted among the King's opponents: Harek of Tjotta and Thor the Dog. Thor was the ill-fated Asbjörn's uncle and the brother-in-law of the slain Olvi. He lived on the Bark-isle beyond the Arctic Circle and was easily the most powerful man in those regions.[289]Harek lived on the isle of Tjotta, a little to the south of the Polar Circle. He seems to have had something of a monopoly of the Finnish trade and from this and other sources amassed great wealth. In the Norse nobility few stood higher than Harek: he counted among his kinsmen the reigning King as well as his predecessors the Earls.[290]In the rebellion that finallycost King Olaf his life, Thor and Harek were prominent leaders.

In the Throndelaw, some distance south of Nidaros, dwelt Einar Thongshaker. Einar, the strongest and most athletic Norseman of his day, the archer who could pierce a damp ox-hide with a blunt shaft, was also a man of great personal influence. Married to Earl Eric's sister, he was naturally in sympathy with the dynastic claims of the Earl's family. For some years after the defeat at the Nesses, he had lived in exile in Sweden; but finally he was reconciled to King Olaf and was permitted to return.[291]

It does not appear that any of these leaders had any enthusiasm for the old faith; Erling Skjalgsson and Einar Thongshaker seem to have been zealous Christians. But among their kinsmen were many who clung to the worship of Woden and Thor. Wherever the King found heathen rites celebrated in open or secret, harsh measures were employed—loss of property, of limb, and even of life. Thus the chiefs saw many a kinsman dishonoured or dead, and to their disinclination to obey the royal mandate was joined the motive of private revenge. Soon dissatisfaction was rife everywhere, and over the North Sea fled yearly a band of exiles who had resisted the royal will.

Among those who went west was Einar Thongshaker,though he went ostensibly as a pilgrim, not as a plotter. Soon after his return from Sweden he found it advisable to seek expiation at Rome for earlier sins, and in 1022 or 1023 he left for the Eternal City. It seems probable that his brother-in-law Eric joined him in this expedition or planned to do so, for the sagas persist in connecting Eric's death, which must have occurred about 1023, with a pilgrimage to Rome, at least projected and perhaps carried out. In England Einar is said to have visited young Earl Hakon, possibly in his earldom in the Severn Valley; he also had an interview with Canute "and was given great gifts."[292]Einar's visit was probably just after Canute's return from his expedition to the Slavic lands. Whether the pilgrimage was more than a mere pretext we do not know, though it probably was made in good faith. After his return to Norway he was not active in King Olaf's service, though he showed no open hostility.

Many magnates or sons of prominent franklins had fared to Canute on various errands; but all who came to King Canute were given their hands full of wealth. There one could see greater splendour than elsewhere, both as to the multitude of people in daily attendance and in the other arrangements on the manors that he possessed and occupied. Canute the Mighty gathered tribute from the lands that werethe richest in the North; but in the same measure as he had more to receive than other kings, he also gave much more than any other king....But many of those who came from Norway lamented the loss of their liberties and hinted to Earl Hakon and some to the King himself, that the men of Norway were now surely ready to renew their allegiance to King Canute and the Earl, and to receive their old liberties from them. These speeches suited the Earl's mind, and he suggested to Canute that Olaf be called on to surrender the kingdom to them, or to agree to divide it.[293]

But many of those who came from Norway lamented the loss of their liberties and hinted to Earl Hakon and some to the King himself, that the men of Norway were now surely ready to renew their allegiance to King Canute and the Earl, and to receive their old liberties from them. These speeches suited the Earl's mind, and he suggested to Canute that Olaf be called on to surrender the kingdom to them, or to agree to divide it.[293]

Snorre attributes Canute's delay in claiming the Norse kingship to a difference between himself and his cousin, Earl Hakon, as to who should possess and rule the country. It is evident, however, that before 1023 Canute was hardly in a position to press a claim of such a doubtful character. But in that year the situation was more favourable: he was in uncontested possession of the English and Danish crowns; he had successfully fought and subdued the Slavs to the south of Denmark; his prestige was consequently greater than ever before. That year, the subject of Norse conquest must have been discussed quite seriously at Winchester, for as soon as the winter was past, an embassy was on its way to King Olaf's court to demand the kingdom of Norway for Canute.

Among the various regions that composed the Norwegian realm, two enjoyed a peculiar prominence:the Wick and the Throndelaw. The Throndelaw was a group of "folks" or shires about the Throndhjem Firth, a region that had developed considerable solidarity and in one sense was reckoned as the heart of the kingdom. Here was for some time the capital of the nation, as it has remained in ecclesiastical matters to this day, at least nominally. The Wick was the country that bordered on the great "Bay" in the extreme south. It was this region that first came into contact with European civilisation and where culture and Christianity had perhaps taken firmest root. In a sense the Wick was disputed territory: it had earlier been under Danish overlordship, and a part of it had also for a brief period been subject to Sweden; national feeling was therefore not strong on these shores. For this reason, perhaps, King Olaf had established a royal residence at Tunsberg near the mouth of the Firth on the western shore. Here the King held his court in the winter of 1024-1025; it was here that he received the English embassy.

It was a splendid company that Canute sent to Norway, but Olaf was not pleased with their errand. For several days he kept them waiting before he was willing to grant them an audience.

But when they were permitted to speak with him they brought into his presence Canute's writ and recited their message, that Canute claims all of Norway as his possession and asserts that his ancestorshave possessed the realm before him; but whereas King Canute offers peace to all lands, he will not fare to Norway with war shields if another choice is possible. But if King Olaf Haroldsson wishes to rule Norway, let him fare to King Canute and receive the land from him as a fief and become his man and pay such tribute as the earls had earlier paid.[294]

Such a proposal was an insult to the Norse nation, and it is not likely that Canute expected a favourable reply. But in its apparent moderation, in its appeal to historic rights, the demand served well the intended purpose: to extort a challenge that would make hostilities unavoidable and make Olaf appear as the aggressor. King Olaf's anger did not permit a diplomatic reply:

"I have heard tell in olden story that Gorm the Dane-king was an excellent ruler, but he ruled Denmark only; but the Dane-kings who have come since his day do not seem to have been satisfied with that. It has come to this now that Canute rules Denmark and England and in addition has subjected a large part of Scotland. Now he challenges my inheritance. He should, however, learn to be moderate in his avarice,—or does he plan to govern all the Northlands alone? Or does he intend to eat alone all the cabbage in England? He will be able to accomplish that before I shall pay him tribute or do him any sort of homage. Now you shall tell him these my words, that I will defend Norway with point and edge as long as lifedays are granted me; but never shall I pay tribute for my kingdom to any man."[295]

Such is Snorre's account. The speeches are doubtless the historian's own; but they reveal a keen insight into the shrewd diplomacy of Canute and the impetuous methods of Olaf. The ambassadors soon prepared to retire, little pleased with the outcome. It is reported that in conversation with Sighvat the Scald they expressed their surprise at the Norse King's rashness. The lord of England was gentle and forgiving.

Only recently two kings came from north in Scotland, from Fife, and he laid aside his wrath and let them keep all the lands that they had earlier possessed and gave them great gifts of friendship in addition.

The poet later put his reply into verse:

Able kings have carriedTheir heads to Canute, comingFrom Fife in the far north(Fair was the purchase of peace).Olaf has never sold(Oft has the stout one conquered)Here in the whole worldHis head to any man.[296]

There could be no question about unpeace after Olaf's defiance had been repeated to Canute. It is said that Norsemen looked on cabbage eatersas naturally stupid; hence the taunt, if given, had a sharp point. The great King is said to have remarked that Olaf should find something besides cabbage within his ribs. That summer two of Erling's sons, Aslak and Skjalg, appeared at the English court. "And King Canute gave the brothers large revenues."[297]

During the succeeding summer (1025) King Olaf remained in the South. Rumour had it that Canute was coming from England with a powerful host, and the Norwegian King made preparations to meet him. The chiefs were summoned to the Wick and seem to have appeared with their retainers in large numbers. Olaf's spies were everywhere on the lookout for the English fleet. Merchant ships were eagerly sought for news. But Canute was not yet ready to fight and did not appear before autumn. He spent the winter in Denmark but mainly for precautionary purposes; hostile activities were evidently to be postponed to a more favourable time.[298]

That same autumn Olaf approached the King of Sweden on the subject of an alliance against the ambitious King of Denmark. The young Anund Jacob, King Olaf's brother-in-law and admirer, was now on the Swedish throne. It was easy to convince the youthful King that his realm would not long be left in peace should Canute succeed in adding Norway to his dominions. An alliance was accordingly concluded: the king who shouldfirst need assistance should have the other's help. A conference was also arranged for, as more definite plans would have to be agreed upon. That year King Olaf prepared to winter at Sarpsborg, just across the firth from Tunsberg. King Anund made a winter journey into Gautland toward the Norse frontier, and tarried there for some months. During his stay there, envoys appeared from Canute with gifts and fair words. Anund was assured of peace and security if he would renounce his alliance with the Norsemen. But this embassy also had to return with unsatisfactory reports: Anund intended to be faithful to his pledge; no friendship for Denmark was to be looked for in Sweden.[299]

Spring came (1026) and developments were looked for; but the unexpected happened: Canute returned to England, leaving his young son Harthacanute, a boy of eight or nine years, as regent in Denmark under the guardianship of Ulf, Canute's brother-in-law, who seems to have succeeded Thurkil the Tall as viceroy in Denmark. The allied kings now proceeded to hold their projected conference at Kingscrag, near the south-east corner of Olaf's kingdom. In this conference a new agreement seems to have been reached; the defensive alliance was apparently changed to anoffensive one and an attack on Canute's Danish possessions was planned.[300]

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