FOOTNOTES:

THE SPANIARDS HOLDING ROSSCLOGHERCASTLE AGAINST THE LORD DEPUTY.

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In the County of Clare, at this time, was another MacClancy—Boethius. He was Elizabeth's High Sheriff there, and, unlike his namesake of Rossclogher, he cruelly treated and killed a number of Spaniards of the Armada, who had been shipwrecked off that coast. In memory of his conduct then, he is cursed every seventh year in a church in Spain. In theState Papersno reference is made to this expedition against MacClancy's castle; all that is said is that troops arrived at Athlone on 10th November, 1588, and returned to Dublin on 23rd December following, "without loss of any one of her Majesty's army; neither brought I home, as the captains inform me, scarce twenty sick persons or thereabouts; neither found I the water, nor other great impediments which were objected before my going out, to have been dangerous, otherwise than very reasonable to pass." In these vague terms Fitzwilliam disposes of a disagreeable subject which he knew was more for his own credit not to enlarge upon. It seems probable that Cuellar has over-estimated the number of soldiers sent to storm the castle which he was defending; there is, however, no ground for doubting the general truth of his account of the transaction. MacClancy, we know, was the subject of peculiar hatred by the authorities; Bingham describes him as "an arch-rebel, and the most barbarous creature in Ireland," and the fact of his having given shelter to Spanish fugitives made him ten times worse in their eyes.

Fitzwilliam, the Lord Deputy, whom Cuellar styles the "Great Governor," was a covetous and merciless man. Not long after his arrival in Ireland, the Spanish shipwrecks took place, and the rumours of the great amount of treasure and valuables which the Spaniards were reported to have with them called into prominence the most marked feature in the Lord Deputy's character—cupidity. His commission shows this: "To make by all good means, both of oaths andotherwise[this meansby torture], to take all hulls of ships, treasures, etc., into your hands, and to apprehend and execute all Spaniards of what quality soever ... torture may be used in prosecuting this enquiry."

In theState Papers, at December 3, 1588—Sir R. Bingham to the Queen—the following reference to the Lord Deputy's expedition to the North of Ireland is made: "But the Lord Deputy, having further advertisements from the North of the state of things in those parts, took occasion to make a journey thither, and made his waythrough this province [Connaught], and in passing along caused both these two Spaniards, which my brother [George Bingham] had, to be executed." One of these was Don Graveillo de Swasso. At December 31st, the Lord Deputy thus refers to his movements: "At my coming to the Castles of Ballyshannon and Beleek, which stand upon the river Earne, and are in possession of one Sir Owen O'Toole,aliasO'Gallagher[5], a principal man of that country, I found all the country [people] and cattle fled into the strong mountains and fastnesses of the woods in their own countrie and neighbours adjoining, as O'Rourke, O'Hara, the O'Glannaghies [MacClancy], Maguires, and others." In theState Papers, 15th October, 1588, we learn some curious particulars concerning the wreck of one of the Spanish ships, namedLa Trinidad Valencera, at Inisowen (O'Doherty's country). This vessel, which was a very large one (1,100 tons), carried 42 guns and 360 men, including soldiers and mariners, many of whom were drowned. They had only one boat left, and this a broken one, in which they succeeded in landing a part of the crew. Some swam to shore, and the rest were landed in a boat they bought from the Inisowen men for 200 ducats. Some curious details are given of how the Spaniards fared on land. When first they came ashore, with only their rapiers in their hands, they found four or five "savages," who bade them welcome, and well-used them: afterwards, some twenty more "wild men" came to them, and robbed them of a money-bag containing 1,000 reals of plate and some rich apparel. The only food they could obtain was horse-flesh, which they bought from the country people, as well as a small quantity of butter. When they had been about a week living here, Fitzwilliam's men came on the scene, as also O'Donnell and his wife. The Spaniards surrendered to the captains that carried "the Queen's ensigns," the conditions being that their lives should be spared till they appeared before the Lord Deputy, and be allowed to take with them a change of apparel from the stores of their own ship. These conditions were not adhered to, and the soldiers and natives were allowed to spoil and plunder the shipwrecked Spaniards. The O'Donnell above referred to was the father of the celebrated Red Hugh, who was at this period within the walls of Dublin Castle, a close prisoner. "O'Donnell's wife" was the celebrated Ineen Dubh, the mother of Red Hugh. O'Donnell felt himself weak and unable to cope with the English power, which was surrounding him on all sides. While not taking an active part inmaltreating the Spaniards, who had been thrown on his territory by the violence of the storms, he was guilty in a passive way of permitting them to be ill-used; and when, a short time after these events, he resigned the government of Tirconnell to the more capable hands of his son, Red Hugh, and retired to the solitude of the cloister, the greatest sin which weighed on his conscience was his cruel conduct in slaying a number of Spanish seamen in Inisowen, which act was instigated by the Lord Deputy.

MacClancy at length paid dearly for his part in the Spanish affair. This we learn from a letter in theState Papers, under date 23rd April, 1590: "The acceptable service performed by Sir George Bingham in cutting off M'Glanaghie, an arch-rebel ... M'Glanaghie's head brought in. M'Glanaghie ran for a lough, and tried to save himself by swimming, but a shot broke his arm, and a gallowglass brought him ashore. He was the most barbarous creature in Ireland; his countrie extended from Grange till you come to Ballishannon; he was O'Rourke's right hand; he had fourteen Spaniards with him, some of whom were taken alive." The lough above referred to is Lough Melvin. MacClancy was endeavouring to reach his fortress when he met his end. O'Rourke, shortly after these events, fled to Scotland, where he was arrested, brought to London, arraigned on a charge of high treason, found guilty, and hanged. At the place of execution he was met by the notoriousMyler M'Grath, that many-sided ecclesiastic, whose castle walls, near Pettigo, still keep his name in remembrance. M'Grath endeavoured to make him abjure his faith, but O'Rourke could not be shaken; he knew the sordid character of the man, and bitterly reproached him for his own mercenary conduct.

When the siege was raised, MacClancy and his followers returned from the mountains, and made much of Cuellar and his comrades, asking them to remain and throw in their lot with them. To Cuellar he offered his sister in marriage. This, however, the latter declined, saying he was anxious to turn his face homewards. MacClancy would not hear of the Spaniards leaving; and Cuellar, fearing he might be detained against his will, determined to leave unobserved, which he did two days after Christmas, when he and four Spanish soldiers left the castle before dawn, and went "travelling by the mountains and desolate places," and at the end of twenty days they came toDunluce, where Alonzo de Leyva, and the Count de Paredes, and many other Spanish nobles had been lost; and there, he says, "they went to the huts of some 'savages,' who told us of the great misfortunes of our people who were drowned."

Cuellar does not indicate the course he took in travelling on foot from the castle in Lough Melvin to Dunluce; but it is evident, from the time spent on the journey, that it was the circuitous route round the coast of Donegal to Derry, and from thence to Dunluce. Their journey was one of danger, as military scouts were searching the country everywhere for Spaniards, and more than once he had narrow escapes. After some delay and considerable difficulty, Cuellar, through the friendly assistance of Sir James MacDonnell, of Dunluce, succeeded in crossing over to Scotland, in company with seventeen Spanish sailors who had been rescued by MacDonnell. He hoped to enjoy the protection of King James VI., who was then reported to favour the Spaniards.

Cuellar did not find things much better there, and, after some delay, he eventually took ship and arrived at Antwerp. His narrative is dated October 4, 1589, and was evidently not written till his arrival on the Continent. In forming an estimate of its value, it should be remembered that the greater part, if not all, was written by him from memory. It is highly improbable he would have made notes, or kept a diary in Ireland, as the writing of his adventures never occurred to him (as his narrative shows) till afterwards. This most probable supposition will account for any inaccuracies in his statements as to places, distances, etc.; and allowing for a natural tendency to exaggeration, Cuellar's narrative, corroborated as it is in all essential points by contemporary history, bears on its face the stamp of truth and authenticity.

TheState Papers(Ireland) at this year (1588) contain several references to these wrecks on the Connaught coast.[6]Amongst them the following occur: "After the Spanish fleet had doubled Scotland, and were in their course homewards, they were by contrary weather driven upon the several parts of this province [Connaught] and wrecked, as it were, by even portions—three ships in every of the four several counties bordering on the sea coasts, viz., in Sligo, Mayo, Galway, and Thomond:—so that twelve ships perished on the rocks and sands of the shore-side, and some three or four besides to seaboard of the out-isles, which presently sunk, both men and ships, in the night-time. And so can I say by good estimation that six or seven thousand men have been cast away on these coasts, save some 1,000 of them which escaped to land in several places where their ships fell, which sithencewere all put to the sword." Of all the shipswhich composed the Armada, none was a greater object of interest than theRata, a great galleon commanded by Don Alonzo de Leyva. This officer was Knight of Santiago and Commendador of Alcuesca: a remarkable man, of invincible courage and perseverance, who was destined to meet a watery grave on this expedition. It is said that King Philip felt more grief for his death than for the loss of the whole fleet.

In theRatawere hundreds of youths of the noblest families of Castile, who had been committed to De Leyva's care. Having cleared the northern coast of Scotland and gained the Atlantic, he kept well out to sea, and in the early part of the month of September doubled Erris Head, on the western coast of Mayo, after which he and another galleon came to anchor in Blacksod Bay. Here he sent in a boat, with fourteen men, to ascertain the disposition of the natives, whether friendly or the reverse. Having landed, they soon encountered one of the petty chiefs—Richard Burke by name, familiarly known as the "Devil's Son." This man, true to his character, robbed and maltreated them. Immediately after this a violent storm sprang up, which proved fatal to many of the Spanish ships then off the Irish coast: theRatabroke loose from her anchors, and ran ashore; De Leyva and his men were only able to escape with their lives, carrying with them their arms and any valuables they could lay hold of. They set fire to theRata; and perceiving hard by an old castle, within it they took up their quarters. The "Devil's Son" and his followers made their way to the wreck, plundering any of the rich garments and stores which they could snatch from the flames. At this juncture,Bryan-na-Murtha O'Rourke, Prince of Breffney, hearing of the abject condition of the Spaniards, sent them immediate assistance, and an invitation to their commander, De Leyva, to come to his castle at Dromahair. There they were well entertained, comfortably clothed, and provided with arms. This is referred to in the IrishState Papersthus: "Certain Spaniards being stript were relieved by Sir Brian O'Rourke, apparelled, and new furnished with weapons."

O'Rourke, whose power and popularity were very great, was a dangerous foe to the Governor of Connaught, who was unable to make him pay the "Queen's Rent." His action in harbouring and succouring the Spaniards, and for a short space enlisting them in his service, had, as shall be seen further on, important results in his approaching downfall. De Leyva resolved, after some time, to quit the country, and to embark his men in the other galleon, theSan Martin, which had been able to hold out in the offing. Having madesail, and on their way fallen in with theGironaand another ship—a galliass—they endeavoured to clearRossanPoint; but the sea being still very rough and the wind unpropitious, they were obliged to make for Killybegs. Having reached the entrance to that port, the two larger vessels went on the rocks, and became wrecks; the galliass continued to float, though badly injured; the crews and soldiers, numbering two thousand, were got ashore with their arms, but no provisions were saved.

TheState Papers[September, 1588] say that "John Festigan, who came out of the barony of Carbrie [of which Streedagh strand forms a part], sawthree great shipscoming from the south-west, and bearing towards O'Donnell's country, and took their course right to the harbour of Killybegs, the next haven to Donegal." And in the examination of a Spanish sailor named Macharg,[7]the following reference appears: "After the fight in the narrow sea, she fell upon the coast of Ireland in a haven called 'Erris St. Donnell,' where, at their coming in, they found a great ship called theRata, of 1,000 tons or more, in which was Don Alonzo de Leyva. After she perished, Don Alonzo and all his company were received into the hulk ofSt. Anna, with all the goods they had in the ships of any value; as plate, apparel, money, jewels, and armour, leaving behind them victual, ordnance, and much other stuff, which the hulk was not able to carry away." It will be seen from the above that it is stated that it was in theSt. AnnaDe Leyva embarked, after the loss of his own vessel; but it would appear from "La Felicissima Armada" that it was in theSan Martinthey took ship, and afterward removed to theDuquesa Santa Anna.

The number of wrecks of the Spanish vessels on the Irish coast was largely due to the insufficiency of their anchor-gear; and in explanation of this, it may be observed that it was chieflyhempencables which were then in use; and even in the largest vessels substantial chain cables had not been adopted.

It would seem that when De Leyva had reached "O'Donnell's country," he found theSan Martinso much injured and in such a leaky condition, that he abandoned her and placed his men and valuables in theDuquesa Santa Anna, which, through the friendly aid of O'Neill and McSwine, he was enabled to repair. After obtaining fresh stores of provisions from the people of Tirconnell, De Leyva once more put to sea; but misfortune still followed in his track, and theSanta Annaran on the rocks in Glennageveny Bay, a few miles west of Inisowen Head. Still undaunted, De Leyva, though now sorely wounded in escaping from the wreck, made another effort. TheGirona, which had also been patched up while at Killybegs, lay at anchor in a creek in McSwine's territory, about twenty miles distant from where he now was. In theGironahe determined to sail, and being unable to walk or ride had himself carried across country, the remnant of his men following him—for many had been drowned. Close to the shore, in sight of that relentless sea from which they had already suffered so keenly, these belated men encamped for the space of a week, using every effort to make theGirona—their last means of escape—as tight and seaworthy as possible. They once more embarked, hoping to be able at least to reach the coast of Scotland; but their course was nearly run; and after a few days, while passing near to the Giant's Causeway, they ran on a rock, and in a few minutes were dashed to pieces. It is said every soul on board except five sailors—nobles, mariners, soldiers, and slaves (who were kept as rowers)—were lost. The actual spot of the wreck pointed to by tradition still bears the name of "Spaniard Rock" the western head of Port-na-Spaniagh.

WRECK OF A GALLEON AT PORT-NA-SPANIAGH,NORTH COAST OF ANTRIM, SEPTEMBER, 1588.

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TheState Papers(Ireland, 1588) contain the following reference to this event: "The Spanish ship [theGirona] which arrived inTirconnell with the McSweeny, was on Friday, the 18th of this present month [Oct., 1588], descried over againstDunluce, and by rough weather was perished, so that there was driven to the land, being drowned, the number of 260 persons, with certain butts of wine, which Sorely Boy [MacDonnell] hath taken up for his use." There was another of the Spanish ships wrecked near Dunluce, but the name of the vessel is unknown. From this wreck the MacDonnells recovered three pieces of cannon, which were subsequently claimed by Sir John Chichester for the Government. These cannon were mounted on Dunluce Castle, and MacDonnell refused to give them up. He had also rescued eleven sailors from this wreck, as well as the five from theGirona. These he all took under his protection, and eventually sent them over in a boat to Scotland, from whence they made their way home. From the depositions of an Irish sailor namedMcGrath, who was on board theGirona, it appears that vessel went aground on a long, low reef of rock at the mouth of theBushriver, which reef was then known as the "Rock of Bunbois."

Of the authentic relics of the Armada, those which have attracted most attention, and been the subject of most controversy, are the iron chests. That there are a greater number of these chests still preserved in Ireland than could reasonably be assumed to have belonged to the Spanish vessels which perished on the Irish coast, cannot be denied; nevertheless, it is a mistake which some writers on the subject have fallen into, in supposing that no such chests were in the Spanish vessels, and that they are a mere popular fiction, as their introduction into Ireland must have been at least a century later than the Armada period. The writer has been at pains to obtain from the most trustworthy sources, both in this country and in England, all the information possible, and the result is here summarized. Having examined specimens of these treasure-chests in South Kensington and elsewhere, belonging to the 14th, 15th, and 16th centuries, from the earliest chest downwards, the same features are apparent in their construction and ornamentation. They were by no means peculiar to Spain, but were the typical and recognised receptacles for valuables all over the Continent of Europe for many centuries.[8]In Ireland these chests were in use in the time of the O'Donnells, and were doubtless brought over in the vessels which were frequently trading between the ports of Tirconnell and the Brabant Marts. Within the past half-century, while some clay wasbeing turned up and removed from the precincts ofO'Clery's Castle, at Kilbarron, near Ballyshannon, the lid of one was discovered with the intricate system of bolts and levers attached. This is now in the custody of the writer, having been kindly lent to him by the owner, General Tredennick, Woodhill, Ardara. When brought to light, it was supposed to have been the lock of the chief entrance to O'Clery's stronghold, and continued to be so regarded till identified by the writer as a portion of a fifteenth-century coffer. This discovery proves beyond question that these chestswerein use in Ireland, whether brought over in Spanish or other vessels, at a much earlier date than some have supposed. The lid found at O'Clery's Castle, it is reasonable to infer, belonged to a chest which was used by the historians of Tirconnell for the safe keeping of their valuable manuscripts and other articles; and, looking to the fact that their house and property were confiscated within a period of twenty years or so after the Spanish wrecks, and that Kilbarron was then plundered and dismantled, there can be no doubt that the chest in question belonged to the period when the O'Clerys flourished in their rock-bound fortress. The lid itself offers a curious bit of evidence of its past history: a portion of one of the hinges remains attached, showing that it had been wrenched off with violence, and that the chest to which it belonged had been forced by some plundering enemy who had not possession of the master-key, which actuated all the bolts of the lock. A similar lid was found in the ruins of O'Donnell's Castle at Donegal, and is still in existence in this neighbourhood.

A SPANISH TREASURE-CHEST.

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There is in the possession of W. E. Kelly, Esq., St. Helen's, Westport, Co. Mayo (to whom the writer is indebted for the information), a very interesting treasure-chest, which bears satisfactory evidence of having been recovered from one of the Armada ships wrecked on that coast in 1588. After "the flight of the Earls," a branch of the O'Donnells migrated from Tirconnell toNewport, Co. Mayo, and one of the family—Conel O'Donnell, brother of Sir Neal O'Donnell—obtained from a peasant, who lived on the sea-shore at Clew Bay, the chest in question. No particulars are forthcoming as to the exact spot where the peasant found it; but it bears evidence, from its corrosion, of having been subjected to the prolonged action of sea water, and it is not unlikely that this relic was on board theRata, which De Leyva set fire to in Blacksod Bay. The size of the chest is 2 ft. 10 1⁄2 ins. long, 1 ft. 9 ins. wide, and 1 ft. 7 1⁄2 ins. high.

In the Armada Exhibition, at Drury Lane, held October, 1888, the following amongst other relics were shown:

"No. 240.—Spanish treasure-chest, with two keys; the larger key is emblematical, the bow being the ecclesiastical A.N., the wards being 'chevron' and 'cross.' Inside of chest has engraved face-plate to lock, perforated withSpanish eaglesfor design.

"No. 241.—Spanish treasure-chest, believed to have come out of theSanta Anna, etc.

"No. 242.—Iron chest from Armada. This chest is of most remarkable construction: there is an apparent keyhole, but the real one is concealed in the lid, which is one large lock, the lock-plate of which is of very fine workmanship of polished iron.

"No. 243.—Iron treasure-chest, taken from the Spanish war-ship during the fight with the Armada.

"Spanish matchlock, taken from a Spaniard on the coast of Ireland.

"Spear head, from one of the Armada ships, wrecked off the coast of Donegal.

"A spoon of curious floral design, found on the shore close to Dunluce Castle, about 90 years ago [supposed to be from the wreck of theGirona.]"[9]

Turning to Cuellar's narrative, in speaking of the wrecks at Streedagh, Co. Sligo, of which he was an eye-witness, the following occurs:[10]"And then [the Irish] betook themselves to the shore to plunder and break openmoney chests." These are called in SpanishArcas,i.e., iron chests with flat lids to hold money, etc.

In theState Papers(Ireland, 1588) several references to money chests in the Spanish ships appear. "Plate and ducats" are spoken of as being "rifled out of their chests." At 2nd Aug., 1588 [examination of Spanish prisoners], from the "Nuestra Señora del Rosario," "achest of the King'swas taken wherein was 52,000 ducats, of which chest Don Pedro de Valdez had one key and the King's treasurer or the Duke another. Besides [it is added], many of the gentlemen had good store of money aboard the said ship; also, there was wrought plate and a great store of precious jewels and rich apparel."

InState Papers[4th and 5th August, 1588], in describing the capture of a Spanish "Carrack"—theSan Salvador—it is said: "This very night some inkling came unto us thata chestof great weight should be found in the fore-peak of the ship," etc. These and many other references to both treasure and treasure-chests, taken from contemporary sources, show that the Spanish treasure-chestsare notmythical, but formed a necessary part of the outfit of an expedition, on which those who had entered had staked all their riches and had brought their valuables with them. A fine specimen of the treasure-chest is in the possession of Major Hamilton, Brownhall. It has been in his family for such a period that its history is lost. The ornamental open-work of polished steel, which covers the inside of lid, is a very fine specimen of mediæval iron work.

In Western Tirconnell is a cluster of islands which, collectively, are calledThe Rosses. About four and a half miles north-west of Mullaghderg are the "Spanish Stags" or "Enchanted Ships." On this wild and rocky coast, abounding in shoals and sunken rocks, one of the Spanish ships was cast away. Here lies buried in the sand the remains of one of them. A little more than a century ago, an expedition of young men, whose imagination was heated by the traditional accounts of buried treasure, set out in a boat to the Spanish rock, and being good divers and expert swimmers, they succeeded in reaching the wreck. They got on the upper deck, and were able by great effort and perseverance to recover a quantity of lead: they raised a number of brass guns, some of which were 10 feetlong. These were broken up and sold as scrap metal at 4 1⁄2d. per lb. The iron guns, of which they found a number, were left in the water. This vessel, tradition says, was a treasure ship; at all events, a number of Spanish gold coins were found, and were in existence some years ago. The brass cannon which were found bore the Spanish arms. It is said some of the Spaniards from this vessel escaped to land, and spent the rest of their lives amongst the Irish in The Rosses.

Anchor of Spanish Galleon

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In the spring of 1895, an attempt was made to search for the remains of this ship. A small steamer, called theHarbour Lights, visited the spot, and remained for a fortnight, but without being able to accomplish anything. Owing to the accumulation of sand, which now covers the wreck, there are great obstacles in the way of reaching it. At about a distance of two miles to the south of the "Spanish Rock" another vessel was wrecked, in the Bay of Castlefort, inside of the North Island of Aran. In 1853, the coastguards at Rutland, under the superintendence of their chief officer, Mr. Richard Heard, and at the instance of Admiral Sir Erasmus Ommanney, C.B., who was on a tour of inspection in that year, had their attention directed to the wreck. The search was rewarded by the recovery of a fine anchor, which was forthwith transmitted to London, and presented by the Admiral to the United Service Institution, Whitehall Place. Through the kindness of Sir Erasmus Ommanney, an engraving[11]of this interesting relic is presented, and the writer is also indebted tohim for the particulars of the discovery of the anchor. A portion of one of the brass cannon recovered from theGironawas in Castlecaldwell Museum, till the collection was disposed of. The fine figurehead of one of the ships wrecked off Streedagh, which is shown on the first page, is the only existing specimen in Ireland. In the Parish Church of Carndonagh is a bell, which tradition says was recovered from an Armada vessel wrecked at Inishowen. It bears the following legend: "Sancta: Maria: Ora: Pro: Nobis Ricardus Pottar [his sign or trade mark] De Vruain Me Fecit Alla [Allelujah]."

The following are the names of the Spanish vessels lost on the coasts of Ulster and Connacht, so far as they are known (several nameless vessels were also cast away):

In the valuable work, entitled "State Papers relating to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada, Anno 1588," by Professor Laughton (Navy Records Society)—a work which throws much light on the history of the period, and should be studied in connection with Captain Duro's book—the following remarks are made as to the cause of the loss of so many Spanish vessels: "The Spanish ships were lost partly from bad pilotage, partly from bad seamanship, but chiefly because they were leaking like sieves, had no anchors, their masts and rigging shattered, their water casks smashed."

The actual numbers when the fleet sailed from the Tagus on the 20th May were: 130 ships, 57,868 tons, 2,431 guns, 8,050 seamen, 18,973 soldiers, 1,382 volunteers, 2,088 slaves (as rowers).

FOOTNOTES:1.Amongst those drowned at the wrecks on Streedagh were the following Irishmen: Brian Mac-in-Persium, Andrew Mac-in-Persium, and Cormac O'Larit, all of whom had shipped as sailors in the Spanish vessels.2.See Translator's Preface for the sense in which the word "north" is used in Spanish.3.See O'Donovan's Letters (Sligo, R.I.A.)4.Santiago, the Patron Saint of Spain; hence it became the war-cry or watchword when going to battle.5.Sir Owen O'Gallagher was O'Donnell's Marshal, and lived in the Castle of Ballyshannon at this period.6.Sir R. Bingham to Walsyngham, Oct. 1st, 1588.7.Duro, p. 98; 25, i.8.Chests of the same type, calledArca, were discovered in the excavations at Pompeii, where they were used for keeping the public money.9.From the Official Catalogue of Tercentenary Exhibition of Spanish Armada.10.See Mr. Crawford's translation and relative note, Part II.11.From a photograph kindly taken by T. B. M'Dowell, Esq., London.

FOOTNOTES:

1.Amongst those drowned at the wrecks on Streedagh were the following Irishmen: Brian Mac-in-Persium, Andrew Mac-in-Persium, and Cormac O'Larit, all of whom had shipped as sailors in the Spanish vessels.

2.See Translator's Preface for the sense in which the word "north" is used in Spanish.

3.See O'Donovan's Letters (Sligo, R.I.A.)

4.Santiago, the Patron Saint of Spain; hence it became the war-cry or watchword when going to battle.

5.Sir Owen O'Gallagher was O'Donnell's Marshal, and lived in the Castle of Ballyshannon at this period.

6.Sir R. Bingham to Walsyngham, Oct. 1st, 1588.

7.Duro, p. 98; 25, i.

8.Chests of the same type, calledArca, were discovered in the excavations at Pompeii, where they were used for keeping the public money.

9.From the Official Catalogue of Tercentenary Exhibition of Spanish Armada.

10.See Mr. Crawford's translation and relative note, Part II.

11.From a photograph kindly taken by T. B. M'Dowell, Esq., London.

CAPTAIN CUELLAR'SNARRATIVEOFTHE SPANISH ARMADAAND OFHis Wanderings and Adventures in Ireland.(Dated October 4th, 1589).Translated byROBERT CRAWFORD, M.A., M.R.I.A., &c.,From the Spanish Text,AS GIVEN IN"LA ARMADA INVENCIBLE,"By CAPTAIN CESAREO FERNANDEZ DURO,Published in Madrid, 1884-5.

Translated byROBERT CRAWFORD, M.A., M.R.I.A., &c.,From the Spanish Text,AS GIVEN IN"LA ARMADA INVENCIBLE,"By CAPTAIN CESAREO FERNANDEZ DURO,Published in Madrid, 1884-5.

Translated by

ROBERT CRAWFORD, M.A., M.R.I.A., &c.,

From the Spanish Text,

AS GIVEN IN

"LA ARMADA INVENCIBLE,"

By CAPTAIN CESAREO FERNANDEZ DURO,

Published in Madrid, 1884-5.

Shortly after the publication in Madrid of the second volume of Captain Duro's book—"La Armada Invencible"—the Earl of Ducie drew special attention to it in an article which appeared in the number of theNineteenth Centuryfor September, 1885.

Subsequently Mr. Froude took up the subject, and discoursed upon it inLongman's Magazinefor September, October, and November, 1891, giving a general sketch of the salient features of the ill-fated expedition from the Spanish point of view, as disclosed in the pages of the book in question.

These glowing pictures aroused much public interest at the time; but they were especially attractive to those persons who happened to combine the conditions of possessing antiquarian tastes, and living near the localities brought into prominence by the recital of the great disasters which befel the "Invincible Armada."

Of all the exciting scenes in that eventful episode in our history, none was more tragic than the wreck of three of the largest of the Spanish ships, which took place, simultaneously, in the bay of Donegal, on the north-west coast of Ireland, in September, 1588.

The fact that in Captain Duro's book there appeared a hitherto unpublished narrative of the event, written at the time by Don Francisco Cuellar, one of the survivors of the catastrophe, and giving a minute account of his wanderings and adventures in the country where he was cast away, contributed to increase the local interest in the matter.

Mr. Hugh Allingham at once began a series of exhaustive investigations in relation to Cuellar's descriptions, the results of which he subsequently placed before the public in the pages of theUlster Journal of Archæology, April, 1895.

It was solely with the object of assisting him in the researches he then undertook that this translation was prepared, and there was no intention at the time of any future publication of it.

It was a matter of importance to facilitate the process of identification as regards the various localities referred to, as well as to avoid the danger of misinterpreting the writer's meaning when dealing with obscure passages; conditions requiring the translation to be as literal as possible, and leaving the translator with but little freedom intreating a language that at best does not lend itself easily to reproduction in the English idiom.

These facts are mentioned to account for the style in which it has been prepared, as it has no pretensions to merit, except in so far as care has been taken to follow closely the wording of the original Spanish.

As Mr. Allingham is now about to publish a new edition of his "Spanish Armada in Ulster and Connacht," it has been considered desirable that this translation should be added to itin extensofor the convenience of reference. I have, therefore, gone carefully over it again, comparing it with the Spanish text, and have made some slight alterations of an occasional word or phrase in it to make the matter more explicit.

This will explain why in some of Mr. Allingham's quotations from the original translation, as given in the first edition of his paper on this subject, a word here and there may be found to differ from those contained in the present version; but the change does not affect the sense or meaning of any passage, with, I think, a couple of exceptions.

The first of these relates to where Cuellar describes the English as going about searching "for us who had escaped [from the perils of the sea. All the monks had fled] to the woods," etc. The part within the brackets was left out in the original translation by the accidental omission of a line in copying the rough draft; and, as the mutilated sentence still made sense, the omission was not detected at the time.

The other is the only really important change, and I will now proceed to deal with it.

The Spanish words are: "Hacienda Norte de las montañas," which I originally translated as "making for the north of the mountains"; but now prefer to render by the alternative reading: "Making for the direction of the mountains."

I will first show that this latter translation is also perfectly correct, and that I am justified in adopting it, and then explain my reason for doing so.

In Spanish dictionaries generally the meaning ofNorteis given, primarily, as North, signifying either the Arctic pole, the northern part of the sphere, the polar star, the north wind, etc.; but it is also used in another and metaphorical sense.

In the best authority we have on such matters—the Dictionary of the Spanish Academy—we find thatNortealso meansdirection, guide, "the allusion being taken from the North Star, by which navigators guide themselves with the direction of the nautical needle" [ormariner's compass]. With such an authority to support me, I think it can scarcely be disputed that the alternative translation, which I recommend, is a fair one.

I will now explain why I prefer it to my first reading of the passage. Cuellar's statement leaves no room for doubt that it was to O'Rourke's country, lying along and to the south of the Leitrim range of mountains, he was bound; while Mr. Allingham's investigations make it equally certain, in my opinion, that Glenade was the particular place Cuellar came to, as described in his account of his wanderings.

Now, as Glenade is among the Leitrim mountains, not on their northern side—along which, in the first instance, I had supposed Cuellar's route to lie—it became necessary for me to re-examine my position and make sure whether the Spanish text required a rigid adherence to my first translation, or might admit of some alternative reading that would account for the apparent discrepancy.

The result was, as already explained, that the pages of the dictionary disclosed a perfectly easy and admissible treatment of the passage in question, that solved the difficulty without the necessity of resorting to any postulates, or putting a forced or novel interpretation upon the words.

Here, perhaps, I should refer to the fact that two other translators of Cuellar's narrative—Professor O'Reilly in theProceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, December, 1893, and Mr. Sedgwick in a small volume recently published by Mr. Elkin Mathews, of Vigo Street, London—give this passage a very different meaning to that which I attach to it, while they agree tolerably closely with each other.

Professor O'Reilly omits all mention of the mountains, and translates only the rest of the sentence, as: "Taking the northerly direction pointed out by the boy"; while Mr. Sedgwick puts it in this form: "Striking north for the mountainsthe boy had pointed out."

This latter reading gives the preposition (de) exactly the opposite signification to that which it usually bears.

But, apart from this, there is another and, I think, a fatal objection to the two foregoing translations of the phrase.

Both agree that the boy told Cuellar to gostraight onto mountains,pointed outby him, as the place behind which O'Rourke lived. If so, these mountains could not have been situated to the north of where he was at the time, as to go from thence in anything like a northerly direction would have brought him at once into the sea, which lay to the north of him, and extended for several miles farther eastwards.

That this fact must have been apparent to both Cuellar and his guide as they went along will be recognised by those who are acquainted with the locality, which everywhere looks down upon the ocean.

There is another rather important point upon which I differ from the two gentlemen already named, who here again agree closely with each other. It relates to the position of the village in which MacClancy's retainers lived. Cuellar says it was established upon "tierra firme," which one translates asfirm, the other assolid, ground. To me the context appears to indicate clearly that the expression was intended to bear its ordinary idiomatic interpretation ofmainlandin contradistinction to the position of the castle itself, which we are told was built in the lake.

There are several other expressions about the meaning of which we differ; but I will only refer to some of them, that are of sufficient importance, either directly or indirectly, to make it desirable that Cuellar's statement concerning them should be correctly given. I do not refer to them in any spirit of adverse criticism, but in the interests of accuracy, as regards details, in the description of an important historical event.

Both parties translatemontesasmountains. This, I think, is a mistake: it should bewoods. Cuellar repeatedly uses the correct word,montañas, to express mountains; so that when we find him writingmontes, the natural inference is that he was referring to something of a different nature; besides,montesis frequently made use of in Spanish to denote woods.

Professor O'Reilly translatesmantaascloakthroughout; while Mr. Sedgwick also does so the first time he meets with it, but calls itblanketalways afterwards.Mantameans a blanket, butmantois a mantle, veil, or cloak; and the error alluded to is due, no doubt, to the similarity of the two words.

Again, both gentlemen translateun trompetaas atrumpet: it should be atrumpeter. The cause of the mistake here lies in overlooking the nature of the article made use of.Trompetais both a masculine and feminine noun. The former signifies the man who blows a trumpet, and the latter is the instrument itself. In the present instance, the article (un) being masculine, shows that the word is used in its masculine sense, and therefore means atrumpeter.

I will now briefly refer to a few cases of the two translators separately, taking Professor O'Reilly first.

Galleonandgalleydo not translate each other, but refer to very different classes of ships.

Cuellar did not remain on boardhis own shipafter he had been sentenced to death and reprieved, but was detained on the ship of the Judge Advocate, in which he was subsequently wrecked. The number of dead bodies lying on the shore where he was cast away is given by Cuellar as more than 600, not as more than 800.

"Casiñas de paja" means, I think, that the huts were not merely thatched with straw, but composed of it altogether. This appears to be clear from the fact that Cuellar uses another expression—"Casas pajizas"—when he wished to describe the thatched houses in Ocan's village.

Referring to the ship that Cuellar's companions—who outstripped him—embarked upon, and in the wreck of which they were subsequently lost, Professor O'Reilly says she "drifted there by good luck" (con gran fortuna). I think this is not the true meaning of the passage, but that the ship was driven in "by a great tempest" or storm; for he goes on to say that her main-mast and rigging were much injured. It should be borne in mind thatfortunameans a storm or tempest, as well as fortune or luck.

Turning now to Mr. Sedgwick's translation, he givesAncientsas the English equivalent forAlférez, which is probably some curious misprint; for the ordinary meaning of the word isensign.

Again,Sierradoes not mean a "peak," but a mountain ridge or range.

Pelotesis given asgoat-skin: it should be goat'shair.

"Y pues el salvaje sentia tanto desmamparar su castillo" is translated: "And since the savage hadresolvedto abandon his castle." This should be: "Besides [or since] the savageregretted so muchto abandon his castle."

Here it may be remarked that Cuellar always calls the natives of Ireland savages, which seems very ungrateful on his part, as many of them showed him great kindness. It would have been pleasanter for a translator at the present day to have softened the harsher expression by substitutingnativefor it, as Professor O'Reilly has done; but it appears to me that this does not convey the correct meaning of what Cuellar had in view when he used the wordsalvaje.

Referring to MacClancy's Castle, Cuellar says: "Por lo qual no se puede ganar este castillo por agua, ni por la banda de tierra que esta mas cerca de el." Mr. Sedgwick translates it thus: "For this reason the castle is safe from attack, and is inaccessible both by water andby the strip ofland that runs up to it." This would look as if the castle stood upon a promontory of the mainland, instead of being built in the lake, as Cuellar, at the beginning of the same paragraph, tells us it was.

I think the true meaning of the passage is this: "For which reason the castle could not be taken by water nor by the shore of the land that is nearest to it."

To conclude: there appears to be an important error in Mr. Sedgwick's translation, beginning with the title, and repeated in the first and last sentences of this book, besides occurring several times throughout its pages. I refer to the statement that Cuellar's letter was written to King Philip II., and to the constant use of the expression "Your Majesty" to the person he was addressing.

I cannot find the slightest evidence in support of this assumption: on the contrary, everything in the letter would seem to contradict it. It is written in a familiar, chatty style, as to a person with whom the writer was on fairly familiar terms, and was certainly not such as a captain in the Spanish navy would address to his Sovereign.

The error must, I think, have arisen from some misconception as to the meaning of the abbreviations made use of in Spanish epistolary correspondence.

In twelve instances I find that Mr. Sedgwick has apparently mistaken the initials V.m. (a capital V followed by a small m), which stand forVuestra merced—the usual form in which untitled persons addressed each other—for V.M. (where both letters are capitals), meaningVuestra Majestad(Your Majesty). Once (on page 12) he gives a similar rendering of the letters S.M., which stand forSu Majestad(His Majesty), although on page 104 he translates the same initials correctly. On page 98 he uses the same formula (Your Majesty) to represent the expressionLa Majestad(The Majesty), and on page 102 he makes it do duty for the whole expression "La Majestad del rey nuestro Señor" (the majesty of the King, our Lord).

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