Chapter 28

VizagapatamBuguri sept.RevalpatnamJonna sept.BimlipatamSundra sept.The Jālāris are unable to explain the significance of this “counting towns,” as they call it. Possibly Peddapatnam was their original home, from which particular septs emigrated to other towns. On the second day of the marriage ceremonies, the tying of the sathamānam (marriage badge) takes place. The bridegroom, after going in procession through the streets, enters the house at which the marriage is to be celebrated. At the entrance, the maternal uncle of the bride stands holding in his crossed hands two vessels, one of which contains water, and the other water with jaggery (crude sugar) dissolved in it. The bridegroom is expected to take hold of the vessel containing the sweetened water before he enters, and is fined if he fails to do so. When the bridegroom approaches the pandal, some married women hold a bamboo pole between him and the pandal, and a new earthen pot is carried thrice round the pole. While this is being done, the bride joins the bridegroom, and the couple enter the pandal beneath a cloth held up to form a canopy in front thereof. This ceremonial takes place towards evening, as the marriage badge is tied on the bride’s neck during the night. An interesting feature in connection with the procession is that a pole calleddigametlu (shoulder-pole), with two baskets tied to the ends, is carried. In one of the baskets a number of sieves and small baskets are placed, and in the other one or more cats. This digametlu is always referred to by the Vādas when they are questioned as to the difference between their marriage ceremonies and those of the Jālāris. Other castes laugh at this custom, and it is consequently dying out.The Jālāris always marry young girls. One reason assigned for this is “the income to married young girls” at the time of the marriage ceremonies. Two or more married couples are invited to remain at the house in which the marriage takes place, to help the bridal couple in their toilette, and assist at the nalagu, evil eye waving, and other rites. They are rewarded for their services with presents. Another instance of infant marriage being the rule on account of pecuniary gain is found among the Dikshitar Brāhmans of Chidambaram. Only married males have a voice in temple affairs, and receive a share of the temple income. Consequently, boys are sometimes married when they are seven or eight years old. At every Jālāri marriage, meals must be given to the castemen, a rupee to the representatives of the patnams, twelve annas to the headman and his assistant, and three rupees to the Mālas.Like other Telugu castes, the Jālāris have intipērus (septs), which resemble those of the Vādas. Among them, Jonna and Buguri are common. In their religious observances, the Jālāris closely follow the Vādas.The Madras Museum possesses a collection of clay and wooden figures, such as are worshipped by the fishing castes at Gopalpūr, and other places on the Ganjam coast. Concerning these, Mr. J. D’A. C. Reilly writes to me as follows. The specimens represent thechief gods worshipped by the fishermen. The Tahsildar of Berhampūr got them made by the potters and carpenters, who usually make such figures for the Gopalpūr fishermen. I have found fishermen’s shrines at several places. Separate families appear to have separate shrines, some consisting of large chatties (earthen pots), occasionally ornamented, and turned upside down, with an opening on one side. Others are made of bricks and chunam (lime). All that I have seen had their opening towards the sea. Two classes of figures are placed in these shrines, viz., clay figures of gods, which are worshipped before fishing expeditions, and when there is danger from a particular disease which they prevent; and wooden figures of deceased relations, which are quite as imaginative as the clay figures. Figures of gods and relations are placed in the same family shrine. There are hundreds of gods to choose from, and the selection appears to be a matter of family taste and tradition. The figures which I have sent were made by a potter at Venkatarayapalle, and painted by a carpenter at Uppulapatti, both villages near Gopalpūr. The Tahsildar tells me that, when he was inspecting them at the Gopalpūr traveller’s bungalow, sixty or seventyfishermenobjected to their gods being taken away. He pacified them by telling them that it was because the Government had heard of their devotion to their gods that they wanted to have some of them in Madras. The collection of clay figures includes the following:—Bengali Babu.—Wears a hat, and rides on a black horse. He blesses the fishermen, secures large hauls of fish for them, and guards them against danger when out fishing.Sāmalamma.—Wears a red skirt and green coat and protects the fishermen from fever.Rājamma, a female figure, with a sword in her right hand, riding on a black elephant. She blesses barren women with children, and favours her devotees with big catches when they go out fishing.Yerenamma, riding on a white horse, with a sword in her right hand. She protects fishermen from drowning, and from being caught by big fish.Bhāgīrathamma, riding on an elephant, and having eight or twelve hands. She helps fishermen when fishing at night, and protects them against cholera, dysentery, and other intestinal disorders.Nūkalamma.—Wears a red jacket and green skirt, and protects the fishing community against small-pox.Orosondi Ammavāru.—Prevents the boats from being sunk or damaged.Bhāgadēvi.—Rides on a tiger, and protects the community from cholera.Veyyi Kannula Ammavāru, or the goddess of a thousand eyes, represented by a pot pierced with holes, in which a gingelly (Sesamum) oil light is burnt. She attends to the general welfare of the fisher folk.Jāli(Acacia arabica).—A gōtra of Kurni.Jalli.—Jalli, meaning palm tassels put round the neck and horns of bulls, occurs as an exogamous sept of Jōgi. The name occurs further as a sub-division of Kevuto.Jāmbava.—A synonym of the Mādigas, who claim descent from the rishi Audi Jāmbavādu.Jambu(Eugenia Jambolana).—An exogamous sept of Oddē.Jāmbuvar(a monkey king with a bear’s face).—An exogamous sept of Kondaiyamkottai Maravan.Jamkhānvāla(carpet-maker).—An occupational name for Patnūlkārans and Patvēgars.Jammi(Prosopis spicigera).—A gōtra of Gollas, members of which may not use the tree. It is further a gōtra of Chembadis. Children of this caste who are named after the caste god Gurappa or Gurunāthadu are taken, when they are five, seven, or nine years old, to a jammi tree, and shaved after it has been worshipped with offerings of cooked food, etc. The jammi or sami tree is regarded as sacred all over India. Some orthodox Hindus, when they pass it, go round it, and salute it, repeating a Sanskrit verse to the effect that “the sami tree removes sins; it is the destroyer of enemies; it was the bearer of the bows and arrows of Arjuna, and the sight of it was very welcome to Rāma.”Janappan.—The Janappans, Mr. W. Francis writes,22“were originally a section of the Balijas, but they have now developed into a distinct caste. They seem to have been called Janappan, because they manufactured gunny-bags of hemp (janapa) fibre. In Tamil they are called Saluppa Chettis, Saluppan being the Tamil form of Janappan. Some of them have taken to calling themselves Dēsāyis or Dēsādhīpatis (rulers of countries), and say they are Balijas. They do not wear the sacred thread. The caste usually speaks Telugu, but in Madura there is a section, the women of which speak Tamil, and also are debarred from taking part in religious ceremonies, and, therefore, apparently belonged originally to some other caste.”In a note on the Janappans of the North Arcot district23Mr. H. A. Stuart states that Janappan is “the name of a caste, which engages in trade by hawking goods about the towns and villages. Originally they were merely manufacturers of gunny-bags out of hemp(janapa,Crotalaria juncea), and so obtained their name. But they are now met with as Dāsaris or religious beggars, sweetmeat-sellers, and hawkers of English cloths and other goods. By the time they have obtained to the last honourable profession, they assume to be Balijas. Telugu is their vernacular, and Chetti their usual caste name. According to their own tradition, they sprung from a yāgam (sacrificial rite) made by Brahma, and their remote ancestor thus produced was, they say, asked by the merchants of the country to invent some means for carrying about their wares. He obtained some seeds from the ashes of Brahma’s yāgam, which he sowed, and the plant which sprang up was the country hemp, which he manufactured into a gunny-bag. The Janapa Chettis are enterprising men in their way, and are much employed at the fairs at Gudiyāttam and other places as cattle-brokers.”The Saluppans say that they have twenty-four gōtras, which are divided into groups of sixteen and eight. Marriage is forbidden between members of the same group, but permitted between members of the sixteen and eight gōtras. Among the names of the gōtras, are the following:—Vasava.Vamme.Mummudi.Pilli Vankaravan.Makkiduvan.Thallelan.Gendagiri.Madalavan.Piligara.Mukkanda.Vadiya.Thonda.Kōla.The Janappans of the Telugu country also say that they have only twenty-four gōtras. Some of these are totemistic in character. Thus, members of the Kappala (frog) gōtra owe their name to a tradition that on oneoccasion, when some of the family were fishing, they caught a haul of big frogs instead of fish. Consequently, members of this gōtra do not injure frogs. Members of the Thonda or Thonda Mahā Rishi gōtra abstain from using the fruit or leaves of the thonda plant (Cephalandra indica). The fruits of this plant are among the commonest of native vegetables. In like manner, members of the Mukkanda sept may not use the fruit ofMomordica Charantia. Those of the Vamme gōtra abstain from eating the fish called bombadai, because, when some of their ancestors went to fetch water in the marriage pot, they found a number of this fish in the water collected in the pot. So, too, in the Kōla gōtra, the eating of the fish called kōlasi is forbidden.In their marriage customs, those who live in the Telugu country follow the Telugu Purānic form, while those who have settled in the Tamil country have adopted some of the marriage rites thereof. There are, however, some points of interest in their marriage ceremonies. On the day fixed for the betrothal, those assembled wait silently listening for the chirping of a lizard, which is an auspicious sign. It is said that the match is broken off, if the chirping is not heard. If the omen proves auspicious, a small bundle of nine to twelve kinds of pulses and grain is given by the bridegroom’s father to the father of the bride. This is preserved, and examined several days after the marriage. If the grain and pulses are in good condition, it is a sign that the newly married couple will have a prosperous career.There are both Saivites and Vaishnavites among these people, and the former predominate in the southern districts. Most of the Vaishnavites are disciples of Bhatrāzus. The Bhatrāzu priest goes round periodically, collecting his fees. Those amongthe Saivites who are religiously inclined are disciples of Pandārams of mutts (religious institutions). Those who have settled in the Salem district seem to consider Damayanti and Kāmātchi as the caste deities.The manufacture of gunny-bags is still carried on by some members of the caste, but they are mainly engaged in trade and agriculture. In the city of Madras, the sale of various kinds of fruits is largely in the hands of the Janappans.Sāthu vāndlu, meaning a company of merchants or travellers, occurs as a synonym of Janappan.In the Mysore Census Report, 1901, Janappa is returned as a sub-division of the Gōnigas, who are sack-weavers, and makers of gunny-bags.Jandāyi(flag).—An exogamous sept of Yānādi.Janga(calf of the leg).—An exogamous sept of Māla.Jangal Jāti.—A synonym, denoting jungle folk, of the Kurivikārans or Kāttu Marāthis.Jangam.—It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that “strictly speaking, a Jangam is a priest to the religious sect of Lingāyats, but the term is frequently loosely applied to any Lingāyat, which accounts for the large numbers under this head (102,121). Jangams proper are said to be of two classes, Pattādikāris, who have a definite head-quarters, and Charamūrtis, who go from village to village, preaching the principles of the Lingāyat sect. Many Jangams are priests to Sūdras who are not Lingāyats, others are merely religious beggars, and others of them go in for trade.” In the Census Report, 1891, it is further recorded that “the full name is Jangama Lingāyat, meaning those who always worship a moveable lingam, in contradistinction to the Sthāvara (immoveable) lingam of the temples.Only two of the sub-divisions returned are numerically important, Ganāyata and Sthāvara. The sub-division Sthāvara is curious, for a Sthāvara Jangam is a contradistinction in terms. This sub-division is found only in the two northern districts, and it is possible that the Jangam caste, as there found, is different from the ordinary Jangam, for, in the Vizagapatam District Manual, the Jangams are said to be tailors.” In the Telugu country Lingāyats are called Jangālu.The Ganta Jangams are so called, because they carry a metal bell (ganta).The Jangams are thus referred to by Pietro della Valle.24“At Ikkeri I saw certain Indian Friars, whom in their language they call Giangāma, and perhaps are the same with the sages seen by me elsewhere; but they have wives, and go with their faces smeared with ashes, yet not naked, but clad in certain extravagant habits, and a kind of hood or cowl upon their heads of dyed linen of that colour which is generally used amongst them, namely a reddish brick colour, with many bracelets upon their arms and legs, filled with something within that makes a jangling as they walk. I saw many persons come to kiss their feet, and, whilst such persons were kissing them, and, for more reverence, touching their feet with their foreheads, these Giangāmas stood firm with a seeming severity, and without taking notice of it, as if they had been abstracted from the things of the world.” (SeeLingāyat.)Janjapul(sacred thread).—An exogamous sept of Bōya.Janmi.—Janmi or Janmakāran means “proprietor”or“landlord”; the person in whom the janman title rests.Janman denotes (1) birth, birthright, proprietorship; (2) freehold property, which it was considered disgraceful to alienate. Janmabhogam is the share in the produce of the land, which is due to the Janmi.”25In 1805–1806, the Collector of Malabar obtained, for the purpose of carrying out a scheme of assessment approved by Government, a return from all proprietors of the seed, produce, etc., of all their fields. This return is usually known as the Janmi pymāish of 981 M.E. (Malabar era).26Writing to me concerning Malabar at the present day, a correspondent states that “in almost every tāluk we have jungle tribes, who call themselves the men of Janmis. In the old days, when forests were sold, the inhabitants were actually entered in the contract as part of the effects, as, in former times, the landlord sold theadscriptiorascripti glebæwith the land. Now that is not done. However, the relationship exists to the following extent, according to what a Tahsildar (native magistrate) tells me. The tribesmen roam about the forests at will, and each year select a place, which has lain fallow for five years or more for all kinds of cultivation. Sometimes they inform the Janmis that they have done so, sometimes they do not. Then, at harvest time, the Janmi, or his agent, goes up and takes his share of the produce. They never try to deceive the Janmi. He is asked to settle their disputes, but these are rare. They never go to law. The Janmi can call on them for labour, and they give it willingly. If badly treated, as they have been at times by encroaching plainsmen, they run off to another forest, and serve another Janmi. At the Ōnam festival they come withgifts for the Janmi, who stands them a feast. The relation between the jungle folk and the Janmi shows the instinct in a primitive people to have a lord. There seems to be no gain in having a Janmi. His protection is not needed, and he is hardly ever called in to interfere. If they refused to pay the Janmi his dues, he would find it very hard to get them. Still they keep him.” In the middle of the last century, when planters first began to settle in the Malabar Wynād, they purchased the land from the Janmis with the Paniyans living on it, who were practically slaves of the landowners.The hereditary rights and perquisites claimed, in their villages, by the astrologer, carpenter, goldsmith, washerman, barber, etc., are called Cherujanmam.Janni.—The name of the caste priests of Jātapus.Japanese.—At the Mysore census, 1901, two Japanese were returned. They were managers of the silk farm instituted on Japanese methods by Mr. Tata of Bombay in the vicinity of Bangalore.Jāt.—A few members of this North Indian class of Muhammadans, engaged in trade, have been returned at times of census in Mysore.Jātapu.—The Jātapus are defined, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as “a civilised section of the Khonds, who speak Khond on the hills and Telugu on the plains, and are now practically a distinct caste. They consider themselves superior to those Khonds who still eat beef and snakes, and have taken to some of the ways of the castes of the plains.”For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The name Jātapu is popularly believed to be an abbreviated form of Konda Jātapu Doralu, or lords of the Khond caste. To this caste the old chiefs of the Pālkonda Zamindāri are said to havebelonged. It is divided into a number of septs, such, for example, as:—Thōrika or Thōyika, who revere the thōrika kōdi, a species of wild fowl.Kādrika, who revere another species of fowl.Mamdangi, who revere the bull or cow.Addāku, who revere the addāku (Bauhinia racemosa), which is used by low-country people for eating-platters.Konda Gorrē, who revere a certain breed of sheep.Navalipitta, who revere the peacock.Arika, who revere the arika (Paspalum scrobiculatum).Other septs, recorded in the Census Report, 1901, are Koalaka (arrow), Kutraki (wild goat), and Vinka (white ant,Termes).Marriage is celebrated either before or after a girl reaches puberty. A man may claim his paternal aunt’s daughter as his wife. The marriage ceremonies closely resemble those of the low-country Telugu type. The bride-price, called vōli, is a new cloth for the bride’s mother, rice, various kinds of grain, and liquor. The bride is conducted to the house of the bridegroom, and a feast is held. On the following morning, the kāllagōlla sambramam (toe-nail cutting) ceremony takes place, and, later on, at an auspicious hour, the wrist threads (kankanam) are tied on the wrists of the contracting couple, and their hands joined together. They then bathe, and another feast is held. The remarriage of widows is allowed, and a younger brother may marry the widow of his elder brother. Divorce is permitted, and divorcées may remarry.The dead are usually buried, but those who die from snake-bite are said to be burnt. Death pollution lastsfor three days, during which the caste occupation of cultivating is not carried on. An annual ceremony is performed by each family in honour of the dead. A fowl or goat is killed, a portion of the day’s food collected in a plate, and placed on the roof of the house. Once in twenty years or so, all the castemen join together, and buy a pig or cow, which is sacrificed in honour of the ancestors.The caste goddess is Jākara Dēvata, who is propitiated with sacrifices of pigs, sheep, and buffaloes. When the crop is gathered in, the first fruits are offered to her, and then partaken of.The caste headman is called Nāyudu or Sāmanthi, and he is assisted by the Janni, or caste priest, who officiates at ceremonials, and summons council meetings.The caste titles are Dora, Naiko, and Sāmanto.Jātikīrtulu.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a class of beggars in the Cuddapah district. The name means those who praise the caste, and may have reference to the Bhatrāzus.Jāti Pillai(children of the caste).—A general name for beggars, who are attached to particular castes, from the members of which they receive alms, and at whose ceremonies they take part by carrying flags in processions, etc. It is their duty to uphold the dignity of the caste by reciting the story of its origin, and singing its praises. As examples of Jāti Pillais, the following may be cited:—Mailāri attached to Kōmatis.Vīramushti attached to Bēri Chettis and Kōmatis.Nōkkan attached to Pallis.Māstiga attached to Mādigas.It is recorded by Mr. M. Paupa Rao Naidu27that some Koravas, who go by the name of Jātipalli Koravas, “are prevalent in the southern districts of the Madras Presidency, moving always in gangs, and giving much trouble. Their women tattoo in return for grain, money, or cloths, and help their men in getting acquainted with the nature and contents of the houses.”Jaura.—The Jauras are a small Oriya caste, closely allied to the Khodūras, the members of which manufacture lac (jau) bangles and other articles. Lac, it may be noted, is largely used in India for the manufacture of bangles, rings, beads, and other trinkets worn as ornaments by women of the poorer classes. Dhippo (light) and mohiro (peacock) occur as common exogamous septs among the Jauras, and are objects of reverence. The Jauras are mainly Saivites, and Sūramangala and Bimmala are the caste deities. Titles used by members of the caste are Dansē, Sāhu, Dhōv, and Mahapātro.Javvādi(civet-cat).—An exogamous sept of Mēdara.Jelakuppa(a fish).—An exogamous sept of Kuruba.Jēn(honey).—A sub-division of Kurumba.Jenna.—A title of Oriya castes,e.g., Bolāsi and Kālinji.Jerribōtula(centipedes).—An exogamous sept of Bōya.Jetti.—A Telugu caste of professional wrestlers and gymnasts, who, in the Telugu districts, shampoo and rub in ointments to cure nerve pains and other disorders. In Tanjore, though living in a Tamil environment, they speak Telugu. They wear the sacred thread, and consider themselves to be of superior caste, never descending to any degrading work. During the daysof the Rājas of Tanjore, they were employed in guarding the treasury and jewel rooms. But, since the death of the late Rāja, most of them have emigrated to Mysore and other Native States, a few only remaining in Tanjore, and residing in the fort.The Jettis, in Mysore, are said28to have been sometimes employed as executioners, and to have despatched their victim by a twist of the neck.29Thus, in the last war against Tīpu Sultān, General Matthews had his head wrung from his body by the “tiger fangs of the Jetties, a set of slaves trained up to gratify their master with their infernal species of dexterity.”30They are still considered skilful in setting dislocated joints. In a note regarding them in the early part of the last century, Wilks writes as follows. “These persons constitute a distinct caste, trained from their infancy in daily exercises for the express purpose of exhibitions; and perhaps the whole world does not produce more perfect forms than those which are exhibited at these interesting but cruel sports. The combatants, clad in a single garment of light orange-coloured drawers extending half-way down the thigh, have their right arm furnished with a weapon, which, for want of a more appropriate term, we shall name a cæstus, although different from the Roman instruments of that name. It is composed of buffalo horn, fitted to the hand, and pointed with four knobs, resembling very sharp knuckles, and corresponding to their situation, with a fifth of greater prominence at the end nearest the little finger, and at right angles with the other four. This instrument, properly placed, would enable a manof ordinary strength to cleave open the head of his adversary at a blow; but, the fingers being introduced through the weapon, it is fastened across them at an equal distance between the first and second lower joints, in a situation, it will be observed, which does not admit of attempting a severe blow, without the risk of dislocating the first joints of all the fingers. Thus armed, and adorned with garlands of flowers, the successive pairs of combatants, previously matched by the masters of the feast, are led into the arena; their names and abodes are proclaimed; and, after making their prostrations, first to the Rāja seated on his ivory throne, and then to the lattices behind which the ladies of the court are seated, they proceed to the combat, first divesting themselves of the garlands, and strewing the flowers gracefully over the arena. The combat is a mixture of wrestling and boxing, if the latter may be so named. The head is the exclusive object permitted to be struck. Before the end of the contest, both of the combatants may frequently be observed streaming with blood from the crown of the head down to the sand of the arena. When victory seems to have declared itself, or the contest is too severely maintained, the moderators in attendance on the Rāja make a signal for its cessation by throwing down turbans and robes, to be presented to the combatants. The victor frequently goes off the arena in four or five somersaults, to denote that he retires fresh from the contest. The Jettis are divided into five classes, and the ordinary price of victory is promotion to a higher class. There are distinct rewards for the first class, and in their old age they are promoted to be masters of the feast.”In an account of sports held before Tīpu Sultān at Seringapatam, James Scurry, who was one of hisprisoners, writes as follows.31“The getiees would be sent for, who always approached with their masters at their head, and, after prostration, and making their grand salams, touching the ground each time, they would be paired, one school against another. They had on their right hands the wood-guamootie (wajramushti) of four steel talons, which were fixed to each back joint of their fingers, and had a terrific appearance when their fists were closed. Their heads were close shaved, their bodies oiled, and they wore only a pair of short drawers. On being matched, and the signal given from Tippu, they begin the combat, always by throwing the flowers, which they wear round their necks, in each other’s faces; watching an opportunity of striking with the right hand, on which they wore this mischievous weapon which never failed lacerating the flesh, and drawing blood most copiously. Some pairs would close instantly, and no matter which was under, for the gripe was the whole; they were in general taught to suit their holds to their opponent’s body, with every part of which, as far as concerned them, they were well acquainted. If one got a hold against which his antagonist could not guard, he would be the conqueror; they would frequently break each other’s legs and arms; and, if anyway tardy, Tippu had means of infusing spirit into them, for there were always two stout fellows behind each, with instruments in their hands that would soon put them to work. They were obliged to fight as long as Tippu pleased, unless completely crippled, and, if they behaved well, they were generally rewarded with a turban and shawl, the quality being according to their merit.”The Jettis of Mysore still have in their possession knuckle-dusters of the type described above, and take part annually in matches during the Dasara festival. A Jetti police constable, whom I saw at Channapatna, had wrestled at Baroda, and at the court of Nepal, and narrated to me with pride how a wrestler came from Madras to Bangalore, and challenged any one to a match. A Jetti engaged to meet him in two matches for Rs. 500 each, and, after going in for a short course of training, walked round him in each encounter, and won the money easily.The Mysore Jettis are said to be called, in some places, Mushtigas. And some are stated to use a jargon called Mallabāsha.32Jetti further occurs as the name of an exogamous sept of the Kavarais.Jew.—It has been said by a recent writer that “there is hardly a more curious, and in some respects one might almost say a more weird sight than the Jew town, which lies beyond the British Settlement at Cochin. Crossing over the lagoon from the beautiful little island of Bolghotty, where the British Residency for the Cochin State nestles in a bower of tropical vegetation, one lands amidst cocoanut trees, opposite to one of the old palaces of the Cochin Rājahs, and, passing through a native bazaar crowded with dark-skinned Malayālis, one turns off abruptly into a long narrow street, where faces as white as those of any northern European race, but Semitic in every feature, transport one suddenly in mind to the Jewish quarter in Jerusalem, or rather perhaps to someghettoin a Polish city.”In the preparation of the following note, I have been much indebted to the Cochin Census Report, 1901, and to a series of articles published by Mr. Elkan N. Adler in the Jewish Chronicle.33The circumstances under which, and the time when the Jews migrated to the Malabar Coast, are wrapped in obscurity. They themselves are able to give accounts of only isolated incidents, since whatever records they had were lost at the destruction by the Portuguese of their original settlement at Cranganūr in 1565, and by the destruction at a later period of such fragments as remained in their possession in the struggle between the Portuguese and the Dutch, for the Portuguese, suspecting that the Jews had helped the Dutch, plundered their synagogue in Cochin.It is recorded by the Dutch Governor Moens34that “when Heer van Goens besieged Cochin, the Jews were quite eager to provide the troops of the Dutch Company with victuals, and to afford them all the assistance they could, hoping that they would enjoy under this Company the greatest possible civil and religious liberty; but, when the above-mentioned troops were compelled to leave this coast before the end of the good monsoon, without having been able to take Cochin, the Portuguese did not fail to make the Jews feel the terrible consequences of their revenge. For, no sooner had the Dutch retreated, than a detachment of soldiers was sent to the Jewish quarters, which were pillaged and set fire to, whilst the inhabitants fled to the high-lands, and returned only after Cochin was taken by the Dutch.“The Jews, who still hold that the Malabar Israelites were in possession of an old copy of the Sepher Thora, say that this copy, and all other documents, got lost on the occasion when the Portuguese destroyed the Jewish quarters, but this is not likely. For, whereas they had time to save their most valuable property according to their own testimony, and to take it to the mountains, they would not have failed to take along with them these documents, which were to them of inestimable value. For it is related that for a new copy of the Pentateuch which at that time was in their synagogue they had so much respect, and took such great care of it, that they even secured this copy, and took it along, and (when they returned) carried it back with great rejoicing, as it was done in olden times with the Ark of the Covenant.”Writing in the eighteenth century, Captain Hamilton states35that the Jews “have a synagogue at Cochin, not far from the King’s Palace, in which are carefully kept their Records, engraven on copper plates in Hebrew characters; and when any of the characters decay, they are new cut, so that they can show their own History from the Reign of Nebuchadnezzar to this present time. Myn Heer Van Reeda, about the year 1695, had an Abstract of their History translated from the Hebrew into low Dutch. They declare themselves to be of the Tribe of Manasseh, a Part whereof was, by order of that haughty Conqueror Nebuchadnezzar, carried to the easternmost Province of his large Empire, which, it seems, reached as far as Cape Comerin, which journey 200,000 of them travelled in three years from their setting out of Babylon.”The elders of the White Jews of Cochin have in their possession a charter on two copper plates in Vatteluttu character, “the original character which once prevailed over nearly all the Tamil country and south-west coast, but which has long ceased to be used in the former place, and, in the latter, is now only known in a later form, used for drawing up documents by Hindu Rājas.”36Concerning this copper-plate charter, Mr. Adler writes that “the white Jews say that they have always held it; the black Jews contend that it was originally theirs. The title-deed is quaint in many ways. It consists of three strips of copper, one of which is blank, one etched on both sides, and the third on one side only. The characters are made legible by being rubbed with whitening. The copper plates have a round hole in the corner, through which a string was passed to tie them together under seal, but the seal is lost. They are now kept together by a thin and narrow copper band, which just fits.”Taking Dr. Gundert’s37and Mr. Ellis’38translation of the charter as guides, Mr. Burnell translates it as follows:—39Svastī Sri.—The king of kings has ordered (This is) the act of grace ordered by His Majesty Srî Pârkaran Iravi Vanmar40wielding the sceptre and reigning in a hundred thousand places, (in) the year (which is) the opposite to the second year, the thirty-sixth year, (on) the day he designed to abide in Mûyirikkôdu.41We have given to Isuppu Irabbân42Ansuvannam (as a principality), and seventy-two proprietary rights (appertaining to the dignity of a feudal lord) also tribute by reverence (?) and offerings, and the profits of Ansuvannam, and day-lamps, and broad garments (as opposed to the custom of Malabar), and palankins, and umbrellas, and large drums, and trumpets, and small drums and garlands, and garlands across streets, etc., and the like, and seventy-two free houses. Moreover, we have granted by this document on copper that he shall not pay the taxes paid by the houses of the city into the royal treasury, and the (above-said) privileges to hold (them). To Isuppu Irabbân, prince of Ansuvannam, and to his descendants, his sons and daughters, and to his nephews, and to (the nephews) of his daughters in natural succession, Ansuvannam (is) an hereditary estate, as long as the world and moon exist. Srî. The charter is witnessed by various local chiefs.A somewhat different reading is given by Dr. G. Oppert43who renders the translation as follows:—“Hail and happiness! The King of Kings, His Holiness Srî Bhaskara Ravi Varma, who wields the sceptre in many hundred thousand places, has made this decree on the day that he was pleased to dwell in Muyirikodu in the thirty-sixth year of his reign. We have granted unto Joseph Rabban Anjavannan the [dignity of] Prince, with all the seventy-two rights of ownership. He shall [enjoy] the revenues from female elephants and riding animals, and the income of Anjavannan. He is entitled to be honoured by lamps by day, and to use broad-cloth and sedan chairs,and the umbrella and the drums of the north and trumpets, and little drums, and gates, and garlands over the streets, and wreaths, and so on. We have granted unto him the land tax and weight tax. Moreover, we have by these copper tablets sanctioned that, when the houses of the city have to pay taxes to the palace, he need not pay, and he shall enjoy other privileges like unto these. To Joseph Rabbān, the prince of Anjavannam, and to his descendants, and to his sons and daughters, and to the nephews and sons-in-law of his daughters, in natural succession, so long as the world and moon exist, Anjuvannam shall be his hereditary possession.” It is suggested by Dr. Oppert that Anjuvannam is identical with the fifth or foreign caste.Dr. E. Hultzsch, the latest authority on the subject of the copper plates, gives the following translation:44“Hail! Prosperity! (The following) gift (prasāda) was graciously made by him who had assumed the title ‘King of Kings’ (Kōgōn), His Majesty (tiruvadi) the King (kō), the glorious Bhāskara Ravivarman, in the time during which (he) was wielding the sceptre and ruling over many hundred thousands of places, in the thirty-sixth year after the second year, on the day on which (he) was pleased to stay at Muyirikkōdu. We have given to Īssuppu Irappān (the village of) Anjuvannam, together with the seventy-two proprietary rights (viz.), the tolls on female elephants and other riding-animals, the revenue of Anjuvannam, a lamp in day-time, a cloth spread (in front to walk on), a palanquin, a parasol, a Vaduga (i.e., Telugu?) drum, a large trumpet, a gateway, an arch, a canopy (in the shape) of an arch,a garland, and so forth. We have remitted tolls and the tax on balances. Moreover, we have granted with (these) copper-leaves that he need not pay (the dues) which the (other) inhabitants of the city pay to the royal palace (kōyil), and that (he) may enjoy (the benefits) which (they) enjoy. To Īssuppu Irappān of Anjuvannam, to the male children and to the female children born of him, to his nephews, and to the sons-in-law who have married (his) daughters (we have given) Anjuvannam (as) an hereditary estate for as long as the world and the moon shall exist. Hail! Thus do I know, Gōvardhana-Mārtāndan of Vēnādu. Thus do I know, Kōdai Srīkanthan of Vēnāpalinādu. Thus do I know, Mānavēpala-Mānavyan of Erālanādu. Thus do I know, Īrāyiram of Valluvanādu. Thus do I know, Kōdai Ravi of Nedumpuraiyūrnādu. Thus do I know, Mūrkham Sāttan, who holds the office of sub-commander of the forces. The writing of the Under-Secretary Van—Talaisēri—Gandan Kunrappōlan.”“The date of the inscription,” Dr. Hultzsch adds, “was the thirty-sixth year opposite to the second year. As I have shown on a previous occasion,45the meaning of this mysterious phrase is probably ‘the thirty-sixth year (of the king’s coronation, which took place) after the second year (of the king’s yauvarājya).’ The inscription records a grant which the king made to Īssuppu Irappān,i.e., Joseph Rabbān. The occurrence of this Semitic name, combined with the two facts that the plates are still with the Cochin Jews, and that the latter possess a Hebrew translation of the document, proves that the donee was a member of the ancient Jewish colony on the western coast. The grant was made at Muriyikkōdu.The Hebrew translation identifies this place with Kodunnallūr (Cranganore), where the Jewish colonists resided, until the bad treatment which they received at the hands of the Portuguese induced them to settle near Cochin. The object of the grant was Anjuvannam. This word means ‘the five castes,’ and may have the designation of that quarter of Cranganore, in which the five classes of Artisans—Ain-Kammālar, as they are called in the smaller Kōttayam grant—resided.”In a note on the Kōttayam plate of Vīra Rāghava, which is in the possession of the Syrian Christians, Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya writes as follows.46“Vīra-Rāghava conferred the title of Manigrāmam on the merchant Iravikkorran. Similarly Anjuvannam was bestowed by the Cochin plates on the Jew Joseph Rabbān. The old Malayālam work Payyanūr Pattōla, which Dr. Gundert considered the oldest specimen of Malayālam composition, refers to Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam. The context in which the two names occur in this work implies that they were trading institutions. In the Kōttayam plates of Sthānu Ravi, both Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam are frequently mentioned. Both of them were appointed along with the six hundred to be ‘the protectors’ of the grant. They were ‘to preserve the proceeds of the customs duty as they were collected day by day,’ and ‘to receive the landlord’s portion of the rent on land. If any injustice be done to them, they may withhold the customs and the tax on balances, and remedy themselves the injury done to them. Should they themselves commit a crime, they are themselves to have the investigation of it.’ To Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam was granted the freehold of the lands ofthe town (of Kollam?). From these extracts, and from the reference in the Payyanūr Pattōla, it appears that Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam were semi-independent trading corporations. The epithet Setti (merchant) given to Ravikkorran, the trade rights granted to him, and the sources of revenue thrown open to him as head of Manigrāmam, confirm the view that the latter was a trading corporation. There is nothing either in the Cochin grant, or in the subjoined inscription to show that Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam were, as believed by Dr. Gundert and others, Jewish and Christian principalities, respectively. It was supposed by Dr. Burnell that the plate of Vīra-Rāghavacreatedthe principality of Manigrāmam, and the Cochin plates that of Anjuvannam, and that, consequently, the existence of these two grants is presupposed by the plates of Sthānu Ravi, which mention both Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam very often. The Cochin plates did notcreateAnjuvannam, but conferred the honours and privileges connected therewith to a Jew named Joseph Rabbān. Similarly, the rights and honours associated with the other corporation, Manigrāmam, was bestowed at a later period on Ravikkorran. Therefore, Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam must have existed as institutions even before the earliest of these three copper-plates was issued. It is just possible that Ravikkorran was a Christian by religion. But his name and title give no clue in this direction, and there is nothing Christian in the document, except its possession by the present owners.”It is recorded by Mr. Francis Day47that Governor Moens obtained three different translations of the plates,and gave as the most correct version one, in which the following words occur:—“We, Erawi, Wanwara, Emperor of Malabar ... give this deed of rights to the good Joseph Rabbān, that he may use the five colours, spread his religion among the five castes.” Mr. Burnell, however, notes that Dr. Gundert has ascertained beyond doubt that Anjuvannan (literally five colours) does not mean some privilege, but is the name of a place.Concerning the copper-plates, Governor Moens writes thus. “The following translation is by the Jewish merchant Ezechiel Rabby, who was an earnest explorer of anything that had any connection with his nation. After this I will give another translation, which I got from our second interpreter Barend Deventer, who was assisted by an old and literary inhabitant of Malabar; and lastly I will add a third one, which I obtained from our first interpreter Simon of Tongeren, assisted by a heathen scribe of Calicut, in order thus not to allow the Jews to be the judges in their own affair, but rather to enable the reader to judge for himself in this doubtful matter. The first translation runs thus:—

VizagapatamBuguri sept.RevalpatnamJonna sept.BimlipatamSundra sept.The Jālāris are unable to explain the significance of this “counting towns,” as they call it. Possibly Peddapatnam was their original home, from which particular septs emigrated to other towns. On the second day of the marriage ceremonies, the tying of the sathamānam (marriage badge) takes place. The bridegroom, after going in procession through the streets, enters the house at which the marriage is to be celebrated. At the entrance, the maternal uncle of the bride stands holding in his crossed hands two vessels, one of which contains water, and the other water with jaggery (crude sugar) dissolved in it. The bridegroom is expected to take hold of the vessel containing the sweetened water before he enters, and is fined if he fails to do so. When the bridegroom approaches the pandal, some married women hold a bamboo pole between him and the pandal, and a new earthen pot is carried thrice round the pole. While this is being done, the bride joins the bridegroom, and the couple enter the pandal beneath a cloth held up to form a canopy in front thereof. This ceremonial takes place towards evening, as the marriage badge is tied on the bride’s neck during the night. An interesting feature in connection with the procession is that a pole calleddigametlu (shoulder-pole), with two baskets tied to the ends, is carried. In one of the baskets a number of sieves and small baskets are placed, and in the other one or more cats. This digametlu is always referred to by the Vādas when they are questioned as to the difference between their marriage ceremonies and those of the Jālāris. Other castes laugh at this custom, and it is consequently dying out.The Jālāris always marry young girls. One reason assigned for this is “the income to married young girls” at the time of the marriage ceremonies. Two or more married couples are invited to remain at the house in which the marriage takes place, to help the bridal couple in their toilette, and assist at the nalagu, evil eye waving, and other rites. They are rewarded for their services with presents. Another instance of infant marriage being the rule on account of pecuniary gain is found among the Dikshitar Brāhmans of Chidambaram. Only married males have a voice in temple affairs, and receive a share of the temple income. Consequently, boys are sometimes married when they are seven or eight years old. At every Jālāri marriage, meals must be given to the castemen, a rupee to the representatives of the patnams, twelve annas to the headman and his assistant, and three rupees to the Mālas.Like other Telugu castes, the Jālāris have intipērus (septs), which resemble those of the Vādas. Among them, Jonna and Buguri are common. In their religious observances, the Jālāris closely follow the Vādas.The Madras Museum possesses a collection of clay and wooden figures, such as are worshipped by the fishing castes at Gopalpūr, and other places on the Ganjam coast. Concerning these, Mr. J. D’A. C. Reilly writes to me as follows. The specimens represent thechief gods worshipped by the fishermen. The Tahsildar of Berhampūr got them made by the potters and carpenters, who usually make such figures for the Gopalpūr fishermen. I have found fishermen’s shrines at several places. Separate families appear to have separate shrines, some consisting of large chatties (earthen pots), occasionally ornamented, and turned upside down, with an opening on one side. Others are made of bricks and chunam (lime). All that I have seen had their opening towards the sea. Two classes of figures are placed in these shrines, viz., clay figures of gods, which are worshipped before fishing expeditions, and when there is danger from a particular disease which they prevent; and wooden figures of deceased relations, which are quite as imaginative as the clay figures. Figures of gods and relations are placed in the same family shrine. There are hundreds of gods to choose from, and the selection appears to be a matter of family taste and tradition. The figures which I have sent were made by a potter at Venkatarayapalle, and painted by a carpenter at Uppulapatti, both villages near Gopalpūr. The Tahsildar tells me that, when he was inspecting them at the Gopalpūr traveller’s bungalow, sixty or seventyfishermenobjected to their gods being taken away. He pacified them by telling them that it was because the Government had heard of their devotion to their gods that they wanted to have some of them in Madras. The collection of clay figures includes the following:—Bengali Babu.—Wears a hat, and rides on a black horse. He blesses the fishermen, secures large hauls of fish for them, and guards them against danger when out fishing.Sāmalamma.—Wears a red skirt and green coat and protects the fishermen from fever.Rājamma, a female figure, with a sword in her right hand, riding on a black elephant. She blesses barren women with children, and favours her devotees with big catches when they go out fishing.Yerenamma, riding on a white horse, with a sword in her right hand. She protects fishermen from drowning, and from being caught by big fish.Bhāgīrathamma, riding on an elephant, and having eight or twelve hands. She helps fishermen when fishing at night, and protects them against cholera, dysentery, and other intestinal disorders.Nūkalamma.—Wears a red jacket and green skirt, and protects the fishing community against small-pox.Orosondi Ammavāru.—Prevents the boats from being sunk or damaged.Bhāgadēvi.—Rides on a tiger, and protects the community from cholera.Veyyi Kannula Ammavāru, or the goddess of a thousand eyes, represented by a pot pierced with holes, in which a gingelly (Sesamum) oil light is burnt. She attends to the general welfare of the fisher folk.Jāli(Acacia arabica).—A gōtra of Kurni.Jalli.—Jalli, meaning palm tassels put round the neck and horns of bulls, occurs as an exogamous sept of Jōgi. The name occurs further as a sub-division of Kevuto.Jāmbava.—A synonym of the Mādigas, who claim descent from the rishi Audi Jāmbavādu.Jambu(Eugenia Jambolana).—An exogamous sept of Oddē.Jāmbuvar(a monkey king with a bear’s face).—An exogamous sept of Kondaiyamkottai Maravan.Jamkhānvāla(carpet-maker).—An occupational name for Patnūlkārans and Patvēgars.Jammi(Prosopis spicigera).—A gōtra of Gollas, members of which may not use the tree. It is further a gōtra of Chembadis. Children of this caste who are named after the caste god Gurappa or Gurunāthadu are taken, when they are five, seven, or nine years old, to a jammi tree, and shaved after it has been worshipped with offerings of cooked food, etc. The jammi or sami tree is regarded as sacred all over India. Some orthodox Hindus, when they pass it, go round it, and salute it, repeating a Sanskrit verse to the effect that “the sami tree removes sins; it is the destroyer of enemies; it was the bearer of the bows and arrows of Arjuna, and the sight of it was very welcome to Rāma.”Janappan.—The Janappans, Mr. W. Francis writes,22“were originally a section of the Balijas, but they have now developed into a distinct caste. They seem to have been called Janappan, because they manufactured gunny-bags of hemp (janapa) fibre. In Tamil they are called Saluppa Chettis, Saluppan being the Tamil form of Janappan. Some of them have taken to calling themselves Dēsāyis or Dēsādhīpatis (rulers of countries), and say they are Balijas. They do not wear the sacred thread. The caste usually speaks Telugu, but in Madura there is a section, the women of which speak Tamil, and also are debarred from taking part in religious ceremonies, and, therefore, apparently belonged originally to some other caste.”In a note on the Janappans of the North Arcot district23Mr. H. A. Stuart states that Janappan is “the name of a caste, which engages in trade by hawking goods about the towns and villages. Originally they were merely manufacturers of gunny-bags out of hemp(janapa,Crotalaria juncea), and so obtained their name. But they are now met with as Dāsaris or religious beggars, sweetmeat-sellers, and hawkers of English cloths and other goods. By the time they have obtained to the last honourable profession, they assume to be Balijas. Telugu is their vernacular, and Chetti their usual caste name. According to their own tradition, they sprung from a yāgam (sacrificial rite) made by Brahma, and their remote ancestor thus produced was, they say, asked by the merchants of the country to invent some means for carrying about their wares. He obtained some seeds from the ashes of Brahma’s yāgam, which he sowed, and the plant which sprang up was the country hemp, which he manufactured into a gunny-bag. The Janapa Chettis are enterprising men in their way, and are much employed at the fairs at Gudiyāttam and other places as cattle-brokers.”The Saluppans say that they have twenty-four gōtras, which are divided into groups of sixteen and eight. Marriage is forbidden between members of the same group, but permitted between members of the sixteen and eight gōtras. Among the names of the gōtras, are the following:—Vasava.Vamme.Mummudi.Pilli Vankaravan.Makkiduvan.Thallelan.Gendagiri.Madalavan.Piligara.Mukkanda.Vadiya.Thonda.Kōla.The Janappans of the Telugu country also say that they have only twenty-four gōtras. Some of these are totemistic in character. Thus, members of the Kappala (frog) gōtra owe their name to a tradition that on oneoccasion, when some of the family were fishing, they caught a haul of big frogs instead of fish. Consequently, members of this gōtra do not injure frogs. Members of the Thonda or Thonda Mahā Rishi gōtra abstain from using the fruit or leaves of the thonda plant (Cephalandra indica). The fruits of this plant are among the commonest of native vegetables. In like manner, members of the Mukkanda sept may not use the fruit ofMomordica Charantia. Those of the Vamme gōtra abstain from eating the fish called bombadai, because, when some of their ancestors went to fetch water in the marriage pot, they found a number of this fish in the water collected in the pot. So, too, in the Kōla gōtra, the eating of the fish called kōlasi is forbidden.In their marriage customs, those who live in the Telugu country follow the Telugu Purānic form, while those who have settled in the Tamil country have adopted some of the marriage rites thereof. There are, however, some points of interest in their marriage ceremonies. On the day fixed for the betrothal, those assembled wait silently listening for the chirping of a lizard, which is an auspicious sign. It is said that the match is broken off, if the chirping is not heard. If the omen proves auspicious, a small bundle of nine to twelve kinds of pulses and grain is given by the bridegroom’s father to the father of the bride. This is preserved, and examined several days after the marriage. If the grain and pulses are in good condition, it is a sign that the newly married couple will have a prosperous career.There are both Saivites and Vaishnavites among these people, and the former predominate in the southern districts. Most of the Vaishnavites are disciples of Bhatrāzus. The Bhatrāzu priest goes round periodically, collecting his fees. Those amongthe Saivites who are religiously inclined are disciples of Pandārams of mutts (religious institutions). Those who have settled in the Salem district seem to consider Damayanti and Kāmātchi as the caste deities.The manufacture of gunny-bags is still carried on by some members of the caste, but they are mainly engaged in trade and agriculture. In the city of Madras, the sale of various kinds of fruits is largely in the hands of the Janappans.Sāthu vāndlu, meaning a company of merchants or travellers, occurs as a synonym of Janappan.In the Mysore Census Report, 1901, Janappa is returned as a sub-division of the Gōnigas, who are sack-weavers, and makers of gunny-bags.Jandāyi(flag).—An exogamous sept of Yānādi.Janga(calf of the leg).—An exogamous sept of Māla.Jangal Jāti.—A synonym, denoting jungle folk, of the Kurivikārans or Kāttu Marāthis.Jangam.—It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that “strictly speaking, a Jangam is a priest to the religious sect of Lingāyats, but the term is frequently loosely applied to any Lingāyat, which accounts for the large numbers under this head (102,121). Jangams proper are said to be of two classes, Pattādikāris, who have a definite head-quarters, and Charamūrtis, who go from village to village, preaching the principles of the Lingāyat sect. Many Jangams are priests to Sūdras who are not Lingāyats, others are merely religious beggars, and others of them go in for trade.” In the Census Report, 1891, it is further recorded that “the full name is Jangama Lingāyat, meaning those who always worship a moveable lingam, in contradistinction to the Sthāvara (immoveable) lingam of the temples.Only two of the sub-divisions returned are numerically important, Ganāyata and Sthāvara. The sub-division Sthāvara is curious, for a Sthāvara Jangam is a contradistinction in terms. This sub-division is found only in the two northern districts, and it is possible that the Jangam caste, as there found, is different from the ordinary Jangam, for, in the Vizagapatam District Manual, the Jangams are said to be tailors.” In the Telugu country Lingāyats are called Jangālu.The Ganta Jangams are so called, because they carry a metal bell (ganta).The Jangams are thus referred to by Pietro della Valle.24“At Ikkeri I saw certain Indian Friars, whom in their language they call Giangāma, and perhaps are the same with the sages seen by me elsewhere; but they have wives, and go with their faces smeared with ashes, yet not naked, but clad in certain extravagant habits, and a kind of hood or cowl upon their heads of dyed linen of that colour which is generally used amongst them, namely a reddish brick colour, with many bracelets upon their arms and legs, filled with something within that makes a jangling as they walk. I saw many persons come to kiss their feet, and, whilst such persons were kissing them, and, for more reverence, touching their feet with their foreheads, these Giangāmas stood firm with a seeming severity, and without taking notice of it, as if they had been abstracted from the things of the world.” (SeeLingāyat.)Janjapul(sacred thread).—An exogamous sept of Bōya.Janmi.—Janmi or Janmakāran means “proprietor”or“landlord”; the person in whom the janman title rests.Janman denotes (1) birth, birthright, proprietorship; (2) freehold property, which it was considered disgraceful to alienate. Janmabhogam is the share in the produce of the land, which is due to the Janmi.”25In 1805–1806, the Collector of Malabar obtained, for the purpose of carrying out a scheme of assessment approved by Government, a return from all proprietors of the seed, produce, etc., of all their fields. This return is usually known as the Janmi pymāish of 981 M.E. (Malabar era).26Writing to me concerning Malabar at the present day, a correspondent states that “in almost every tāluk we have jungle tribes, who call themselves the men of Janmis. In the old days, when forests were sold, the inhabitants were actually entered in the contract as part of the effects, as, in former times, the landlord sold theadscriptiorascripti glebæwith the land. Now that is not done. However, the relationship exists to the following extent, according to what a Tahsildar (native magistrate) tells me. The tribesmen roam about the forests at will, and each year select a place, which has lain fallow for five years or more for all kinds of cultivation. Sometimes they inform the Janmis that they have done so, sometimes they do not. Then, at harvest time, the Janmi, or his agent, goes up and takes his share of the produce. They never try to deceive the Janmi. He is asked to settle their disputes, but these are rare. They never go to law. The Janmi can call on them for labour, and they give it willingly. If badly treated, as they have been at times by encroaching plainsmen, they run off to another forest, and serve another Janmi. At the Ōnam festival they come withgifts for the Janmi, who stands them a feast. The relation between the jungle folk and the Janmi shows the instinct in a primitive people to have a lord. There seems to be no gain in having a Janmi. His protection is not needed, and he is hardly ever called in to interfere. If they refused to pay the Janmi his dues, he would find it very hard to get them. Still they keep him.” In the middle of the last century, when planters first began to settle in the Malabar Wynād, they purchased the land from the Janmis with the Paniyans living on it, who were practically slaves of the landowners.The hereditary rights and perquisites claimed, in their villages, by the astrologer, carpenter, goldsmith, washerman, barber, etc., are called Cherujanmam.Janni.—The name of the caste priests of Jātapus.Japanese.—At the Mysore census, 1901, two Japanese were returned. They were managers of the silk farm instituted on Japanese methods by Mr. Tata of Bombay in the vicinity of Bangalore.Jāt.—A few members of this North Indian class of Muhammadans, engaged in trade, have been returned at times of census in Mysore.Jātapu.—The Jātapus are defined, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as “a civilised section of the Khonds, who speak Khond on the hills and Telugu on the plains, and are now practically a distinct caste. They consider themselves superior to those Khonds who still eat beef and snakes, and have taken to some of the ways of the castes of the plains.”For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The name Jātapu is popularly believed to be an abbreviated form of Konda Jātapu Doralu, or lords of the Khond caste. To this caste the old chiefs of the Pālkonda Zamindāri are said to havebelonged. It is divided into a number of septs, such, for example, as:—Thōrika or Thōyika, who revere the thōrika kōdi, a species of wild fowl.Kādrika, who revere another species of fowl.Mamdangi, who revere the bull or cow.Addāku, who revere the addāku (Bauhinia racemosa), which is used by low-country people for eating-platters.Konda Gorrē, who revere a certain breed of sheep.Navalipitta, who revere the peacock.Arika, who revere the arika (Paspalum scrobiculatum).Other septs, recorded in the Census Report, 1901, are Koalaka (arrow), Kutraki (wild goat), and Vinka (white ant,Termes).Marriage is celebrated either before or after a girl reaches puberty. A man may claim his paternal aunt’s daughter as his wife. The marriage ceremonies closely resemble those of the low-country Telugu type. The bride-price, called vōli, is a new cloth for the bride’s mother, rice, various kinds of grain, and liquor. The bride is conducted to the house of the bridegroom, and a feast is held. On the following morning, the kāllagōlla sambramam (toe-nail cutting) ceremony takes place, and, later on, at an auspicious hour, the wrist threads (kankanam) are tied on the wrists of the contracting couple, and their hands joined together. They then bathe, and another feast is held. The remarriage of widows is allowed, and a younger brother may marry the widow of his elder brother. Divorce is permitted, and divorcées may remarry.The dead are usually buried, but those who die from snake-bite are said to be burnt. Death pollution lastsfor three days, during which the caste occupation of cultivating is not carried on. An annual ceremony is performed by each family in honour of the dead. A fowl or goat is killed, a portion of the day’s food collected in a plate, and placed on the roof of the house. Once in twenty years or so, all the castemen join together, and buy a pig or cow, which is sacrificed in honour of the ancestors.The caste goddess is Jākara Dēvata, who is propitiated with sacrifices of pigs, sheep, and buffaloes. When the crop is gathered in, the first fruits are offered to her, and then partaken of.The caste headman is called Nāyudu or Sāmanthi, and he is assisted by the Janni, or caste priest, who officiates at ceremonials, and summons council meetings.The caste titles are Dora, Naiko, and Sāmanto.Jātikīrtulu.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a class of beggars in the Cuddapah district. The name means those who praise the caste, and may have reference to the Bhatrāzus.Jāti Pillai(children of the caste).—A general name for beggars, who are attached to particular castes, from the members of which they receive alms, and at whose ceremonies they take part by carrying flags in processions, etc. It is their duty to uphold the dignity of the caste by reciting the story of its origin, and singing its praises. As examples of Jāti Pillais, the following may be cited:—Mailāri attached to Kōmatis.Vīramushti attached to Bēri Chettis and Kōmatis.Nōkkan attached to Pallis.Māstiga attached to Mādigas.It is recorded by Mr. M. Paupa Rao Naidu27that some Koravas, who go by the name of Jātipalli Koravas, “are prevalent in the southern districts of the Madras Presidency, moving always in gangs, and giving much trouble. Their women tattoo in return for grain, money, or cloths, and help their men in getting acquainted with the nature and contents of the houses.”Jaura.—The Jauras are a small Oriya caste, closely allied to the Khodūras, the members of which manufacture lac (jau) bangles and other articles. Lac, it may be noted, is largely used in India for the manufacture of bangles, rings, beads, and other trinkets worn as ornaments by women of the poorer classes. Dhippo (light) and mohiro (peacock) occur as common exogamous septs among the Jauras, and are objects of reverence. The Jauras are mainly Saivites, and Sūramangala and Bimmala are the caste deities. Titles used by members of the caste are Dansē, Sāhu, Dhōv, and Mahapātro.Javvādi(civet-cat).—An exogamous sept of Mēdara.Jelakuppa(a fish).—An exogamous sept of Kuruba.Jēn(honey).—A sub-division of Kurumba.Jenna.—A title of Oriya castes,e.g., Bolāsi and Kālinji.Jerribōtula(centipedes).—An exogamous sept of Bōya.Jetti.—A Telugu caste of professional wrestlers and gymnasts, who, in the Telugu districts, shampoo and rub in ointments to cure nerve pains and other disorders. In Tanjore, though living in a Tamil environment, they speak Telugu. They wear the sacred thread, and consider themselves to be of superior caste, never descending to any degrading work. During the daysof the Rājas of Tanjore, they were employed in guarding the treasury and jewel rooms. But, since the death of the late Rāja, most of them have emigrated to Mysore and other Native States, a few only remaining in Tanjore, and residing in the fort.The Jettis, in Mysore, are said28to have been sometimes employed as executioners, and to have despatched their victim by a twist of the neck.29Thus, in the last war against Tīpu Sultān, General Matthews had his head wrung from his body by the “tiger fangs of the Jetties, a set of slaves trained up to gratify their master with their infernal species of dexterity.”30They are still considered skilful in setting dislocated joints. In a note regarding them in the early part of the last century, Wilks writes as follows. “These persons constitute a distinct caste, trained from their infancy in daily exercises for the express purpose of exhibitions; and perhaps the whole world does not produce more perfect forms than those which are exhibited at these interesting but cruel sports. The combatants, clad in a single garment of light orange-coloured drawers extending half-way down the thigh, have their right arm furnished with a weapon, which, for want of a more appropriate term, we shall name a cæstus, although different from the Roman instruments of that name. It is composed of buffalo horn, fitted to the hand, and pointed with four knobs, resembling very sharp knuckles, and corresponding to their situation, with a fifth of greater prominence at the end nearest the little finger, and at right angles with the other four. This instrument, properly placed, would enable a manof ordinary strength to cleave open the head of his adversary at a blow; but, the fingers being introduced through the weapon, it is fastened across them at an equal distance between the first and second lower joints, in a situation, it will be observed, which does not admit of attempting a severe blow, without the risk of dislocating the first joints of all the fingers. Thus armed, and adorned with garlands of flowers, the successive pairs of combatants, previously matched by the masters of the feast, are led into the arena; their names and abodes are proclaimed; and, after making their prostrations, first to the Rāja seated on his ivory throne, and then to the lattices behind which the ladies of the court are seated, they proceed to the combat, first divesting themselves of the garlands, and strewing the flowers gracefully over the arena. The combat is a mixture of wrestling and boxing, if the latter may be so named. The head is the exclusive object permitted to be struck. Before the end of the contest, both of the combatants may frequently be observed streaming with blood from the crown of the head down to the sand of the arena. When victory seems to have declared itself, or the contest is too severely maintained, the moderators in attendance on the Rāja make a signal for its cessation by throwing down turbans and robes, to be presented to the combatants. The victor frequently goes off the arena in four or five somersaults, to denote that he retires fresh from the contest. The Jettis are divided into five classes, and the ordinary price of victory is promotion to a higher class. There are distinct rewards for the first class, and in their old age they are promoted to be masters of the feast.”In an account of sports held before Tīpu Sultān at Seringapatam, James Scurry, who was one of hisprisoners, writes as follows.31“The getiees would be sent for, who always approached with their masters at their head, and, after prostration, and making their grand salams, touching the ground each time, they would be paired, one school against another. They had on their right hands the wood-guamootie (wajramushti) of four steel talons, which were fixed to each back joint of their fingers, and had a terrific appearance when their fists were closed. Their heads were close shaved, their bodies oiled, and they wore only a pair of short drawers. On being matched, and the signal given from Tippu, they begin the combat, always by throwing the flowers, which they wear round their necks, in each other’s faces; watching an opportunity of striking with the right hand, on which they wore this mischievous weapon which never failed lacerating the flesh, and drawing blood most copiously. Some pairs would close instantly, and no matter which was under, for the gripe was the whole; they were in general taught to suit their holds to their opponent’s body, with every part of which, as far as concerned them, they were well acquainted. If one got a hold against which his antagonist could not guard, he would be the conqueror; they would frequently break each other’s legs and arms; and, if anyway tardy, Tippu had means of infusing spirit into them, for there were always two stout fellows behind each, with instruments in their hands that would soon put them to work. They were obliged to fight as long as Tippu pleased, unless completely crippled, and, if they behaved well, they were generally rewarded with a turban and shawl, the quality being according to their merit.”The Jettis of Mysore still have in their possession knuckle-dusters of the type described above, and take part annually in matches during the Dasara festival. A Jetti police constable, whom I saw at Channapatna, had wrestled at Baroda, and at the court of Nepal, and narrated to me with pride how a wrestler came from Madras to Bangalore, and challenged any one to a match. A Jetti engaged to meet him in two matches for Rs. 500 each, and, after going in for a short course of training, walked round him in each encounter, and won the money easily.The Mysore Jettis are said to be called, in some places, Mushtigas. And some are stated to use a jargon called Mallabāsha.32Jetti further occurs as the name of an exogamous sept of the Kavarais.Jew.—It has been said by a recent writer that “there is hardly a more curious, and in some respects one might almost say a more weird sight than the Jew town, which lies beyond the British Settlement at Cochin. Crossing over the lagoon from the beautiful little island of Bolghotty, where the British Residency for the Cochin State nestles in a bower of tropical vegetation, one lands amidst cocoanut trees, opposite to one of the old palaces of the Cochin Rājahs, and, passing through a native bazaar crowded with dark-skinned Malayālis, one turns off abruptly into a long narrow street, where faces as white as those of any northern European race, but Semitic in every feature, transport one suddenly in mind to the Jewish quarter in Jerusalem, or rather perhaps to someghettoin a Polish city.”In the preparation of the following note, I have been much indebted to the Cochin Census Report, 1901, and to a series of articles published by Mr. Elkan N. Adler in the Jewish Chronicle.33The circumstances under which, and the time when the Jews migrated to the Malabar Coast, are wrapped in obscurity. They themselves are able to give accounts of only isolated incidents, since whatever records they had were lost at the destruction by the Portuguese of their original settlement at Cranganūr in 1565, and by the destruction at a later period of such fragments as remained in their possession in the struggle between the Portuguese and the Dutch, for the Portuguese, suspecting that the Jews had helped the Dutch, plundered their synagogue in Cochin.It is recorded by the Dutch Governor Moens34that “when Heer van Goens besieged Cochin, the Jews were quite eager to provide the troops of the Dutch Company with victuals, and to afford them all the assistance they could, hoping that they would enjoy under this Company the greatest possible civil and religious liberty; but, when the above-mentioned troops were compelled to leave this coast before the end of the good monsoon, without having been able to take Cochin, the Portuguese did not fail to make the Jews feel the terrible consequences of their revenge. For, no sooner had the Dutch retreated, than a detachment of soldiers was sent to the Jewish quarters, which were pillaged and set fire to, whilst the inhabitants fled to the high-lands, and returned only after Cochin was taken by the Dutch.“The Jews, who still hold that the Malabar Israelites were in possession of an old copy of the Sepher Thora, say that this copy, and all other documents, got lost on the occasion when the Portuguese destroyed the Jewish quarters, but this is not likely. For, whereas they had time to save their most valuable property according to their own testimony, and to take it to the mountains, they would not have failed to take along with them these documents, which were to them of inestimable value. For it is related that for a new copy of the Pentateuch which at that time was in their synagogue they had so much respect, and took such great care of it, that they even secured this copy, and took it along, and (when they returned) carried it back with great rejoicing, as it was done in olden times with the Ark of the Covenant.”Writing in the eighteenth century, Captain Hamilton states35that the Jews “have a synagogue at Cochin, not far from the King’s Palace, in which are carefully kept their Records, engraven on copper plates in Hebrew characters; and when any of the characters decay, they are new cut, so that they can show their own History from the Reign of Nebuchadnezzar to this present time. Myn Heer Van Reeda, about the year 1695, had an Abstract of their History translated from the Hebrew into low Dutch. They declare themselves to be of the Tribe of Manasseh, a Part whereof was, by order of that haughty Conqueror Nebuchadnezzar, carried to the easternmost Province of his large Empire, which, it seems, reached as far as Cape Comerin, which journey 200,000 of them travelled in three years from their setting out of Babylon.”The elders of the White Jews of Cochin have in their possession a charter on two copper plates in Vatteluttu character, “the original character which once prevailed over nearly all the Tamil country and south-west coast, but which has long ceased to be used in the former place, and, in the latter, is now only known in a later form, used for drawing up documents by Hindu Rājas.”36Concerning this copper-plate charter, Mr. Adler writes that “the white Jews say that they have always held it; the black Jews contend that it was originally theirs. The title-deed is quaint in many ways. It consists of three strips of copper, one of which is blank, one etched on both sides, and the third on one side only. The characters are made legible by being rubbed with whitening. The copper plates have a round hole in the corner, through which a string was passed to tie them together under seal, but the seal is lost. They are now kept together by a thin and narrow copper band, which just fits.”Taking Dr. Gundert’s37and Mr. Ellis’38translation of the charter as guides, Mr. Burnell translates it as follows:—39Svastī Sri.—The king of kings has ordered (This is) the act of grace ordered by His Majesty Srî Pârkaran Iravi Vanmar40wielding the sceptre and reigning in a hundred thousand places, (in) the year (which is) the opposite to the second year, the thirty-sixth year, (on) the day he designed to abide in Mûyirikkôdu.41We have given to Isuppu Irabbân42Ansuvannam (as a principality), and seventy-two proprietary rights (appertaining to the dignity of a feudal lord) also tribute by reverence (?) and offerings, and the profits of Ansuvannam, and day-lamps, and broad garments (as opposed to the custom of Malabar), and palankins, and umbrellas, and large drums, and trumpets, and small drums and garlands, and garlands across streets, etc., and the like, and seventy-two free houses. Moreover, we have granted by this document on copper that he shall not pay the taxes paid by the houses of the city into the royal treasury, and the (above-said) privileges to hold (them). To Isuppu Irabbân, prince of Ansuvannam, and to his descendants, his sons and daughters, and to his nephews, and to (the nephews) of his daughters in natural succession, Ansuvannam (is) an hereditary estate, as long as the world and moon exist. Srî. The charter is witnessed by various local chiefs.A somewhat different reading is given by Dr. G. Oppert43who renders the translation as follows:—“Hail and happiness! The King of Kings, His Holiness Srî Bhaskara Ravi Varma, who wields the sceptre in many hundred thousand places, has made this decree on the day that he was pleased to dwell in Muyirikodu in the thirty-sixth year of his reign. We have granted unto Joseph Rabban Anjavannan the [dignity of] Prince, with all the seventy-two rights of ownership. He shall [enjoy] the revenues from female elephants and riding animals, and the income of Anjavannan. He is entitled to be honoured by lamps by day, and to use broad-cloth and sedan chairs,and the umbrella and the drums of the north and trumpets, and little drums, and gates, and garlands over the streets, and wreaths, and so on. We have granted unto him the land tax and weight tax. Moreover, we have by these copper tablets sanctioned that, when the houses of the city have to pay taxes to the palace, he need not pay, and he shall enjoy other privileges like unto these. To Joseph Rabbān, the prince of Anjavannam, and to his descendants, and to his sons and daughters, and to the nephews and sons-in-law of his daughters, in natural succession, so long as the world and moon exist, Anjuvannam shall be his hereditary possession.” It is suggested by Dr. Oppert that Anjuvannam is identical with the fifth or foreign caste.Dr. E. Hultzsch, the latest authority on the subject of the copper plates, gives the following translation:44“Hail! Prosperity! (The following) gift (prasāda) was graciously made by him who had assumed the title ‘King of Kings’ (Kōgōn), His Majesty (tiruvadi) the King (kō), the glorious Bhāskara Ravivarman, in the time during which (he) was wielding the sceptre and ruling over many hundred thousands of places, in the thirty-sixth year after the second year, on the day on which (he) was pleased to stay at Muyirikkōdu. We have given to Īssuppu Irappān (the village of) Anjuvannam, together with the seventy-two proprietary rights (viz.), the tolls on female elephants and other riding-animals, the revenue of Anjuvannam, a lamp in day-time, a cloth spread (in front to walk on), a palanquin, a parasol, a Vaduga (i.e., Telugu?) drum, a large trumpet, a gateway, an arch, a canopy (in the shape) of an arch,a garland, and so forth. We have remitted tolls and the tax on balances. Moreover, we have granted with (these) copper-leaves that he need not pay (the dues) which the (other) inhabitants of the city pay to the royal palace (kōyil), and that (he) may enjoy (the benefits) which (they) enjoy. To Īssuppu Irappān of Anjuvannam, to the male children and to the female children born of him, to his nephews, and to the sons-in-law who have married (his) daughters (we have given) Anjuvannam (as) an hereditary estate for as long as the world and the moon shall exist. Hail! Thus do I know, Gōvardhana-Mārtāndan of Vēnādu. Thus do I know, Kōdai Srīkanthan of Vēnāpalinādu. Thus do I know, Mānavēpala-Mānavyan of Erālanādu. Thus do I know, Īrāyiram of Valluvanādu. Thus do I know, Kōdai Ravi of Nedumpuraiyūrnādu. Thus do I know, Mūrkham Sāttan, who holds the office of sub-commander of the forces. The writing of the Under-Secretary Van—Talaisēri—Gandan Kunrappōlan.”“The date of the inscription,” Dr. Hultzsch adds, “was the thirty-sixth year opposite to the second year. As I have shown on a previous occasion,45the meaning of this mysterious phrase is probably ‘the thirty-sixth year (of the king’s coronation, which took place) after the second year (of the king’s yauvarājya).’ The inscription records a grant which the king made to Īssuppu Irappān,i.e., Joseph Rabbān. The occurrence of this Semitic name, combined with the two facts that the plates are still with the Cochin Jews, and that the latter possess a Hebrew translation of the document, proves that the donee was a member of the ancient Jewish colony on the western coast. The grant was made at Muriyikkōdu.The Hebrew translation identifies this place with Kodunnallūr (Cranganore), where the Jewish colonists resided, until the bad treatment which they received at the hands of the Portuguese induced them to settle near Cochin. The object of the grant was Anjuvannam. This word means ‘the five castes,’ and may have the designation of that quarter of Cranganore, in which the five classes of Artisans—Ain-Kammālar, as they are called in the smaller Kōttayam grant—resided.”In a note on the Kōttayam plate of Vīra Rāghava, which is in the possession of the Syrian Christians, Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya writes as follows.46“Vīra-Rāghava conferred the title of Manigrāmam on the merchant Iravikkorran. Similarly Anjuvannam was bestowed by the Cochin plates on the Jew Joseph Rabbān. The old Malayālam work Payyanūr Pattōla, which Dr. Gundert considered the oldest specimen of Malayālam composition, refers to Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam. The context in which the two names occur in this work implies that they were trading institutions. In the Kōttayam plates of Sthānu Ravi, both Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam are frequently mentioned. Both of them were appointed along with the six hundred to be ‘the protectors’ of the grant. They were ‘to preserve the proceeds of the customs duty as they were collected day by day,’ and ‘to receive the landlord’s portion of the rent on land. If any injustice be done to them, they may withhold the customs and the tax on balances, and remedy themselves the injury done to them. Should they themselves commit a crime, they are themselves to have the investigation of it.’ To Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam was granted the freehold of the lands ofthe town (of Kollam?). From these extracts, and from the reference in the Payyanūr Pattōla, it appears that Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam were semi-independent trading corporations. The epithet Setti (merchant) given to Ravikkorran, the trade rights granted to him, and the sources of revenue thrown open to him as head of Manigrāmam, confirm the view that the latter was a trading corporation. There is nothing either in the Cochin grant, or in the subjoined inscription to show that Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam were, as believed by Dr. Gundert and others, Jewish and Christian principalities, respectively. It was supposed by Dr. Burnell that the plate of Vīra-Rāghavacreatedthe principality of Manigrāmam, and the Cochin plates that of Anjuvannam, and that, consequently, the existence of these two grants is presupposed by the plates of Sthānu Ravi, which mention both Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam very often. The Cochin plates did notcreateAnjuvannam, but conferred the honours and privileges connected therewith to a Jew named Joseph Rabbān. Similarly, the rights and honours associated with the other corporation, Manigrāmam, was bestowed at a later period on Ravikkorran. Therefore, Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam must have existed as institutions even before the earliest of these three copper-plates was issued. It is just possible that Ravikkorran was a Christian by religion. But his name and title give no clue in this direction, and there is nothing Christian in the document, except its possession by the present owners.”It is recorded by Mr. Francis Day47that Governor Moens obtained three different translations of the plates,and gave as the most correct version one, in which the following words occur:—“We, Erawi, Wanwara, Emperor of Malabar ... give this deed of rights to the good Joseph Rabbān, that he may use the five colours, spread his religion among the five castes.” Mr. Burnell, however, notes that Dr. Gundert has ascertained beyond doubt that Anjuvannan (literally five colours) does not mean some privilege, but is the name of a place.Concerning the copper-plates, Governor Moens writes thus. “The following translation is by the Jewish merchant Ezechiel Rabby, who was an earnest explorer of anything that had any connection with his nation. After this I will give another translation, which I got from our second interpreter Barend Deventer, who was assisted by an old and literary inhabitant of Malabar; and lastly I will add a third one, which I obtained from our first interpreter Simon of Tongeren, assisted by a heathen scribe of Calicut, in order thus not to allow the Jews to be the judges in their own affair, but rather to enable the reader to judge for himself in this doubtful matter. The first translation runs thus:—

VizagapatamBuguri sept.RevalpatnamJonna sept.BimlipatamSundra sept.The Jālāris are unable to explain the significance of this “counting towns,” as they call it. Possibly Peddapatnam was their original home, from which particular septs emigrated to other towns. On the second day of the marriage ceremonies, the tying of the sathamānam (marriage badge) takes place. The bridegroom, after going in procession through the streets, enters the house at which the marriage is to be celebrated. At the entrance, the maternal uncle of the bride stands holding in his crossed hands two vessels, one of which contains water, and the other water with jaggery (crude sugar) dissolved in it. The bridegroom is expected to take hold of the vessel containing the sweetened water before he enters, and is fined if he fails to do so. When the bridegroom approaches the pandal, some married women hold a bamboo pole between him and the pandal, and a new earthen pot is carried thrice round the pole. While this is being done, the bride joins the bridegroom, and the couple enter the pandal beneath a cloth held up to form a canopy in front thereof. This ceremonial takes place towards evening, as the marriage badge is tied on the bride’s neck during the night. An interesting feature in connection with the procession is that a pole calleddigametlu (shoulder-pole), with two baskets tied to the ends, is carried. In one of the baskets a number of sieves and small baskets are placed, and in the other one or more cats. This digametlu is always referred to by the Vādas when they are questioned as to the difference between their marriage ceremonies and those of the Jālāris. Other castes laugh at this custom, and it is consequently dying out.The Jālāris always marry young girls. One reason assigned for this is “the income to married young girls” at the time of the marriage ceremonies. Two or more married couples are invited to remain at the house in which the marriage takes place, to help the bridal couple in their toilette, and assist at the nalagu, evil eye waving, and other rites. They are rewarded for their services with presents. Another instance of infant marriage being the rule on account of pecuniary gain is found among the Dikshitar Brāhmans of Chidambaram. Only married males have a voice in temple affairs, and receive a share of the temple income. Consequently, boys are sometimes married when they are seven or eight years old. At every Jālāri marriage, meals must be given to the castemen, a rupee to the representatives of the patnams, twelve annas to the headman and his assistant, and three rupees to the Mālas.Like other Telugu castes, the Jālāris have intipērus (septs), which resemble those of the Vādas. Among them, Jonna and Buguri are common. In their religious observances, the Jālāris closely follow the Vādas.The Madras Museum possesses a collection of clay and wooden figures, such as are worshipped by the fishing castes at Gopalpūr, and other places on the Ganjam coast. Concerning these, Mr. J. D’A. C. Reilly writes to me as follows. The specimens represent thechief gods worshipped by the fishermen. The Tahsildar of Berhampūr got them made by the potters and carpenters, who usually make such figures for the Gopalpūr fishermen. I have found fishermen’s shrines at several places. Separate families appear to have separate shrines, some consisting of large chatties (earthen pots), occasionally ornamented, and turned upside down, with an opening on one side. Others are made of bricks and chunam (lime). All that I have seen had their opening towards the sea. Two classes of figures are placed in these shrines, viz., clay figures of gods, which are worshipped before fishing expeditions, and when there is danger from a particular disease which they prevent; and wooden figures of deceased relations, which are quite as imaginative as the clay figures. Figures of gods and relations are placed in the same family shrine. There are hundreds of gods to choose from, and the selection appears to be a matter of family taste and tradition. The figures which I have sent were made by a potter at Venkatarayapalle, and painted by a carpenter at Uppulapatti, both villages near Gopalpūr. The Tahsildar tells me that, when he was inspecting them at the Gopalpūr traveller’s bungalow, sixty or seventyfishermenobjected to their gods being taken away. He pacified them by telling them that it was because the Government had heard of their devotion to their gods that they wanted to have some of them in Madras. The collection of clay figures includes the following:—Bengali Babu.—Wears a hat, and rides on a black horse. He blesses the fishermen, secures large hauls of fish for them, and guards them against danger when out fishing.Sāmalamma.—Wears a red skirt and green coat and protects the fishermen from fever.Rājamma, a female figure, with a sword in her right hand, riding on a black elephant. She blesses barren women with children, and favours her devotees with big catches when they go out fishing.Yerenamma, riding on a white horse, with a sword in her right hand. She protects fishermen from drowning, and from being caught by big fish.Bhāgīrathamma, riding on an elephant, and having eight or twelve hands. She helps fishermen when fishing at night, and protects them against cholera, dysentery, and other intestinal disorders.Nūkalamma.—Wears a red jacket and green skirt, and protects the fishing community against small-pox.Orosondi Ammavāru.—Prevents the boats from being sunk or damaged.Bhāgadēvi.—Rides on a tiger, and protects the community from cholera.Veyyi Kannula Ammavāru, or the goddess of a thousand eyes, represented by a pot pierced with holes, in which a gingelly (Sesamum) oil light is burnt. She attends to the general welfare of the fisher folk.Jāli(Acacia arabica).—A gōtra of Kurni.Jalli.—Jalli, meaning palm tassels put round the neck and horns of bulls, occurs as an exogamous sept of Jōgi. The name occurs further as a sub-division of Kevuto.Jāmbava.—A synonym of the Mādigas, who claim descent from the rishi Audi Jāmbavādu.Jambu(Eugenia Jambolana).—An exogamous sept of Oddē.Jāmbuvar(a monkey king with a bear’s face).—An exogamous sept of Kondaiyamkottai Maravan.Jamkhānvāla(carpet-maker).—An occupational name for Patnūlkārans and Patvēgars.Jammi(Prosopis spicigera).—A gōtra of Gollas, members of which may not use the tree. It is further a gōtra of Chembadis. Children of this caste who are named after the caste god Gurappa or Gurunāthadu are taken, when they are five, seven, or nine years old, to a jammi tree, and shaved after it has been worshipped with offerings of cooked food, etc. The jammi or sami tree is regarded as sacred all over India. Some orthodox Hindus, when they pass it, go round it, and salute it, repeating a Sanskrit verse to the effect that “the sami tree removes sins; it is the destroyer of enemies; it was the bearer of the bows and arrows of Arjuna, and the sight of it was very welcome to Rāma.”Janappan.—The Janappans, Mr. W. Francis writes,22“were originally a section of the Balijas, but they have now developed into a distinct caste. They seem to have been called Janappan, because they manufactured gunny-bags of hemp (janapa) fibre. In Tamil they are called Saluppa Chettis, Saluppan being the Tamil form of Janappan. Some of them have taken to calling themselves Dēsāyis or Dēsādhīpatis (rulers of countries), and say they are Balijas. They do not wear the sacred thread. The caste usually speaks Telugu, but in Madura there is a section, the women of which speak Tamil, and also are debarred from taking part in religious ceremonies, and, therefore, apparently belonged originally to some other caste.”In a note on the Janappans of the North Arcot district23Mr. H. A. Stuart states that Janappan is “the name of a caste, which engages in trade by hawking goods about the towns and villages. Originally they were merely manufacturers of gunny-bags out of hemp(janapa,Crotalaria juncea), and so obtained their name. But they are now met with as Dāsaris or religious beggars, sweetmeat-sellers, and hawkers of English cloths and other goods. By the time they have obtained to the last honourable profession, they assume to be Balijas. Telugu is their vernacular, and Chetti their usual caste name. According to their own tradition, they sprung from a yāgam (sacrificial rite) made by Brahma, and their remote ancestor thus produced was, they say, asked by the merchants of the country to invent some means for carrying about their wares. He obtained some seeds from the ashes of Brahma’s yāgam, which he sowed, and the plant which sprang up was the country hemp, which he manufactured into a gunny-bag. The Janapa Chettis are enterprising men in their way, and are much employed at the fairs at Gudiyāttam and other places as cattle-brokers.”The Saluppans say that they have twenty-four gōtras, which are divided into groups of sixteen and eight. Marriage is forbidden between members of the same group, but permitted between members of the sixteen and eight gōtras. Among the names of the gōtras, are the following:—Vasava.Vamme.Mummudi.Pilli Vankaravan.Makkiduvan.Thallelan.Gendagiri.Madalavan.Piligara.Mukkanda.Vadiya.Thonda.Kōla.The Janappans of the Telugu country also say that they have only twenty-four gōtras. Some of these are totemistic in character. Thus, members of the Kappala (frog) gōtra owe their name to a tradition that on oneoccasion, when some of the family were fishing, they caught a haul of big frogs instead of fish. Consequently, members of this gōtra do not injure frogs. Members of the Thonda or Thonda Mahā Rishi gōtra abstain from using the fruit or leaves of the thonda plant (Cephalandra indica). The fruits of this plant are among the commonest of native vegetables. In like manner, members of the Mukkanda sept may not use the fruit ofMomordica Charantia. Those of the Vamme gōtra abstain from eating the fish called bombadai, because, when some of their ancestors went to fetch water in the marriage pot, they found a number of this fish in the water collected in the pot. So, too, in the Kōla gōtra, the eating of the fish called kōlasi is forbidden.In their marriage customs, those who live in the Telugu country follow the Telugu Purānic form, while those who have settled in the Tamil country have adopted some of the marriage rites thereof. There are, however, some points of interest in their marriage ceremonies. On the day fixed for the betrothal, those assembled wait silently listening for the chirping of a lizard, which is an auspicious sign. It is said that the match is broken off, if the chirping is not heard. If the omen proves auspicious, a small bundle of nine to twelve kinds of pulses and grain is given by the bridegroom’s father to the father of the bride. This is preserved, and examined several days after the marriage. If the grain and pulses are in good condition, it is a sign that the newly married couple will have a prosperous career.There are both Saivites and Vaishnavites among these people, and the former predominate in the southern districts. Most of the Vaishnavites are disciples of Bhatrāzus. The Bhatrāzu priest goes round periodically, collecting his fees. Those amongthe Saivites who are religiously inclined are disciples of Pandārams of mutts (religious institutions). Those who have settled in the Salem district seem to consider Damayanti and Kāmātchi as the caste deities.The manufacture of gunny-bags is still carried on by some members of the caste, but they are mainly engaged in trade and agriculture. In the city of Madras, the sale of various kinds of fruits is largely in the hands of the Janappans.Sāthu vāndlu, meaning a company of merchants or travellers, occurs as a synonym of Janappan.In the Mysore Census Report, 1901, Janappa is returned as a sub-division of the Gōnigas, who are sack-weavers, and makers of gunny-bags.Jandāyi(flag).—An exogamous sept of Yānādi.Janga(calf of the leg).—An exogamous sept of Māla.Jangal Jāti.—A synonym, denoting jungle folk, of the Kurivikārans or Kāttu Marāthis.Jangam.—It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that “strictly speaking, a Jangam is a priest to the religious sect of Lingāyats, but the term is frequently loosely applied to any Lingāyat, which accounts for the large numbers under this head (102,121). Jangams proper are said to be of two classes, Pattādikāris, who have a definite head-quarters, and Charamūrtis, who go from village to village, preaching the principles of the Lingāyat sect. Many Jangams are priests to Sūdras who are not Lingāyats, others are merely religious beggars, and others of them go in for trade.” In the Census Report, 1891, it is further recorded that “the full name is Jangama Lingāyat, meaning those who always worship a moveable lingam, in contradistinction to the Sthāvara (immoveable) lingam of the temples.Only two of the sub-divisions returned are numerically important, Ganāyata and Sthāvara. The sub-division Sthāvara is curious, for a Sthāvara Jangam is a contradistinction in terms. This sub-division is found only in the two northern districts, and it is possible that the Jangam caste, as there found, is different from the ordinary Jangam, for, in the Vizagapatam District Manual, the Jangams are said to be tailors.” In the Telugu country Lingāyats are called Jangālu.The Ganta Jangams are so called, because they carry a metal bell (ganta).The Jangams are thus referred to by Pietro della Valle.24“At Ikkeri I saw certain Indian Friars, whom in their language they call Giangāma, and perhaps are the same with the sages seen by me elsewhere; but they have wives, and go with their faces smeared with ashes, yet not naked, but clad in certain extravagant habits, and a kind of hood or cowl upon their heads of dyed linen of that colour which is generally used amongst them, namely a reddish brick colour, with many bracelets upon their arms and legs, filled with something within that makes a jangling as they walk. I saw many persons come to kiss their feet, and, whilst such persons were kissing them, and, for more reverence, touching their feet with their foreheads, these Giangāmas stood firm with a seeming severity, and without taking notice of it, as if they had been abstracted from the things of the world.” (SeeLingāyat.)Janjapul(sacred thread).—An exogamous sept of Bōya.Janmi.—Janmi or Janmakāran means “proprietor”or“landlord”; the person in whom the janman title rests.Janman denotes (1) birth, birthright, proprietorship; (2) freehold property, which it was considered disgraceful to alienate. Janmabhogam is the share in the produce of the land, which is due to the Janmi.”25In 1805–1806, the Collector of Malabar obtained, for the purpose of carrying out a scheme of assessment approved by Government, a return from all proprietors of the seed, produce, etc., of all their fields. This return is usually known as the Janmi pymāish of 981 M.E. (Malabar era).26Writing to me concerning Malabar at the present day, a correspondent states that “in almost every tāluk we have jungle tribes, who call themselves the men of Janmis. In the old days, when forests were sold, the inhabitants were actually entered in the contract as part of the effects, as, in former times, the landlord sold theadscriptiorascripti glebæwith the land. Now that is not done. However, the relationship exists to the following extent, according to what a Tahsildar (native magistrate) tells me. The tribesmen roam about the forests at will, and each year select a place, which has lain fallow for five years or more for all kinds of cultivation. Sometimes they inform the Janmis that they have done so, sometimes they do not. Then, at harvest time, the Janmi, or his agent, goes up and takes his share of the produce. They never try to deceive the Janmi. He is asked to settle their disputes, but these are rare. They never go to law. The Janmi can call on them for labour, and they give it willingly. If badly treated, as they have been at times by encroaching plainsmen, they run off to another forest, and serve another Janmi. At the Ōnam festival they come withgifts for the Janmi, who stands them a feast. The relation between the jungle folk and the Janmi shows the instinct in a primitive people to have a lord. There seems to be no gain in having a Janmi. His protection is not needed, and he is hardly ever called in to interfere. If they refused to pay the Janmi his dues, he would find it very hard to get them. Still they keep him.” In the middle of the last century, when planters first began to settle in the Malabar Wynād, they purchased the land from the Janmis with the Paniyans living on it, who were practically slaves of the landowners.The hereditary rights and perquisites claimed, in their villages, by the astrologer, carpenter, goldsmith, washerman, barber, etc., are called Cherujanmam.Janni.—The name of the caste priests of Jātapus.Japanese.—At the Mysore census, 1901, two Japanese were returned. They were managers of the silk farm instituted on Japanese methods by Mr. Tata of Bombay in the vicinity of Bangalore.Jāt.—A few members of this North Indian class of Muhammadans, engaged in trade, have been returned at times of census in Mysore.Jātapu.—The Jātapus are defined, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as “a civilised section of the Khonds, who speak Khond on the hills and Telugu on the plains, and are now practically a distinct caste. They consider themselves superior to those Khonds who still eat beef and snakes, and have taken to some of the ways of the castes of the plains.”For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The name Jātapu is popularly believed to be an abbreviated form of Konda Jātapu Doralu, or lords of the Khond caste. To this caste the old chiefs of the Pālkonda Zamindāri are said to havebelonged. It is divided into a number of septs, such, for example, as:—Thōrika or Thōyika, who revere the thōrika kōdi, a species of wild fowl.Kādrika, who revere another species of fowl.Mamdangi, who revere the bull or cow.Addāku, who revere the addāku (Bauhinia racemosa), which is used by low-country people for eating-platters.Konda Gorrē, who revere a certain breed of sheep.Navalipitta, who revere the peacock.Arika, who revere the arika (Paspalum scrobiculatum).Other septs, recorded in the Census Report, 1901, are Koalaka (arrow), Kutraki (wild goat), and Vinka (white ant,Termes).Marriage is celebrated either before or after a girl reaches puberty. A man may claim his paternal aunt’s daughter as his wife. The marriage ceremonies closely resemble those of the low-country Telugu type. The bride-price, called vōli, is a new cloth for the bride’s mother, rice, various kinds of grain, and liquor. The bride is conducted to the house of the bridegroom, and a feast is held. On the following morning, the kāllagōlla sambramam (toe-nail cutting) ceremony takes place, and, later on, at an auspicious hour, the wrist threads (kankanam) are tied on the wrists of the contracting couple, and their hands joined together. They then bathe, and another feast is held. The remarriage of widows is allowed, and a younger brother may marry the widow of his elder brother. Divorce is permitted, and divorcées may remarry.The dead are usually buried, but those who die from snake-bite are said to be burnt. Death pollution lastsfor three days, during which the caste occupation of cultivating is not carried on. An annual ceremony is performed by each family in honour of the dead. A fowl or goat is killed, a portion of the day’s food collected in a plate, and placed on the roof of the house. Once in twenty years or so, all the castemen join together, and buy a pig or cow, which is sacrificed in honour of the ancestors.The caste goddess is Jākara Dēvata, who is propitiated with sacrifices of pigs, sheep, and buffaloes. When the crop is gathered in, the first fruits are offered to her, and then partaken of.The caste headman is called Nāyudu or Sāmanthi, and he is assisted by the Janni, or caste priest, who officiates at ceremonials, and summons council meetings.The caste titles are Dora, Naiko, and Sāmanto.Jātikīrtulu.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a class of beggars in the Cuddapah district. The name means those who praise the caste, and may have reference to the Bhatrāzus.Jāti Pillai(children of the caste).—A general name for beggars, who are attached to particular castes, from the members of which they receive alms, and at whose ceremonies they take part by carrying flags in processions, etc. It is their duty to uphold the dignity of the caste by reciting the story of its origin, and singing its praises. As examples of Jāti Pillais, the following may be cited:—Mailāri attached to Kōmatis.Vīramushti attached to Bēri Chettis and Kōmatis.Nōkkan attached to Pallis.Māstiga attached to Mādigas.It is recorded by Mr. M. Paupa Rao Naidu27that some Koravas, who go by the name of Jātipalli Koravas, “are prevalent in the southern districts of the Madras Presidency, moving always in gangs, and giving much trouble. Their women tattoo in return for grain, money, or cloths, and help their men in getting acquainted with the nature and contents of the houses.”Jaura.—The Jauras are a small Oriya caste, closely allied to the Khodūras, the members of which manufacture lac (jau) bangles and other articles. Lac, it may be noted, is largely used in India for the manufacture of bangles, rings, beads, and other trinkets worn as ornaments by women of the poorer classes. Dhippo (light) and mohiro (peacock) occur as common exogamous septs among the Jauras, and are objects of reverence. The Jauras are mainly Saivites, and Sūramangala and Bimmala are the caste deities. Titles used by members of the caste are Dansē, Sāhu, Dhōv, and Mahapātro.Javvādi(civet-cat).—An exogamous sept of Mēdara.Jelakuppa(a fish).—An exogamous sept of Kuruba.Jēn(honey).—A sub-division of Kurumba.Jenna.—A title of Oriya castes,e.g., Bolāsi and Kālinji.Jerribōtula(centipedes).—An exogamous sept of Bōya.Jetti.—A Telugu caste of professional wrestlers and gymnasts, who, in the Telugu districts, shampoo and rub in ointments to cure nerve pains and other disorders. In Tanjore, though living in a Tamil environment, they speak Telugu. They wear the sacred thread, and consider themselves to be of superior caste, never descending to any degrading work. During the daysof the Rājas of Tanjore, they were employed in guarding the treasury and jewel rooms. But, since the death of the late Rāja, most of them have emigrated to Mysore and other Native States, a few only remaining in Tanjore, and residing in the fort.The Jettis, in Mysore, are said28to have been sometimes employed as executioners, and to have despatched their victim by a twist of the neck.29Thus, in the last war against Tīpu Sultān, General Matthews had his head wrung from his body by the “tiger fangs of the Jetties, a set of slaves trained up to gratify their master with their infernal species of dexterity.”30They are still considered skilful in setting dislocated joints. In a note regarding them in the early part of the last century, Wilks writes as follows. “These persons constitute a distinct caste, trained from their infancy in daily exercises for the express purpose of exhibitions; and perhaps the whole world does not produce more perfect forms than those which are exhibited at these interesting but cruel sports. The combatants, clad in a single garment of light orange-coloured drawers extending half-way down the thigh, have their right arm furnished with a weapon, which, for want of a more appropriate term, we shall name a cæstus, although different from the Roman instruments of that name. It is composed of buffalo horn, fitted to the hand, and pointed with four knobs, resembling very sharp knuckles, and corresponding to their situation, with a fifth of greater prominence at the end nearest the little finger, and at right angles with the other four. This instrument, properly placed, would enable a manof ordinary strength to cleave open the head of his adversary at a blow; but, the fingers being introduced through the weapon, it is fastened across them at an equal distance between the first and second lower joints, in a situation, it will be observed, which does not admit of attempting a severe blow, without the risk of dislocating the first joints of all the fingers. Thus armed, and adorned with garlands of flowers, the successive pairs of combatants, previously matched by the masters of the feast, are led into the arena; their names and abodes are proclaimed; and, after making their prostrations, first to the Rāja seated on his ivory throne, and then to the lattices behind which the ladies of the court are seated, they proceed to the combat, first divesting themselves of the garlands, and strewing the flowers gracefully over the arena. The combat is a mixture of wrestling and boxing, if the latter may be so named. The head is the exclusive object permitted to be struck. Before the end of the contest, both of the combatants may frequently be observed streaming with blood from the crown of the head down to the sand of the arena. When victory seems to have declared itself, or the contest is too severely maintained, the moderators in attendance on the Rāja make a signal for its cessation by throwing down turbans and robes, to be presented to the combatants. The victor frequently goes off the arena in four or five somersaults, to denote that he retires fresh from the contest. The Jettis are divided into five classes, and the ordinary price of victory is promotion to a higher class. There are distinct rewards for the first class, and in their old age they are promoted to be masters of the feast.”In an account of sports held before Tīpu Sultān at Seringapatam, James Scurry, who was one of hisprisoners, writes as follows.31“The getiees would be sent for, who always approached with their masters at their head, and, after prostration, and making their grand salams, touching the ground each time, they would be paired, one school against another. They had on their right hands the wood-guamootie (wajramushti) of four steel talons, which were fixed to each back joint of their fingers, and had a terrific appearance when their fists were closed. Their heads were close shaved, their bodies oiled, and they wore only a pair of short drawers. On being matched, and the signal given from Tippu, they begin the combat, always by throwing the flowers, which they wear round their necks, in each other’s faces; watching an opportunity of striking with the right hand, on which they wore this mischievous weapon which never failed lacerating the flesh, and drawing blood most copiously. Some pairs would close instantly, and no matter which was under, for the gripe was the whole; they were in general taught to suit their holds to their opponent’s body, with every part of which, as far as concerned them, they were well acquainted. If one got a hold against which his antagonist could not guard, he would be the conqueror; they would frequently break each other’s legs and arms; and, if anyway tardy, Tippu had means of infusing spirit into them, for there were always two stout fellows behind each, with instruments in their hands that would soon put them to work. They were obliged to fight as long as Tippu pleased, unless completely crippled, and, if they behaved well, they were generally rewarded with a turban and shawl, the quality being according to their merit.”The Jettis of Mysore still have in their possession knuckle-dusters of the type described above, and take part annually in matches during the Dasara festival. A Jetti police constable, whom I saw at Channapatna, had wrestled at Baroda, and at the court of Nepal, and narrated to me with pride how a wrestler came from Madras to Bangalore, and challenged any one to a match. A Jetti engaged to meet him in two matches for Rs. 500 each, and, after going in for a short course of training, walked round him in each encounter, and won the money easily.The Mysore Jettis are said to be called, in some places, Mushtigas. And some are stated to use a jargon called Mallabāsha.32Jetti further occurs as the name of an exogamous sept of the Kavarais.Jew.—It has been said by a recent writer that “there is hardly a more curious, and in some respects one might almost say a more weird sight than the Jew town, which lies beyond the British Settlement at Cochin. Crossing over the lagoon from the beautiful little island of Bolghotty, where the British Residency for the Cochin State nestles in a bower of tropical vegetation, one lands amidst cocoanut trees, opposite to one of the old palaces of the Cochin Rājahs, and, passing through a native bazaar crowded with dark-skinned Malayālis, one turns off abruptly into a long narrow street, where faces as white as those of any northern European race, but Semitic in every feature, transport one suddenly in mind to the Jewish quarter in Jerusalem, or rather perhaps to someghettoin a Polish city.”In the preparation of the following note, I have been much indebted to the Cochin Census Report, 1901, and to a series of articles published by Mr. Elkan N. Adler in the Jewish Chronicle.33The circumstances under which, and the time when the Jews migrated to the Malabar Coast, are wrapped in obscurity. They themselves are able to give accounts of only isolated incidents, since whatever records they had were lost at the destruction by the Portuguese of their original settlement at Cranganūr in 1565, and by the destruction at a later period of such fragments as remained in their possession in the struggle between the Portuguese and the Dutch, for the Portuguese, suspecting that the Jews had helped the Dutch, plundered their synagogue in Cochin.It is recorded by the Dutch Governor Moens34that “when Heer van Goens besieged Cochin, the Jews were quite eager to provide the troops of the Dutch Company with victuals, and to afford them all the assistance they could, hoping that they would enjoy under this Company the greatest possible civil and religious liberty; but, when the above-mentioned troops were compelled to leave this coast before the end of the good monsoon, without having been able to take Cochin, the Portuguese did not fail to make the Jews feel the terrible consequences of their revenge. For, no sooner had the Dutch retreated, than a detachment of soldiers was sent to the Jewish quarters, which were pillaged and set fire to, whilst the inhabitants fled to the high-lands, and returned only after Cochin was taken by the Dutch.“The Jews, who still hold that the Malabar Israelites were in possession of an old copy of the Sepher Thora, say that this copy, and all other documents, got lost on the occasion when the Portuguese destroyed the Jewish quarters, but this is not likely. For, whereas they had time to save their most valuable property according to their own testimony, and to take it to the mountains, they would not have failed to take along with them these documents, which were to them of inestimable value. For it is related that for a new copy of the Pentateuch which at that time was in their synagogue they had so much respect, and took such great care of it, that they even secured this copy, and took it along, and (when they returned) carried it back with great rejoicing, as it was done in olden times with the Ark of the Covenant.”Writing in the eighteenth century, Captain Hamilton states35that the Jews “have a synagogue at Cochin, not far from the King’s Palace, in which are carefully kept their Records, engraven on copper plates in Hebrew characters; and when any of the characters decay, they are new cut, so that they can show their own History from the Reign of Nebuchadnezzar to this present time. Myn Heer Van Reeda, about the year 1695, had an Abstract of their History translated from the Hebrew into low Dutch. They declare themselves to be of the Tribe of Manasseh, a Part whereof was, by order of that haughty Conqueror Nebuchadnezzar, carried to the easternmost Province of his large Empire, which, it seems, reached as far as Cape Comerin, which journey 200,000 of them travelled in three years from their setting out of Babylon.”The elders of the White Jews of Cochin have in their possession a charter on two copper plates in Vatteluttu character, “the original character which once prevailed over nearly all the Tamil country and south-west coast, but which has long ceased to be used in the former place, and, in the latter, is now only known in a later form, used for drawing up documents by Hindu Rājas.”36Concerning this copper-plate charter, Mr. Adler writes that “the white Jews say that they have always held it; the black Jews contend that it was originally theirs. The title-deed is quaint in many ways. It consists of three strips of copper, one of which is blank, one etched on both sides, and the third on one side only. The characters are made legible by being rubbed with whitening. The copper plates have a round hole in the corner, through which a string was passed to tie them together under seal, but the seal is lost. They are now kept together by a thin and narrow copper band, which just fits.”Taking Dr. Gundert’s37and Mr. Ellis’38translation of the charter as guides, Mr. Burnell translates it as follows:—39Svastī Sri.—The king of kings has ordered (This is) the act of grace ordered by His Majesty Srî Pârkaran Iravi Vanmar40wielding the sceptre and reigning in a hundred thousand places, (in) the year (which is) the opposite to the second year, the thirty-sixth year, (on) the day he designed to abide in Mûyirikkôdu.41We have given to Isuppu Irabbân42Ansuvannam (as a principality), and seventy-two proprietary rights (appertaining to the dignity of a feudal lord) also tribute by reverence (?) and offerings, and the profits of Ansuvannam, and day-lamps, and broad garments (as opposed to the custom of Malabar), and palankins, and umbrellas, and large drums, and trumpets, and small drums and garlands, and garlands across streets, etc., and the like, and seventy-two free houses. Moreover, we have granted by this document on copper that he shall not pay the taxes paid by the houses of the city into the royal treasury, and the (above-said) privileges to hold (them). To Isuppu Irabbân, prince of Ansuvannam, and to his descendants, his sons and daughters, and to his nephews, and to (the nephews) of his daughters in natural succession, Ansuvannam (is) an hereditary estate, as long as the world and moon exist. Srî. The charter is witnessed by various local chiefs.A somewhat different reading is given by Dr. G. Oppert43who renders the translation as follows:—“Hail and happiness! The King of Kings, His Holiness Srî Bhaskara Ravi Varma, who wields the sceptre in many hundred thousand places, has made this decree on the day that he was pleased to dwell in Muyirikodu in the thirty-sixth year of his reign. We have granted unto Joseph Rabban Anjavannan the [dignity of] Prince, with all the seventy-two rights of ownership. He shall [enjoy] the revenues from female elephants and riding animals, and the income of Anjavannan. He is entitled to be honoured by lamps by day, and to use broad-cloth and sedan chairs,and the umbrella and the drums of the north and trumpets, and little drums, and gates, and garlands over the streets, and wreaths, and so on. We have granted unto him the land tax and weight tax. Moreover, we have by these copper tablets sanctioned that, when the houses of the city have to pay taxes to the palace, he need not pay, and he shall enjoy other privileges like unto these. To Joseph Rabbān, the prince of Anjavannam, and to his descendants, and to his sons and daughters, and to the nephews and sons-in-law of his daughters, in natural succession, so long as the world and moon exist, Anjuvannam shall be his hereditary possession.” It is suggested by Dr. Oppert that Anjuvannam is identical with the fifth or foreign caste.Dr. E. Hultzsch, the latest authority on the subject of the copper plates, gives the following translation:44“Hail! Prosperity! (The following) gift (prasāda) was graciously made by him who had assumed the title ‘King of Kings’ (Kōgōn), His Majesty (tiruvadi) the King (kō), the glorious Bhāskara Ravivarman, in the time during which (he) was wielding the sceptre and ruling over many hundred thousands of places, in the thirty-sixth year after the second year, on the day on which (he) was pleased to stay at Muyirikkōdu. We have given to Īssuppu Irappān (the village of) Anjuvannam, together with the seventy-two proprietary rights (viz.), the tolls on female elephants and other riding-animals, the revenue of Anjuvannam, a lamp in day-time, a cloth spread (in front to walk on), a palanquin, a parasol, a Vaduga (i.e., Telugu?) drum, a large trumpet, a gateway, an arch, a canopy (in the shape) of an arch,a garland, and so forth. We have remitted tolls and the tax on balances. Moreover, we have granted with (these) copper-leaves that he need not pay (the dues) which the (other) inhabitants of the city pay to the royal palace (kōyil), and that (he) may enjoy (the benefits) which (they) enjoy. To Īssuppu Irappān of Anjuvannam, to the male children and to the female children born of him, to his nephews, and to the sons-in-law who have married (his) daughters (we have given) Anjuvannam (as) an hereditary estate for as long as the world and the moon shall exist. Hail! Thus do I know, Gōvardhana-Mārtāndan of Vēnādu. Thus do I know, Kōdai Srīkanthan of Vēnāpalinādu. Thus do I know, Mānavēpala-Mānavyan of Erālanādu. Thus do I know, Īrāyiram of Valluvanādu. Thus do I know, Kōdai Ravi of Nedumpuraiyūrnādu. Thus do I know, Mūrkham Sāttan, who holds the office of sub-commander of the forces. The writing of the Under-Secretary Van—Talaisēri—Gandan Kunrappōlan.”“The date of the inscription,” Dr. Hultzsch adds, “was the thirty-sixth year opposite to the second year. As I have shown on a previous occasion,45the meaning of this mysterious phrase is probably ‘the thirty-sixth year (of the king’s coronation, which took place) after the second year (of the king’s yauvarājya).’ The inscription records a grant which the king made to Īssuppu Irappān,i.e., Joseph Rabbān. The occurrence of this Semitic name, combined with the two facts that the plates are still with the Cochin Jews, and that the latter possess a Hebrew translation of the document, proves that the donee was a member of the ancient Jewish colony on the western coast. The grant was made at Muriyikkōdu.The Hebrew translation identifies this place with Kodunnallūr (Cranganore), where the Jewish colonists resided, until the bad treatment which they received at the hands of the Portuguese induced them to settle near Cochin. The object of the grant was Anjuvannam. This word means ‘the five castes,’ and may have the designation of that quarter of Cranganore, in which the five classes of Artisans—Ain-Kammālar, as they are called in the smaller Kōttayam grant—resided.”In a note on the Kōttayam plate of Vīra Rāghava, which is in the possession of the Syrian Christians, Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya writes as follows.46“Vīra-Rāghava conferred the title of Manigrāmam on the merchant Iravikkorran. Similarly Anjuvannam was bestowed by the Cochin plates on the Jew Joseph Rabbān. The old Malayālam work Payyanūr Pattōla, which Dr. Gundert considered the oldest specimen of Malayālam composition, refers to Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam. The context in which the two names occur in this work implies that they were trading institutions. In the Kōttayam plates of Sthānu Ravi, both Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam are frequently mentioned. Both of them were appointed along with the six hundred to be ‘the protectors’ of the grant. They were ‘to preserve the proceeds of the customs duty as they were collected day by day,’ and ‘to receive the landlord’s portion of the rent on land. If any injustice be done to them, they may withhold the customs and the tax on balances, and remedy themselves the injury done to them. Should they themselves commit a crime, they are themselves to have the investigation of it.’ To Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam was granted the freehold of the lands ofthe town (of Kollam?). From these extracts, and from the reference in the Payyanūr Pattōla, it appears that Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam were semi-independent trading corporations. The epithet Setti (merchant) given to Ravikkorran, the trade rights granted to him, and the sources of revenue thrown open to him as head of Manigrāmam, confirm the view that the latter was a trading corporation. There is nothing either in the Cochin grant, or in the subjoined inscription to show that Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam were, as believed by Dr. Gundert and others, Jewish and Christian principalities, respectively. It was supposed by Dr. Burnell that the plate of Vīra-Rāghavacreatedthe principality of Manigrāmam, and the Cochin plates that of Anjuvannam, and that, consequently, the existence of these two grants is presupposed by the plates of Sthānu Ravi, which mention both Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam very often. The Cochin plates did notcreateAnjuvannam, but conferred the honours and privileges connected therewith to a Jew named Joseph Rabbān. Similarly, the rights and honours associated with the other corporation, Manigrāmam, was bestowed at a later period on Ravikkorran. Therefore, Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam must have existed as institutions even before the earliest of these three copper-plates was issued. It is just possible that Ravikkorran was a Christian by religion. But his name and title give no clue in this direction, and there is nothing Christian in the document, except its possession by the present owners.”It is recorded by Mr. Francis Day47that Governor Moens obtained three different translations of the plates,and gave as the most correct version one, in which the following words occur:—“We, Erawi, Wanwara, Emperor of Malabar ... give this deed of rights to the good Joseph Rabbān, that he may use the five colours, spread his religion among the five castes.” Mr. Burnell, however, notes that Dr. Gundert has ascertained beyond doubt that Anjuvannan (literally five colours) does not mean some privilege, but is the name of a place.Concerning the copper-plates, Governor Moens writes thus. “The following translation is by the Jewish merchant Ezechiel Rabby, who was an earnest explorer of anything that had any connection with his nation. After this I will give another translation, which I got from our second interpreter Barend Deventer, who was assisted by an old and literary inhabitant of Malabar; and lastly I will add a third one, which I obtained from our first interpreter Simon of Tongeren, assisted by a heathen scribe of Calicut, in order thus not to allow the Jews to be the judges in their own affair, but rather to enable the reader to judge for himself in this doubtful matter. The first translation runs thus:—

VizagapatamBuguri sept.RevalpatnamJonna sept.BimlipatamSundra sept.The Jālāris are unable to explain the significance of this “counting towns,” as they call it. Possibly Peddapatnam was their original home, from which particular septs emigrated to other towns. On the second day of the marriage ceremonies, the tying of the sathamānam (marriage badge) takes place. The bridegroom, after going in procession through the streets, enters the house at which the marriage is to be celebrated. At the entrance, the maternal uncle of the bride stands holding in his crossed hands two vessels, one of which contains water, and the other water with jaggery (crude sugar) dissolved in it. The bridegroom is expected to take hold of the vessel containing the sweetened water before he enters, and is fined if he fails to do so. When the bridegroom approaches the pandal, some married women hold a bamboo pole between him and the pandal, and a new earthen pot is carried thrice round the pole. While this is being done, the bride joins the bridegroom, and the couple enter the pandal beneath a cloth held up to form a canopy in front thereof. This ceremonial takes place towards evening, as the marriage badge is tied on the bride’s neck during the night. An interesting feature in connection with the procession is that a pole calleddigametlu (shoulder-pole), with two baskets tied to the ends, is carried. In one of the baskets a number of sieves and small baskets are placed, and in the other one or more cats. This digametlu is always referred to by the Vādas when they are questioned as to the difference between their marriage ceremonies and those of the Jālāris. Other castes laugh at this custom, and it is consequently dying out.The Jālāris always marry young girls. One reason assigned for this is “the income to married young girls” at the time of the marriage ceremonies. Two or more married couples are invited to remain at the house in which the marriage takes place, to help the bridal couple in their toilette, and assist at the nalagu, evil eye waving, and other rites. They are rewarded for their services with presents. Another instance of infant marriage being the rule on account of pecuniary gain is found among the Dikshitar Brāhmans of Chidambaram. Only married males have a voice in temple affairs, and receive a share of the temple income. Consequently, boys are sometimes married when they are seven or eight years old. At every Jālāri marriage, meals must be given to the castemen, a rupee to the representatives of the patnams, twelve annas to the headman and his assistant, and three rupees to the Mālas.Like other Telugu castes, the Jālāris have intipērus (septs), which resemble those of the Vādas. Among them, Jonna and Buguri are common. In their religious observances, the Jālāris closely follow the Vādas.The Madras Museum possesses a collection of clay and wooden figures, such as are worshipped by the fishing castes at Gopalpūr, and other places on the Ganjam coast. Concerning these, Mr. J. D’A. C. Reilly writes to me as follows. The specimens represent thechief gods worshipped by the fishermen. The Tahsildar of Berhampūr got them made by the potters and carpenters, who usually make such figures for the Gopalpūr fishermen. I have found fishermen’s shrines at several places. Separate families appear to have separate shrines, some consisting of large chatties (earthen pots), occasionally ornamented, and turned upside down, with an opening on one side. Others are made of bricks and chunam (lime). All that I have seen had their opening towards the sea. Two classes of figures are placed in these shrines, viz., clay figures of gods, which are worshipped before fishing expeditions, and when there is danger from a particular disease which they prevent; and wooden figures of deceased relations, which are quite as imaginative as the clay figures. Figures of gods and relations are placed in the same family shrine. There are hundreds of gods to choose from, and the selection appears to be a matter of family taste and tradition. The figures which I have sent were made by a potter at Venkatarayapalle, and painted by a carpenter at Uppulapatti, both villages near Gopalpūr. The Tahsildar tells me that, when he was inspecting them at the Gopalpūr traveller’s bungalow, sixty or seventyfishermenobjected to their gods being taken away. He pacified them by telling them that it was because the Government had heard of their devotion to their gods that they wanted to have some of them in Madras. The collection of clay figures includes the following:—Bengali Babu.—Wears a hat, and rides on a black horse. He blesses the fishermen, secures large hauls of fish for them, and guards them against danger when out fishing.Sāmalamma.—Wears a red skirt and green coat and protects the fishermen from fever.Rājamma, a female figure, with a sword in her right hand, riding on a black elephant. She blesses barren women with children, and favours her devotees with big catches when they go out fishing.Yerenamma, riding on a white horse, with a sword in her right hand. She protects fishermen from drowning, and from being caught by big fish.Bhāgīrathamma, riding on an elephant, and having eight or twelve hands. She helps fishermen when fishing at night, and protects them against cholera, dysentery, and other intestinal disorders.Nūkalamma.—Wears a red jacket and green skirt, and protects the fishing community against small-pox.Orosondi Ammavāru.—Prevents the boats from being sunk or damaged.Bhāgadēvi.—Rides on a tiger, and protects the community from cholera.Veyyi Kannula Ammavāru, or the goddess of a thousand eyes, represented by a pot pierced with holes, in which a gingelly (Sesamum) oil light is burnt. She attends to the general welfare of the fisher folk.Jāli(Acacia arabica).—A gōtra of Kurni.Jalli.—Jalli, meaning palm tassels put round the neck and horns of bulls, occurs as an exogamous sept of Jōgi. The name occurs further as a sub-division of Kevuto.Jāmbava.—A synonym of the Mādigas, who claim descent from the rishi Audi Jāmbavādu.Jambu(Eugenia Jambolana).—An exogamous sept of Oddē.Jāmbuvar(a monkey king with a bear’s face).—An exogamous sept of Kondaiyamkottai Maravan.Jamkhānvāla(carpet-maker).—An occupational name for Patnūlkārans and Patvēgars.Jammi(Prosopis spicigera).—A gōtra of Gollas, members of which may not use the tree. It is further a gōtra of Chembadis. Children of this caste who are named after the caste god Gurappa or Gurunāthadu are taken, when they are five, seven, or nine years old, to a jammi tree, and shaved after it has been worshipped with offerings of cooked food, etc. The jammi or sami tree is regarded as sacred all over India. Some orthodox Hindus, when they pass it, go round it, and salute it, repeating a Sanskrit verse to the effect that “the sami tree removes sins; it is the destroyer of enemies; it was the bearer of the bows and arrows of Arjuna, and the sight of it was very welcome to Rāma.”Janappan.—The Janappans, Mr. W. Francis writes,22“were originally a section of the Balijas, but they have now developed into a distinct caste. They seem to have been called Janappan, because they manufactured gunny-bags of hemp (janapa) fibre. In Tamil they are called Saluppa Chettis, Saluppan being the Tamil form of Janappan. Some of them have taken to calling themselves Dēsāyis or Dēsādhīpatis (rulers of countries), and say they are Balijas. They do not wear the sacred thread. The caste usually speaks Telugu, but in Madura there is a section, the women of which speak Tamil, and also are debarred from taking part in religious ceremonies, and, therefore, apparently belonged originally to some other caste.”In a note on the Janappans of the North Arcot district23Mr. H. A. Stuart states that Janappan is “the name of a caste, which engages in trade by hawking goods about the towns and villages. Originally they were merely manufacturers of gunny-bags out of hemp(janapa,Crotalaria juncea), and so obtained their name. But they are now met with as Dāsaris or religious beggars, sweetmeat-sellers, and hawkers of English cloths and other goods. By the time they have obtained to the last honourable profession, they assume to be Balijas. Telugu is their vernacular, and Chetti their usual caste name. According to their own tradition, they sprung from a yāgam (sacrificial rite) made by Brahma, and their remote ancestor thus produced was, they say, asked by the merchants of the country to invent some means for carrying about their wares. He obtained some seeds from the ashes of Brahma’s yāgam, which he sowed, and the plant which sprang up was the country hemp, which he manufactured into a gunny-bag. The Janapa Chettis are enterprising men in their way, and are much employed at the fairs at Gudiyāttam and other places as cattle-brokers.”The Saluppans say that they have twenty-four gōtras, which are divided into groups of sixteen and eight. Marriage is forbidden between members of the same group, but permitted between members of the sixteen and eight gōtras. Among the names of the gōtras, are the following:—Vasava.Vamme.Mummudi.Pilli Vankaravan.Makkiduvan.Thallelan.Gendagiri.Madalavan.Piligara.Mukkanda.Vadiya.Thonda.Kōla.The Janappans of the Telugu country also say that they have only twenty-four gōtras. Some of these are totemistic in character. Thus, members of the Kappala (frog) gōtra owe their name to a tradition that on oneoccasion, when some of the family were fishing, they caught a haul of big frogs instead of fish. Consequently, members of this gōtra do not injure frogs. Members of the Thonda or Thonda Mahā Rishi gōtra abstain from using the fruit or leaves of the thonda plant (Cephalandra indica). The fruits of this plant are among the commonest of native vegetables. In like manner, members of the Mukkanda sept may not use the fruit ofMomordica Charantia. Those of the Vamme gōtra abstain from eating the fish called bombadai, because, when some of their ancestors went to fetch water in the marriage pot, they found a number of this fish in the water collected in the pot. So, too, in the Kōla gōtra, the eating of the fish called kōlasi is forbidden.In their marriage customs, those who live in the Telugu country follow the Telugu Purānic form, while those who have settled in the Tamil country have adopted some of the marriage rites thereof. There are, however, some points of interest in their marriage ceremonies. On the day fixed for the betrothal, those assembled wait silently listening for the chirping of a lizard, which is an auspicious sign. It is said that the match is broken off, if the chirping is not heard. If the omen proves auspicious, a small bundle of nine to twelve kinds of pulses and grain is given by the bridegroom’s father to the father of the bride. This is preserved, and examined several days after the marriage. If the grain and pulses are in good condition, it is a sign that the newly married couple will have a prosperous career.There are both Saivites and Vaishnavites among these people, and the former predominate in the southern districts. Most of the Vaishnavites are disciples of Bhatrāzus. The Bhatrāzu priest goes round periodically, collecting his fees. Those amongthe Saivites who are religiously inclined are disciples of Pandārams of mutts (religious institutions). Those who have settled in the Salem district seem to consider Damayanti and Kāmātchi as the caste deities.The manufacture of gunny-bags is still carried on by some members of the caste, but they are mainly engaged in trade and agriculture. In the city of Madras, the sale of various kinds of fruits is largely in the hands of the Janappans.Sāthu vāndlu, meaning a company of merchants or travellers, occurs as a synonym of Janappan.In the Mysore Census Report, 1901, Janappa is returned as a sub-division of the Gōnigas, who are sack-weavers, and makers of gunny-bags.Jandāyi(flag).—An exogamous sept of Yānādi.Janga(calf of the leg).—An exogamous sept of Māla.Jangal Jāti.—A synonym, denoting jungle folk, of the Kurivikārans or Kāttu Marāthis.Jangam.—It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that “strictly speaking, a Jangam is a priest to the religious sect of Lingāyats, but the term is frequently loosely applied to any Lingāyat, which accounts for the large numbers under this head (102,121). Jangams proper are said to be of two classes, Pattādikāris, who have a definite head-quarters, and Charamūrtis, who go from village to village, preaching the principles of the Lingāyat sect. Many Jangams are priests to Sūdras who are not Lingāyats, others are merely religious beggars, and others of them go in for trade.” In the Census Report, 1891, it is further recorded that “the full name is Jangama Lingāyat, meaning those who always worship a moveable lingam, in contradistinction to the Sthāvara (immoveable) lingam of the temples.Only two of the sub-divisions returned are numerically important, Ganāyata and Sthāvara. The sub-division Sthāvara is curious, for a Sthāvara Jangam is a contradistinction in terms. This sub-division is found only in the two northern districts, and it is possible that the Jangam caste, as there found, is different from the ordinary Jangam, for, in the Vizagapatam District Manual, the Jangams are said to be tailors.” In the Telugu country Lingāyats are called Jangālu.The Ganta Jangams are so called, because they carry a metal bell (ganta).The Jangams are thus referred to by Pietro della Valle.24“At Ikkeri I saw certain Indian Friars, whom in their language they call Giangāma, and perhaps are the same with the sages seen by me elsewhere; but they have wives, and go with their faces smeared with ashes, yet not naked, but clad in certain extravagant habits, and a kind of hood or cowl upon their heads of dyed linen of that colour which is generally used amongst them, namely a reddish brick colour, with many bracelets upon their arms and legs, filled with something within that makes a jangling as they walk. I saw many persons come to kiss their feet, and, whilst such persons were kissing them, and, for more reverence, touching their feet with their foreheads, these Giangāmas stood firm with a seeming severity, and without taking notice of it, as if they had been abstracted from the things of the world.” (SeeLingāyat.)Janjapul(sacred thread).—An exogamous sept of Bōya.Janmi.—Janmi or Janmakāran means “proprietor”or“landlord”; the person in whom the janman title rests.Janman denotes (1) birth, birthright, proprietorship; (2) freehold property, which it was considered disgraceful to alienate. Janmabhogam is the share in the produce of the land, which is due to the Janmi.”25In 1805–1806, the Collector of Malabar obtained, for the purpose of carrying out a scheme of assessment approved by Government, a return from all proprietors of the seed, produce, etc., of all their fields. This return is usually known as the Janmi pymāish of 981 M.E. (Malabar era).26Writing to me concerning Malabar at the present day, a correspondent states that “in almost every tāluk we have jungle tribes, who call themselves the men of Janmis. In the old days, when forests were sold, the inhabitants were actually entered in the contract as part of the effects, as, in former times, the landlord sold theadscriptiorascripti glebæwith the land. Now that is not done. However, the relationship exists to the following extent, according to what a Tahsildar (native magistrate) tells me. The tribesmen roam about the forests at will, and each year select a place, which has lain fallow for five years or more for all kinds of cultivation. Sometimes they inform the Janmis that they have done so, sometimes they do not. Then, at harvest time, the Janmi, or his agent, goes up and takes his share of the produce. They never try to deceive the Janmi. He is asked to settle their disputes, but these are rare. They never go to law. The Janmi can call on them for labour, and they give it willingly. If badly treated, as they have been at times by encroaching plainsmen, they run off to another forest, and serve another Janmi. At the Ōnam festival they come withgifts for the Janmi, who stands them a feast. The relation between the jungle folk and the Janmi shows the instinct in a primitive people to have a lord. There seems to be no gain in having a Janmi. His protection is not needed, and he is hardly ever called in to interfere. If they refused to pay the Janmi his dues, he would find it very hard to get them. Still they keep him.” In the middle of the last century, when planters first began to settle in the Malabar Wynād, they purchased the land from the Janmis with the Paniyans living on it, who were practically slaves of the landowners.The hereditary rights and perquisites claimed, in their villages, by the astrologer, carpenter, goldsmith, washerman, barber, etc., are called Cherujanmam.Janni.—The name of the caste priests of Jātapus.Japanese.—At the Mysore census, 1901, two Japanese were returned. They were managers of the silk farm instituted on Japanese methods by Mr. Tata of Bombay in the vicinity of Bangalore.Jāt.—A few members of this North Indian class of Muhammadans, engaged in trade, have been returned at times of census in Mysore.Jātapu.—The Jātapus are defined, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as “a civilised section of the Khonds, who speak Khond on the hills and Telugu on the plains, and are now practically a distinct caste. They consider themselves superior to those Khonds who still eat beef and snakes, and have taken to some of the ways of the castes of the plains.”For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The name Jātapu is popularly believed to be an abbreviated form of Konda Jātapu Doralu, or lords of the Khond caste. To this caste the old chiefs of the Pālkonda Zamindāri are said to havebelonged. It is divided into a number of septs, such, for example, as:—Thōrika or Thōyika, who revere the thōrika kōdi, a species of wild fowl.Kādrika, who revere another species of fowl.Mamdangi, who revere the bull or cow.Addāku, who revere the addāku (Bauhinia racemosa), which is used by low-country people for eating-platters.Konda Gorrē, who revere a certain breed of sheep.Navalipitta, who revere the peacock.Arika, who revere the arika (Paspalum scrobiculatum).Other septs, recorded in the Census Report, 1901, are Koalaka (arrow), Kutraki (wild goat), and Vinka (white ant,Termes).Marriage is celebrated either before or after a girl reaches puberty. A man may claim his paternal aunt’s daughter as his wife. The marriage ceremonies closely resemble those of the low-country Telugu type. The bride-price, called vōli, is a new cloth for the bride’s mother, rice, various kinds of grain, and liquor. The bride is conducted to the house of the bridegroom, and a feast is held. On the following morning, the kāllagōlla sambramam (toe-nail cutting) ceremony takes place, and, later on, at an auspicious hour, the wrist threads (kankanam) are tied on the wrists of the contracting couple, and their hands joined together. They then bathe, and another feast is held. The remarriage of widows is allowed, and a younger brother may marry the widow of his elder brother. Divorce is permitted, and divorcées may remarry.The dead are usually buried, but those who die from snake-bite are said to be burnt. Death pollution lastsfor three days, during which the caste occupation of cultivating is not carried on. An annual ceremony is performed by each family in honour of the dead. A fowl or goat is killed, a portion of the day’s food collected in a plate, and placed on the roof of the house. Once in twenty years or so, all the castemen join together, and buy a pig or cow, which is sacrificed in honour of the ancestors.The caste goddess is Jākara Dēvata, who is propitiated with sacrifices of pigs, sheep, and buffaloes. When the crop is gathered in, the first fruits are offered to her, and then partaken of.The caste headman is called Nāyudu or Sāmanthi, and he is assisted by the Janni, or caste priest, who officiates at ceremonials, and summons council meetings.The caste titles are Dora, Naiko, and Sāmanto.Jātikīrtulu.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a class of beggars in the Cuddapah district. The name means those who praise the caste, and may have reference to the Bhatrāzus.Jāti Pillai(children of the caste).—A general name for beggars, who are attached to particular castes, from the members of which they receive alms, and at whose ceremonies they take part by carrying flags in processions, etc. It is their duty to uphold the dignity of the caste by reciting the story of its origin, and singing its praises. As examples of Jāti Pillais, the following may be cited:—Mailāri attached to Kōmatis.Vīramushti attached to Bēri Chettis and Kōmatis.Nōkkan attached to Pallis.Māstiga attached to Mādigas.It is recorded by Mr. M. Paupa Rao Naidu27that some Koravas, who go by the name of Jātipalli Koravas, “are prevalent in the southern districts of the Madras Presidency, moving always in gangs, and giving much trouble. Their women tattoo in return for grain, money, or cloths, and help their men in getting acquainted with the nature and contents of the houses.”Jaura.—The Jauras are a small Oriya caste, closely allied to the Khodūras, the members of which manufacture lac (jau) bangles and other articles. Lac, it may be noted, is largely used in India for the manufacture of bangles, rings, beads, and other trinkets worn as ornaments by women of the poorer classes. Dhippo (light) and mohiro (peacock) occur as common exogamous septs among the Jauras, and are objects of reverence. The Jauras are mainly Saivites, and Sūramangala and Bimmala are the caste deities. Titles used by members of the caste are Dansē, Sāhu, Dhōv, and Mahapātro.Javvādi(civet-cat).—An exogamous sept of Mēdara.Jelakuppa(a fish).—An exogamous sept of Kuruba.Jēn(honey).—A sub-division of Kurumba.Jenna.—A title of Oriya castes,e.g., Bolāsi and Kālinji.Jerribōtula(centipedes).—An exogamous sept of Bōya.Jetti.—A Telugu caste of professional wrestlers and gymnasts, who, in the Telugu districts, shampoo and rub in ointments to cure nerve pains and other disorders. In Tanjore, though living in a Tamil environment, they speak Telugu. They wear the sacred thread, and consider themselves to be of superior caste, never descending to any degrading work. During the daysof the Rājas of Tanjore, they were employed in guarding the treasury and jewel rooms. But, since the death of the late Rāja, most of them have emigrated to Mysore and other Native States, a few only remaining in Tanjore, and residing in the fort.The Jettis, in Mysore, are said28to have been sometimes employed as executioners, and to have despatched their victim by a twist of the neck.29Thus, in the last war against Tīpu Sultān, General Matthews had his head wrung from his body by the “tiger fangs of the Jetties, a set of slaves trained up to gratify their master with their infernal species of dexterity.”30They are still considered skilful in setting dislocated joints. In a note regarding them in the early part of the last century, Wilks writes as follows. “These persons constitute a distinct caste, trained from their infancy in daily exercises for the express purpose of exhibitions; and perhaps the whole world does not produce more perfect forms than those which are exhibited at these interesting but cruel sports. The combatants, clad in a single garment of light orange-coloured drawers extending half-way down the thigh, have their right arm furnished with a weapon, which, for want of a more appropriate term, we shall name a cæstus, although different from the Roman instruments of that name. It is composed of buffalo horn, fitted to the hand, and pointed with four knobs, resembling very sharp knuckles, and corresponding to their situation, with a fifth of greater prominence at the end nearest the little finger, and at right angles with the other four. This instrument, properly placed, would enable a manof ordinary strength to cleave open the head of his adversary at a blow; but, the fingers being introduced through the weapon, it is fastened across them at an equal distance between the first and second lower joints, in a situation, it will be observed, which does not admit of attempting a severe blow, without the risk of dislocating the first joints of all the fingers. Thus armed, and adorned with garlands of flowers, the successive pairs of combatants, previously matched by the masters of the feast, are led into the arena; their names and abodes are proclaimed; and, after making their prostrations, first to the Rāja seated on his ivory throne, and then to the lattices behind which the ladies of the court are seated, they proceed to the combat, first divesting themselves of the garlands, and strewing the flowers gracefully over the arena. The combat is a mixture of wrestling and boxing, if the latter may be so named. The head is the exclusive object permitted to be struck. Before the end of the contest, both of the combatants may frequently be observed streaming with blood from the crown of the head down to the sand of the arena. When victory seems to have declared itself, or the contest is too severely maintained, the moderators in attendance on the Rāja make a signal for its cessation by throwing down turbans and robes, to be presented to the combatants. The victor frequently goes off the arena in four or five somersaults, to denote that he retires fresh from the contest. The Jettis are divided into five classes, and the ordinary price of victory is promotion to a higher class. There are distinct rewards for the first class, and in their old age they are promoted to be masters of the feast.”In an account of sports held before Tīpu Sultān at Seringapatam, James Scurry, who was one of hisprisoners, writes as follows.31“The getiees would be sent for, who always approached with their masters at their head, and, after prostration, and making their grand salams, touching the ground each time, they would be paired, one school against another. They had on their right hands the wood-guamootie (wajramushti) of four steel talons, which were fixed to each back joint of their fingers, and had a terrific appearance when their fists were closed. Their heads were close shaved, their bodies oiled, and they wore only a pair of short drawers. On being matched, and the signal given from Tippu, they begin the combat, always by throwing the flowers, which they wear round their necks, in each other’s faces; watching an opportunity of striking with the right hand, on which they wore this mischievous weapon which never failed lacerating the flesh, and drawing blood most copiously. Some pairs would close instantly, and no matter which was under, for the gripe was the whole; they were in general taught to suit their holds to their opponent’s body, with every part of which, as far as concerned them, they were well acquainted. If one got a hold against which his antagonist could not guard, he would be the conqueror; they would frequently break each other’s legs and arms; and, if anyway tardy, Tippu had means of infusing spirit into them, for there were always two stout fellows behind each, with instruments in their hands that would soon put them to work. They were obliged to fight as long as Tippu pleased, unless completely crippled, and, if they behaved well, they were generally rewarded with a turban and shawl, the quality being according to their merit.”The Jettis of Mysore still have in their possession knuckle-dusters of the type described above, and take part annually in matches during the Dasara festival. A Jetti police constable, whom I saw at Channapatna, had wrestled at Baroda, and at the court of Nepal, and narrated to me with pride how a wrestler came from Madras to Bangalore, and challenged any one to a match. A Jetti engaged to meet him in two matches for Rs. 500 each, and, after going in for a short course of training, walked round him in each encounter, and won the money easily.The Mysore Jettis are said to be called, in some places, Mushtigas. And some are stated to use a jargon called Mallabāsha.32Jetti further occurs as the name of an exogamous sept of the Kavarais.Jew.—It has been said by a recent writer that “there is hardly a more curious, and in some respects one might almost say a more weird sight than the Jew town, which lies beyond the British Settlement at Cochin. Crossing over the lagoon from the beautiful little island of Bolghotty, where the British Residency for the Cochin State nestles in a bower of tropical vegetation, one lands amidst cocoanut trees, opposite to one of the old palaces of the Cochin Rājahs, and, passing through a native bazaar crowded with dark-skinned Malayālis, one turns off abruptly into a long narrow street, where faces as white as those of any northern European race, but Semitic in every feature, transport one suddenly in mind to the Jewish quarter in Jerusalem, or rather perhaps to someghettoin a Polish city.”In the preparation of the following note, I have been much indebted to the Cochin Census Report, 1901, and to a series of articles published by Mr. Elkan N. Adler in the Jewish Chronicle.33The circumstances under which, and the time when the Jews migrated to the Malabar Coast, are wrapped in obscurity. They themselves are able to give accounts of only isolated incidents, since whatever records they had were lost at the destruction by the Portuguese of their original settlement at Cranganūr in 1565, and by the destruction at a later period of such fragments as remained in their possession in the struggle between the Portuguese and the Dutch, for the Portuguese, suspecting that the Jews had helped the Dutch, plundered their synagogue in Cochin.It is recorded by the Dutch Governor Moens34that “when Heer van Goens besieged Cochin, the Jews were quite eager to provide the troops of the Dutch Company with victuals, and to afford them all the assistance they could, hoping that they would enjoy under this Company the greatest possible civil and religious liberty; but, when the above-mentioned troops were compelled to leave this coast before the end of the good monsoon, without having been able to take Cochin, the Portuguese did not fail to make the Jews feel the terrible consequences of their revenge. For, no sooner had the Dutch retreated, than a detachment of soldiers was sent to the Jewish quarters, which were pillaged and set fire to, whilst the inhabitants fled to the high-lands, and returned only after Cochin was taken by the Dutch.“The Jews, who still hold that the Malabar Israelites were in possession of an old copy of the Sepher Thora, say that this copy, and all other documents, got lost on the occasion when the Portuguese destroyed the Jewish quarters, but this is not likely. For, whereas they had time to save their most valuable property according to their own testimony, and to take it to the mountains, they would not have failed to take along with them these documents, which were to them of inestimable value. For it is related that for a new copy of the Pentateuch which at that time was in their synagogue they had so much respect, and took such great care of it, that they even secured this copy, and took it along, and (when they returned) carried it back with great rejoicing, as it was done in olden times with the Ark of the Covenant.”Writing in the eighteenth century, Captain Hamilton states35that the Jews “have a synagogue at Cochin, not far from the King’s Palace, in which are carefully kept their Records, engraven on copper plates in Hebrew characters; and when any of the characters decay, they are new cut, so that they can show their own History from the Reign of Nebuchadnezzar to this present time. Myn Heer Van Reeda, about the year 1695, had an Abstract of their History translated from the Hebrew into low Dutch. They declare themselves to be of the Tribe of Manasseh, a Part whereof was, by order of that haughty Conqueror Nebuchadnezzar, carried to the easternmost Province of his large Empire, which, it seems, reached as far as Cape Comerin, which journey 200,000 of them travelled in three years from their setting out of Babylon.”The elders of the White Jews of Cochin have in their possession a charter on two copper plates in Vatteluttu character, “the original character which once prevailed over nearly all the Tamil country and south-west coast, but which has long ceased to be used in the former place, and, in the latter, is now only known in a later form, used for drawing up documents by Hindu Rājas.”36Concerning this copper-plate charter, Mr. Adler writes that “the white Jews say that they have always held it; the black Jews contend that it was originally theirs. The title-deed is quaint in many ways. It consists of three strips of copper, one of which is blank, one etched on both sides, and the third on one side only. The characters are made legible by being rubbed with whitening. The copper plates have a round hole in the corner, through which a string was passed to tie them together under seal, but the seal is lost. They are now kept together by a thin and narrow copper band, which just fits.”Taking Dr. Gundert’s37and Mr. Ellis’38translation of the charter as guides, Mr. Burnell translates it as follows:—39Svastī Sri.—The king of kings has ordered (This is) the act of grace ordered by His Majesty Srî Pârkaran Iravi Vanmar40wielding the sceptre and reigning in a hundred thousand places, (in) the year (which is) the opposite to the second year, the thirty-sixth year, (on) the day he designed to abide in Mûyirikkôdu.41We have given to Isuppu Irabbân42Ansuvannam (as a principality), and seventy-two proprietary rights (appertaining to the dignity of a feudal lord) also tribute by reverence (?) and offerings, and the profits of Ansuvannam, and day-lamps, and broad garments (as opposed to the custom of Malabar), and palankins, and umbrellas, and large drums, and trumpets, and small drums and garlands, and garlands across streets, etc., and the like, and seventy-two free houses. Moreover, we have granted by this document on copper that he shall not pay the taxes paid by the houses of the city into the royal treasury, and the (above-said) privileges to hold (them). To Isuppu Irabbân, prince of Ansuvannam, and to his descendants, his sons and daughters, and to his nephews, and to (the nephews) of his daughters in natural succession, Ansuvannam (is) an hereditary estate, as long as the world and moon exist. Srî. The charter is witnessed by various local chiefs.A somewhat different reading is given by Dr. G. Oppert43who renders the translation as follows:—“Hail and happiness! The King of Kings, His Holiness Srî Bhaskara Ravi Varma, who wields the sceptre in many hundred thousand places, has made this decree on the day that he was pleased to dwell in Muyirikodu in the thirty-sixth year of his reign. We have granted unto Joseph Rabban Anjavannan the [dignity of] Prince, with all the seventy-two rights of ownership. He shall [enjoy] the revenues from female elephants and riding animals, and the income of Anjavannan. He is entitled to be honoured by lamps by day, and to use broad-cloth and sedan chairs,and the umbrella and the drums of the north and trumpets, and little drums, and gates, and garlands over the streets, and wreaths, and so on. We have granted unto him the land tax and weight tax. Moreover, we have by these copper tablets sanctioned that, when the houses of the city have to pay taxes to the palace, he need not pay, and he shall enjoy other privileges like unto these. To Joseph Rabbān, the prince of Anjavannam, and to his descendants, and to his sons and daughters, and to the nephews and sons-in-law of his daughters, in natural succession, so long as the world and moon exist, Anjuvannam shall be his hereditary possession.” It is suggested by Dr. Oppert that Anjuvannam is identical with the fifth or foreign caste.Dr. E. Hultzsch, the latest authority on the subject of the copper plates, gives the following translation:44“Hail! Prosperity! (The following) gift (prasāda) was graciously made by him who had assumed the title ‘King of Kings’ (Kōgōn), His Majesty (tiruvadi) the King (kō), the glorious Bhāskara Ravivarman, in the time during which (he) was wielding the sceptre and ruling over many hundred thousands of places, in the thirty-sixth year after the second year, on the day on which (he) was pleased to stay at Muyirikkōdu. We have given to Īssuppu Irappān (the village of) Anjuvannam, together with the seventy-two proprietary rights (viz.), the tolls on female elephants and other riding-animals, the revenue of Anjuvannam, a lamp in day-time, a cloth spread (in front to walk on), a palanquin, a parasol, a Vaduga (i.e., Telugu?) drum, a large trumpet, a gateway, an arch, a canopy (in the shape) of an arch,a garland, and so forth. We have remitted tolls and the tax on balances. Moreover, we have granted with (these) copper-leaves that he need not pay (the dues) which the (other) inhabitants of the city pay to the royal palace (kōyil), and that (he) may enjoy (the benefits) which (they) enjoy. To Īssuppu Irappān of Anjuvannam, to the male children and to the female children born of him, to his nephews, and to the sons-in-law who have married (his) daughters (we have given) Anjuvannam (as) an hereditary estate for as long as the world and the moon shall exist. Hail! Thus do I know, Gōvardhana-Mārtāndan of Vēnādu. Thus do I know, Kōdai Srīkanthan of Vēnāpalinādu. Thus do I know, Mānavēpala-Mānavyan of Erālanādu. Thus do I know, Īrāyiram of Valluvanādu. Thus do I know, Kōdai Ravi of Nedumpuraiyūrnādu. Thus do I know, Mūrkham Sāttan, who holds the office of sub-commander of the forces. The writing of the Under-Secretary Van—Talaisēri—Gandan Kunrappōlan.”“The date of the inscription,” Dr. Hultzsch adds, “was the thirty-sixth year opposite to the second year. As I have shown on a previous occasion,45the meaning of this mysterious phrase is probably ‘the thirty-sixth year (of the king’s coronation, which took place) after the second year (of the king’s yauvarājya).’ The inscription records a grant which the king made to Īssuppu Irappān,i.e., Joseph Rabbān. The occurrence of this Semitic name, combined with the two facts that the plates are still with the Cochin Jews, and that the latter possess a Hebrew translation of the document, proves that the donee was a member of the ancient Jewish colony on the western coast. The grant was made at Muriyikkōdu.The Hebrew translation identifies this place with Kodunnallūr (Cranganore), where the Jewish colonists resided, until the bad treatment which they received at the hands of the Portuguese induced them to settle near Cochin. The object of the grant was Anjuvannam. This word means ‘the five castes,’ and may have the designation of that quarter of Cranganore, in which the five classes of Artisans—Ain-Kammālar, as they are called in the smaller Kōttayam grant—resided.”In a note on the Kōttayam plate of Vīra Rāghava, which is in the possession of the Syrian Christians, Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya writes as follows.46“Vīra-Rāghava conferred the title of Manigrāmam on the merchant Iravikkorran. Similarly Anjuvannam was bestowed by the Cochin plates on the Jew Joseph Rabbān. The old Malayālam work Payyanūr Pattōla, which Dr. Gundert considered the oldest specimen of Malayālam composition, refers to Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam. The context in which the two names occur in this work implies that they were trading institutions. In the Kōttayam plates of Sthānu Ravi, both Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam are frequently mentioned. Both of them were appointed along with the six hundred to be ‘the protectors’ of the grant. They were ‘to preserve the proceeds of the customs duty as they were collected day by day,’ and ‘to receive the landlord’s portion of the rent on land. If any injustice be done to them, they may withhold the customs and the tax on balances, and remedy themselves the injury done to them. Should they themselves commit a crime, they are themselves to have the investigation of it.’ To Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam was granted the freehold of the lands ofthe town (of Kollam?). From these extracts, and from the reference in the Payyanūr Pattōla, it appears that Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam were semi-independent trading corporations. The epithet Setti (merchant) given to Ravikkorran, the trade rights granted to him, and the sources of revenue thrown open to him as head of Manigrāmam, confirm the view that the latter was a trading corporation. There is nothing either in the Cochin grant, or in the subjoined inscription to show that Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam were, as believed by Dr. Gundert and others, Jewish and Christian principalities, respectively. It was supposed by Dr. Burnell that the plate of Vīra-Rāghavacreatedthe principality of Manigrāmam, and the Cochin plates that of Anjuvannam, and that, consequently, the existence of these two grants is presupposed by the plates of Sthānu Ravi, which mention both Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam very often. The Cochin plates did notcreateAnjuvannam, but conferred the honours and privileges connected therewith to a Jew named Joseph Rabbān. Similarly, the rights and honours associated with the other corporation, Manigrāmam, was bestowed at a later period on Ravikkorran. Therefore, Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam must have existed as institutions even before the earliest of these three copper-plates was issued. It is just possible that Ravikkorran was a Christian by religion. But his name and title give no clue in this direction, and there is nothing Christian in the document, except its possession by the present owners.”It is recorded by Mr. Francis Day47that Governor Moens obtained three different translations of the plates,and gave as the most correct version one, in which the following words occur:—“We, Erawi, Wanwara, Emperor of Malabar ... give this deed of rights to the good Joseph Rabbān, that he may use the five colours, spread his religion among the five castes.” Mr. Burnell, however, notes that Dr. Gundert has ascertained beyond doubt that Anjuvannan (literally five colours) does not mean some privilege, but is the name of a place.Concerning the copper-plates, Governor Moens writes thus. “The following translation is by the Jewish merchant Ezechiel Rabby, who was an earnest explorer of anything that had any connection with his nation. After this I will give another translation, which I got from our second interpreter Barend Deventer, who was assisted by an old and literary inhabitant of Malabar; and lastly I will add a third one, which I obtained from our first interpreter Simon of Tongeren, assisted by a heathen scribe of Calicut, in order thus not to allow the Jews to be the judges in their own affair, but rather to enable the reader to judge for himself in this doubtful matter. The first translation runs thus:—

VizagapatamBuguri sept.RevalpatnamJonna sept.BimlipatamSundra sept.

The Jālāris are unable to explain the significance of this “counting towns,” as they call it. Possibly Peddapatnam was their original home, from which particular septs emigrated to other towns. On the second day of the marriage ceremonies, the tying of the sathamānam (marriage badge) takes place. The bridegroom, after going in procession through the streets, enters the house at which the marriage is to be celebrated. At the entrance, the maternal uncle of the bride stands holding in his crossed hands two vessels, one of which contains water, and the other water with jaggery (crude sugar) dissolved in it. The bridegroom is expected to take hold of the vessel containing the sweetened water before he enters, and is fined if he fails to do so. When the bridegroom approaches the pandal, some married women hold a bamboo pole between him and the pandal, and a new earthen pot is carried thrice round the pole. While this is being done, the bride joins the bridegroom, and the couple enter the pandal beneath a cloth held up to form a canopy in front thereof. This ceremonial takes place towards evening, as the marriage badge is tied on the bride’s neck during the night. An interesting feature in connection with the procession is that a pole calleddigametlu (shoulder-pole), with two baskets tied to the ends, is carried. In one of the baskets a number of sieves and small baskets are placed, and in the other one or more cats. This digametlu is always referred to by the Vādas when they are questioned as to the difference between their marriage ceremonies and those of the Jālāris. Other castes laugh at this custom, and it is consequently dying out.

The Jālāris always marry young girls. One reason assigned for this is “the income to married young girls” at the time of the marriage ceremonies. Two or more married couples are invited to remain at the house in which the marriage takes place, to help the bridal couple in their toilette, and assist at the nalagu, evil eye waving, and other rites. They are rewarded for their services with presents. Another instance of infant marriage being the rule on account of pecuniary gain is found among the Dikshitar Brāhmans of Chidambaram. Only married males have a voice in temple affairs, and receive a share of the temple income. Consequently, boys are sometimes married when they are seven or eight years old. At every Jālāri marriage, meals must be given to the castemen, a rupee to the representatives of the patnams, twelve annas to the headman and his assistant, and three rupees to the Mālas.

Like other Telugu castes, the Jālāris have intipērus (septs), which resemble those of the Vādas. Among them, Jonna and Buguri are common. In their religious observances, the Jālāris closely follow the Vādas.

The Madras Museum possesses a collection of clay and wooden figures, such as are worshipped by the fishing castes at Gopalpūr, and other places on the Ganjam coast. Concerning these, Mr. J. D’A. C. Reilly writes to me as follows. The specimens represent thechief gods worshipped by the fishermen. The Tahsildar of Berhampūr got them made by the potters and carpenters, who usually make such figures for the Gopalpūr fishermen. I have found fishermen’s shrines at several places. Separate families appear to have separate shrines, some consisting of large chatties (earthen pots), occasionally ornamented, and turned upside down, with an opening on one side. Others are made of bricks and chunam (lime). All that I have seen had their opening towards the sea. Two classes of figures are placed in these shrines, viz., clay figures of gods, which are worshipped before fishing expeditions, and when there is danger from a particular disease which they prevent; and wooden figures of deceased relations, which are quite as imaginative as the clay figures. Figures of gods and relations are placed in the same family shrine. There are hundreds of gods to choose from, and the selection appears to be a matter of family taste and tradition. The figures which I have sent were made by a potter at Venkatarayapalle, and painted by a carpenter at Uppulapatti, both villages near Gopalpūr. The Tahsildar tells me that, when he was inspecting them at the Gopalpūr traveller’s bungalow, sixty or seventyfishermenobjected to their gods being taken away. He pacified them by telling them that it was because the Government had heard of their devotion to their gods that they wanted to have some of them in Madras. The collection of clay figures includes the following:—

Bengali Babu.—Wears a hat, and rides on a black horse. He blesses the fishermen, secures large hauls of fish for them, and guards them against danger when out fishing.

Sāmalamma.—Wears a red skirt and green coat and protects the fishermen from fever.

Rājamma, a female figure, with a sword in her right hand, riding on a black elephant. She blesses barren women with children, and favours her devotees with big catches when they go out fishing.

Yerenamma, riding on a white horse, with a sword in her right hand. She protects fishermen from drowning, and from being caught by big fish.

Bhāgīrathamma, riding on an elephant, and having eight or twelve hands. She helps fishermen when fishing at night, and protects them against cholera, dysentery, and other intestinal disorders.

Nūkalamma.—Wears a red jacket and green skirt, and protects the fishing community against small-pox.

Orosondi Ammavāru.—Prevents the boats from being sunk or damaged.

Bhāgadēvi.—Rides on a tiger, and protects the community from cholera.

Veyyi Kannula Ammavāru, or the goddess of a thousand eyes, represented by a pot pierced with holes, in which a gingelly (Sesamum) oil light is burnt. She attends to the general welfare of the fisher folk.

Jāli(Acacia arabica).—A gōtra of Kurni.

Jalli.—Jalli, meaning palm tassels put round the neck and horns of bulls, occurs as an exogamous sept of Jōgi. The name occurs further as a sub-division of Kevuto.

Jāmbava.—A synonym of the Mādigas, who claim descent from the rishi Audi Jāmbavādu.

Jambu(Eugenia Jambolana).—An exogamous sept of Oddē.

Jāmbuvar(a monkey king with a bear’s face).—An exogamous sept of Kondaiyamkottai Maravan.

Jamkhānvāla(carpet-maker).—An occupational name for Patnūlkārans and Patvēgars.

Jammi(Prosopis spicigera).—A gōtra of Gollas, members of which may not use the tree. It is further a gōtra of Chembadis. Children of this caste who are named after the caste god Gurappa or Gurunāthadu are taken, when they are five, seven, or nine years old, to a jammi tree, and shaved after it has been worshipped with offerings of cooked food, etc. The jammi or sami tree is regarded as sacred all over India. Some orthodox Hindus, when they pass it, go round it, and salute it, repeating a Sanskrit verse to the effect that “the sami tree removes sins; it is the destroyer of enemies; it was the bearer of the bows and arrows of Arjuna, and the sight of it was very welcome to Rāma.”

Janappan.—The Janappans, Mr. W. Francis writes,22“were originally a section of the Balijas, but they have now developed into a distinct caste. They seem to have been called Janappan, because they manufactured gunny-bags of hemp (janapa) fibre. In Tamil they are called Saluppa Chettis, Saluppan being the Tamil form of Janappan. Some of them have taken to calling themselves Dēsāyis or Dēsādhīpatis (rulers of countries), and say they are Balijas. They do not wear the sacred thread. The caste usually speaks Telugu, but in Madura there is a section, the women of which speak Tamil, and also are debarred from taking part in religious ceremonies, and, therefore, apparently belonged originally to some other caste.”

In a note on the Janappans of the North Arcot district23Mr. H. A. Stuart states that Janappan is “the name of a caste, which engages in trade by hawking goods about the towns and villages. Originally they were merely manufacturers of gunny-bags out of hemp(janapa,Crotalaria juncea), and so obtained their name. But they are now met with as Dāsaris or religious beggars, sweetmeat-sellers, and hawkers of English cloths and other goods. By the time they have obtained to the last honourable profession, they assume to be Balijas. Telugu is their vernacular, and Chetti their usual caste name. According to their own tradition, they sprung from a yāgam (sacrificial rite) made by Brahma, and their remote ancestor thus produced was, they say, asked by the merchants of the country to invent some means for carrying about their wares. He obtained some seeds from the ashes of Brahma’s yāgam, which he sowed, and the plant which sprang up was the country hemp, which he manufactured into a gunny-bag. The Janapa Chettis are enterprising men in their way, and are much employed at the fairs at Gudiyāttam and other places as cattle-brokers.”

The Saluppans say that they have twenty-four gōtras, which are divided into groups of sixteen and eight. Marriage is forbidden between members of the same group, but permitted between members of the sixteen and eight gōtras. Among the names of the gōtras, are the following:—

The Janappans of the Telugu country also say that they have only twenty-four gōtras. Some of these are totemistic in character. Thus, members of the Kappala (frog) gōtra owe their name to a tradition that on oneoccasion, when some of the family were fishing, they caught a haul of big frogs instead of fish. Consequently, members of this gōtra do not injure frogs. Members of the Thonda or Thonda Mahā Rishi gōtra abstain from using the fruit or leaves of the thonda plant (Cephalandra indica). The fruits of this plant are among the commonest of native vegetables. In like manner, members of the Mukkanda sept may not use the fruit ofMomordica Charantia. Those of the Vamme gōtra abstain from eating the fish called bombadai, because, when some of their ancestors went to fetch water in the marriage pot, they found a number of this fish in the water collected in the pot. So, too, in the Kōla gōtra, the eating of the fish called kōlasi is forbidden.

In their marriage customs, those who live in the Telugu country follow the Telugu Purānic form, while those who have settled in the Tamil country have adopted some of the marriage rites thereof. There are, however, some points of interest in their marriage ceremonies. On the day fixed for the betrothal, those assembled wait silently listening for the chirping of a lizard, which is an auspicious sign. It is said that the match is broken off, if the chirping is not heard. If the omen proves auspicious, a small bundle of nine to twelve kinds of pulses and grain is given by the bridegroom’s father to the father of the bride. This is preserved, and examined several days after the marriage. If the grain and pulses are in good condition, it is a sign that the newly married couple will have a prosperous career.

There are both Saivites and Vaishnavites among these people, and the former predominate in the southern districts. Most of the Vaishnavites are disciples of Bhatrāzus. The Bhatrāzu priest goes round periodically, collecting his fees. Those amongthe Saivites who are religiously inclined are disciples of Pandārams of mutts (religious institutions). Those who have settled in the Salem district seem to consider Damayanti and Kāmātchi as the caste deities.

The manufacture of gunny-bags is still carried on by some members of the caste, but they are mainly engaged in trade and agriculture. In the city of Madras, the sale of various kinds of fruits is largely in the hands of the Janappans.

Sāthu vāndlu, meaning a company of merchants or travellers, occurs as a synonym of Janappan.

In the Mysore Census Report, 1901, Janappa is returned as a sub-division of the Gōnigas, who are sack-weavers, and makers of gunny-bags.

Jandāyi(flag).—An exogamous sept of Yānādi.

Janga(calf of the leg).—An exogamous sept of Māla.

Jangal Jāti.—A synonym, denoting jungle folk, of the Kurivikārans or Kāttu Marāthis.

Jangam.—It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that “strictly speaking, a Jangam is a priest to the religious sect of Lingāyats, but the term is frequently loosely applied to any Lingāyat, which accounts for the large numbers under this head (102,121). Jangams proper are said to be of two classes, Pattādikāris, who have a definite head-quarters, and Charamūrtis, who go from village to village, preaching the principles of the Lingāyat sect. Many Jangams are priests to Sūdras who are not Lingāyats, others are merely religious beggars, and others of them go in for trade.” In the Census Report, 1891, it is further recorded that “the full name is Jangama Lingāyat, meaning those who always worship a moveable lingam, in contradistinction to the Sthāvara (immoveable) lingam of the temples.Only two of the sub-divisions returned are numerically important, Ganāyata and Sthāvara. The sub-division Sthāvara is curious, for a Sthāvara Jangam is a contradistinction in terms. This sub-division is found only in the two northern districts, and it is possible that the Jangam caste, as there found, is different from the ordinary Jangam, for, in the Vizagapatam District Manual, the Jangams are said to be tailors.” In the Telugu country Lingāyats are called Jangālu.

The Ganta Jangams are so called, because they carry a metal bell (ganta).

The Jangams are thus referred to by Pietro della Valle.24“At Ikkeri I saw certain Indian Friars, whom in their language they call Giangāma, and perhaps are the same with the sages seen by me elsewhere; but they have wives, and go with their faces smeared with ashes, yet not naked, but clad in certain extravagant habits, and a kind of hood or cowl upon their heads of dyed linen of that colour which is generally used amongst them, namely a reddish brick colour, with many bracelets upon their arms and legs, filled with something within that makes a jangling as they walk. I saw many persons come to kiss their feet, and, whilst such persons were kissing them, and, for more reverence, touching their feet with their foreheads, these Giangāmas stood firm with a seeming severity, and without taking notice of it, as if they had been abstracted from the things of the world.” (SeeLingāyat.)

Janjapul(sacred thread).—An exogamous sept of Bōya.

Janmi.—Janmi or Janmakāran means “proprietor”or“landlord”; the person in whom the janman title rests.Janman denotes (1) birth, birthright, proprietorship; (2) freehold property, which it was considered disgraceful to alienate. Janmabhogam is the share in the produce of the land, which is due to the Janmi.”25In 1805–1806, the Collector of Malabar obtained, for the purpose of carrying out a scheme of assessment approved by Government, a return from all proprietors of the seed, produce, etc., of all their fields. This return is usually known as the Janmi pymāish of 981 M.E. (Malabar era).26

Writing to me concerning Malabar at the present day, a correspondent states that “in almost every tāluk we have jungle tribes, who call themselves the men of Janmis. In the old days, when forests were sold, the inhabitants were actually entered in the contract as part of the effects, as, in former times, the landlord sold theadscriptiorascripti glebæwith the land. Now that is not done. However, the relationship exists to the following extent, according to what a Tahsildar (native magistrate) tells me. The tribesmen roam about the forests at will, and each year select a place, which has lain fallow for five years or more for all kinds of cultivation. Sometimes they inform the Janmis that they have done so, sometimes they do not. Then, at harvest time, the Janmi, or his agent, goes up and takes his share of the produce. They never try to deceive the Janmi. He is asked to settle their disputes, but these are rare. They never go to law. The Janmi can call on them for labour, and they give it willingly. If badly treated, as they have been at times by encroaching plainsmen, they run off to another forest, and serve another Janmi. At the Ōnam festival they come withgifts for the Janmi, who stands them a feast. The relation between the jungle folk and the Janmi shows the instinct in a primitive people to have a lord. There seems to be no gain in having a Janmi. His protection is not needed, and he is hardly ever called in to interfere. If they refused to pay the Janmi his dues, he would find it very hard to get them. Still they keep him.” In the middle of the last century, when planters first began to settle in the Malabar Wynād, they purchased the land from the Janmis with the Paniyans living on it, who were practically slaves of the landowners.

The hereditary rights and perquisites claimed, in their villages, by the astrologer, carpenter, goldsmith, washerman, barber, etc., are called Cherujanmam.

Janni.—The name of the caste priests of Jātapus.

Japanese.—At the Mysore census, 1901, two Japanese were returned. They were managers of the silk farm instituted on Japanese methods by Mr. Tata of Bombay in the vicinity of Bangalore.

Jāt.—A few members of this North Indian class of Muhammadans, engaged in trade, have been returned at times of census in Mysore.

Jātapu.—The Jātapus are defined, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as “a civilised section of the Khonds, who speak Khond on the hills and Telugu on the plains, and are now practically a distinct caste. They consider themselves superior to those Khonds who still eat beef and snakes, and have taken to some of the ways of the castes of the plains.”

For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The name Jātapu is popularly believed to be an abbreviated form of Konda Jātapu Doralu, or lords of the Khond caste. To this caste the old chiefs of the Pālkonda Zamindāri are said to havebelonged. It is divided into a number of septs, such, for example, as:—

Thōrika or Thōyika, who revere the thōrika kōdi, a species of wild fowl.Kādrika, who revere another species of fowl.Mamdangi, who revere the bull or cow.Addāku, who revere the addāku (Bauhinia racemosa), which is used by low-country people for eating-platters.Konda Gorrē, who revere a certain breed of sheep.Navalipitta, who revere the peacock.Arika, who revere the arika (Paspalum scrobiculatum).

Thōrika or Thōyika, who revere the thōrika kōdi, a species of wild fowl.

Kādrika, who revere another species of fowl.

Mamdangi, who revere the bull or cow.

Addāku, who revere the addāku (Bauhinia racemosa), which is used by low-country people for eating-platters.

Konda Gorrē, who revere a certain breed of sheep.

Navalipitta, who revere the peacock.

Arika, who revere the arika (Paspalum scrobiculatum).

Other septs, recorded in the Census Report, 1901, are Koalaka (arrow), Kutraki (wild goat), and Vinka (white ant,Termes).

Marriage is celebrated either before or after a girl reaches puberty. A man may claim his paternal aunt’s daughter as his wife. The marriage ceremonies closely resemble those of the low-country Telugu type. The bride-price, called vōli, is a new cloth for the bride’s mother, rice, various kinds of grain, and liquor. The bride is conducted to the house of the bridegroom, and a feast is held. On the following morning, the kāllagōlla sambramam (toe-nail cutting) ceremony takes place, and, later on, at an auspicious hour, the wrist threads (kankanam) are tied on the wrists of the contracting couple, and their hands joined together. They then bathe, and another feast is held. The remarriage of widows is allowed, and a younger brother may marry the widow of his elder brother. Divorce is permitted, and divorcées may remarry.

The dead are usually buried, but those who die from snake-bite are said to be burnt. Death pollution lastsfor three days, during which the caste occupation of cultivating is not carried on. An annual ceremony is performed by each family in honour of the dead. A fowl or goat is killed, a portion of the day’s food collected in a plate, and placed on the roof of the house. Once in twenty years or so, all the castemen join together, and buy a pig or cow, which is sacrificed in honour of the ancestors.

The caste goddess is Jākara Dēvata, who is propitiated with sacrifices of pigs, sheep, and buffaloes. When the crop is gathered in, the first fruits are offered to her, and then partaken of.

The caste headman is called Nāyudu or Sāmanthi, and he is assisted by the Janni, or caste priest, who officiates at ceremonials, and summons council meetings.

The caste titles are Dora, Naiko, and Sāmanto.

Jātikīrtulu.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a class of beggars in the Cuddapah district. The name means those who praise the caste, and may have reference to the Bhatrāzus.

Jāti Pillai(children of the caste).—A general name for beggars, who are attached to particular castes, from the members of which they receive alms, and at whose ceremonies they take part by carrying flags in processions, etc. It is their duty to uphold the dignity of the caste by reciting the story of its origin, and singing its praises. As examples of Jāti Pillais, the following may be cited:—

It is recorded by Mr. M. Paupa Rao Naidu27that some Koravas, who go by the name of Jātipalli Koravas, “are prevalent in the southern districts of the Madras Presidency, moving always in gangs, and giving much trouble. Their women tattoo in return for grain, money, or cloths, and help their men in getting acquainted with the nature and contents of the houses.”

Jaura.—The Jauras are a small Oriya caste, closely allied to the Khodūras, the members of which manufacture lac (jau) bangles and other articles. Lac, it may be noted, is largely used in India for the manufacture of bangles, rings, beads, and other trinkets worn as ornaments by women of the poorer classes. Dhippo (light) and mohiro (peacock) occur as common exogamous septs among the Jauras, and are objects of reverence. The Jauras are mainly Saivites, and Sūramangala and Bimmala are the caste deities. Titles used by members of the caste are Dansē, Sāhu, Dhōv, and Mahapātro.

Javvādi(civet-cat).—An exogamous sept of Mēdara.

Jelakuppa(a fish).—An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Jēn(honey).—A sub-division of Kurumba.

Jenna.—A title of Oriya castes,e.g., Bolāsi and Kālinji.

Jerribōtula(centipedes).—An exogamous sept of Bōya.

Jetti.—A Telugu caste of professional wrestlers and gymnasts, who, in the Telugu districts, shampoo and rub in ointments to cure nerve pains and other disorders. In Tanjore, though living in a Tamil environment, they speak Telugu. They wear the sacred thread, and consider themselves to be of superior caste, never descending to any degrading work. During the daysof the Rājas of Tanjore, they were employed in guarding the treasury and jewel rooms. But, since the death of the late Rāja, most of them have emigrated to Mysore and other Native States, a few only remaining in Tanjore, and residing in the fort.

The Jettis, in Mysore, are said28to have been sometimes employed as executioners, and to have despatched their victim by a twist of the neck.29Thus, in the last war against Tīpu Sultān, General Matthews had his head wrung from his body by the “tiger fangs of the Jetties, a set of slaves trained up to gratify their master with their infernal species of dexterity.”30

They are still considered skilful in setting dislocated joints. In a note regarding them in the early part of the last century, Wilks writes as follows. “These persons constitute a distinct caste, trained from their infancy in daily exercises for the express purpose of exhibitions; and perhaps the whole world does not produce more perfect forms than those which are exhibited at these interesting but cruel sports. The combatants, clad in a single garment of light orange-coloured drawers extending half-way down the thigh, have their right arm furnished with a weapon, which, for want of a more appropriate term, we shall name a cæstus, although different from the Roman instruments of that name. It is composed of buffalo horn, fitted to the hand, and pointed with four knobs, resembling very sharp knuckles, and corresponding to their situation, with a fifth of greater prominence at the end nearest the little finger, and at right angles with the other four. This instrument, properly placed, would enable a manof ordinary strength to cleave open the head of his adversary at a blow; but, the fingers being introduced through the weapon, it is fastened across them at an equal distance between the first and second lower joints, in a situation, it will be observed, which does not admit of attempting a severe blow, without the risk of dislocating the first joints of all the fingers. Thus armed, and adorned with garlands of flowers, the successive pairs of combatants, previously matched by the masters of the feast, are led into the arena; their names and abodes are proclaimed; and, after making their prostrations, first to the Rāja seated on his ivory throne, and then to the lattices behind which the ladies of the court are seated, they proceed to the combat, first divesting themselves of the garlands, and strewing the flowers gracefully over the arena. The combat is a mixture of wrestling and boxing, if the latter may be so named. The head is the exclusive object permitted to be struck. Before the end of the contest, both of the combatants may frequently be observed streaming with blood from the crown of the head down to the sand of the arena. When victory seems to have declared itself, or the contest is too severely maintained, the moderators in attendance on the Rāja make a signal for its cessation by throwing down turbans and robes, to be presented to the combatants. The victor frequently goes off the arena in four or five somersaults, to denote that he retires fresh from the contest. The Jettis are divided into five classes, and the ordinary price of victory is promotion to a higher class. There are distinct rewards for the first class, and in their old age they are promoted to be masters of the feast.”

In an account of sports held before Tīpu Sultān at Seringapatam, James Scurry, who was one of hisprisoners, writes as follows.31“The getiees would be sent for, who always approached with their masters at their head, and, after prostration, and making their grand salams, touching the ground each time, they would be paired, one school against another. They had on their right hands the wood-guamootie (wajramushti) of four steel talons, which were fixed to each back joint of their fingers, and had a terrific appearance when their fists were closed. Their heads were close shaved, their bodies oiled, and they wore only a pair of short drawers. On being matched, and the signal given from Tippu, they begin the combat, always by throwing the flowers, which they wear round their necks, in each other’s faces; watching an opportunity of striking with the right hand, on which they wore this mischievous weapon which never failed lacerating the flesh, and drawing blood most copiously. Some pairs would close instantly, and no matter which was under, for the gripe was the whole; they were in general taught to suit their holds to their opponent’s body, with every part of which, as far as concerned them, they were well acquainted. If one got a hold against which his antagonist could not guard, he would be the conqueror; they would frequently break each other’s legs and arms; and, if anyway tardy, Tippu had means of infusing spirit into them, for there were always two stout fellows behind each, with instruments in their hands that would soon put them to work. They were obliged to fight as long as Tippu pleased, unless completely crippled, and, if they behaved well, they were generally rewarded with a turban and shawl, the quality being according to their merit.”

The Jettis of Mysore still have in their possession knuckle-dusters of the type described above, and take part annually in matches during the Dasara festival. A Jetti police constable, whom I saw at Channapatna, had wrestled at Baroda, and at the court of Nepal, and narrated to me with pride how a wrestler came from Madras to Bangalore, and challenged any one to a match. A Jetti engaged to meet him in two matches for Rs. 500 each, and, after going in for a short course of training, walked round him in each encounter, and won the money easily.

The Mysore Jettis are said to be called, in some places, Mushtigas. And some are stated to use a jargon called Mallabāsha.32

Jetti further occurs as the name of an exogamous sept of the Kavarais.

Jew.—It has been said by a recent writer that “there is hardly a more curious, and in some respects one might almost say a more weird sight than the Jew town, which lies beyond the British Settlement at Cochin. Crossing over the lagoon from the beautiful little island of Bolghotty, where the British Residency for the Cochin State nestles in a bower of tropical vegetation, one lands amidst cocoanut trees, opposite to one of the old palaces of the Cochin Rājahs, and, passing through a native bazaar crowded with dark-skinned Malayālis, one turns off abruptly into a long narrow street, where faces as white as those of any northern European race, but Semitic in every feature, transport one suddenly in mind to the Jewish quarter in Jerusalem, or rather perhaps to someghettoin a Polish city.”

In the preparation of the following note, I have been much indebted to the Cochin Census Report, 1901, and to a series of articles published by Mr. Elkan N. Adler in the Jewish Chronicle.33

The circumstances under which, and the time when the Jews migrated to the Malabar Coast, are wrapped in obscurity. They themselves are able to give accounts of only isolated incidents, since whatever records they had were lost at the destruction by the Portuguese of their original settlement at Cranganūr in 1565, and by the destruction at a later period of such fragments as remained in their possession in the struggle between the Portuguese and the Dutch, for the Portuguese, suspecting that the Jews had helped the Dutch, plundered their synagogue in Cochin.

It is recorded by the Dutch Governor Moens34that “when Heer van Goens besieged Cochin, the Jews were quite eager to provide the troops of the Dutch Company with victuals, and to afford them all the assistance they could, hoping that they would enjoy under this Company the greatest possible civil and religious liberty; but, when the above-mentioned troops were compelled to leave this coast before the end of the good monsoon, without having been able to take Cochin, the Portuguese did not fail to make the Jews feel the terrible consequences of their revenge. For, no sooner had the Dutch retreated, than a detachment of soldiers was sent to the Jewish quarters, which were pillaged and set fire to, whilst the inhabitants fled to the high-lands, and returned only after Cochin was taken by the Dutch.

“The Jews, who still hold that the Malabar Israelites were in possession of an old copy of the Sepher Thora, say that this copy, and all other documents, got lost on the occasion when the Portuguese destroyed the Jewish quarters, but this is not likely. For, whereas they had time to save their most valuable property according to their own testimony, and to take it to the mountains, they would not have failed to take along with them these documents, which were to them of inestimable value. For it is related that for a new copy of the Pentateuch which at that time was in their synagogue they had so much respect, and took such great care of it, that they even secured this copy, and took it along, and (when they returned) carried it back with great rejoicing, as it was done in olden times with the Ark of the Covenant.”

Writing in the eighteenth century, Captain Hamilton states35that the Jews “have a synagogue at Cochin, not far from the King’s Palace, in which are carefully kept their Records, engraven on copper plates in Hebrew characters; and when any of the characters decay, they are new cut, so that they can show their own History from the Reign of Nebuchadnezzar to this present time. Myn Heer Van Reeda, about the year 1695, had an Abstract of their History translated from the Hebrew into low Dutch. They declare themselves to be of the Tribe of Manasseh, a Part whereof was, by order of that haughty Conqueror Nebuchadnezzar, carried to the easternmost Province of his large Empire, which, it seems, reached as far as Cape Comerin, which journey 200,000 of them travelled in three years from their setting out of Babylon.”

The elders of the White Jews of Cochin have in their possession a charter on two copper plates in Vatteluttu character, “the original character which once prevailed over nearly all the Tamil country and south-west coast, but which has long ceased to be used in the former place, and, in the latter, is now only known in a later form, used for drawing up documents by Hindu Rājas.”36Concerning this copper-plate charter, Mr. Adler writes that “the white Jews say that they have always held it; the black Jews contend that it was originally theirs. The title-deed is quaint in many ways. It consists of three strips of copper, one of which is blank, one etched on both sides, and the third on one side only. The characters are made legible by being rubbed with whitening. The copper plates have a round hole in the corner, through which a string was passed to tie them together under seal, but the seal is lost. They are now kept together by a thin and narrow copper band, which just fits.”

Taking Dr. Gundert’s37and Mr. Ellis’38translation of the charter as guides, Mr. Burnell translates it as follows:—39

Svastī Sri.—The king of kings has ordered (This is) the act of grace ordered by His Majesty Srî Pârkaran Iravi Vanmar40wielding the sceptre and reigning in a hundred thousand places, (in) the year (which is) the opposite to the second year, the thirty-sixth year, (on) the day he designed to abide in Mûyirikkôdu.41We have given to Isuppu Irabbân42Ansuvannam (as a principality), and seventy-two proprietary rights (appertaining to the dignity of a feudal lord) also tribute by reverence (?) and offerings, and the profits of Ansuvannam, and day-lamps, and broad garments (as opposed to the custom of Malabar), and palankins, and umbrellas, and large drums, and trumpets, and small drums and garlands, and garlands across streets, etc., and the like, and seventy-two free houses. Moreover, we have granted by this document on copper that he shall not pay the taxes paid by the houses of the city into the royal treasury, and the (above-said) privileges to hold (them). To Isuppu Irabbân, prince of Ansuvannam, and to his descendants, his sons and daughters, and to his nephews, and to (the nephews) of his daughters in natural succession, Ansuvannam (is) an hereditary estate, as long as the world and moon exist. Srî. The charter is witnessed by various local chiefs.

A somewhat different reading is given by Dr. G. Oppert43who renders the translation as follows:—

“Hail and happiness! The King of Kings, His Holiness Srî Bhaskara Ravi Varma, who wields the sceptre in many hundred thousand places, has made this decree on the day that he was pleased to dwell in Muyirikodu in the thirty-sixth year of his reign. We have granted unto Joseph Rabban Anjavannan the [dignity of] Prince, with all the seventy-two rights of ownership. He shall [enjoy] the revenues from female elephants and riding animals, and the income of Anjavannan. He is entitled to be honoured by lamps by day, and to use broad-cloth and sedan chairs,and the umbrella and the drums of the north and trumpets, and little drums, and gates, and garlands over the streets, and wreaths, and so on. We have granted unto him the land tax and weight tax. Moreover, we have by these copper tablets sanctioned that, when the houses of the city have to pay taxes to the palace, he need not pay, and he shall enjoy other privileges like unto these. To Joseph Rabbān, the prince of Anjavannam, and to his descendants, and to his sons and daughters, and to the nephews and sons-in-law of his daughters, in natural succession, so long as the world and moon exist, Anjuvannam shall be his hereditary possession.” It is suggested by Dr. Oppert that Anjuvannam is identical with the fifth or foreign caste.

Dr. E. Hultzsch, the latest authority on the subject of the copper plates, gives the following translation:44“Hail! Prosperity! (The following) gift (prasāda) was graciously made by him who had assumed the title ‘King of Kings’ (Kōgōn), His Majesty (tiruvadi) the King (kō), the glorious Bhāskara Ravivarman, in the time during which (he) was wielding the sceptre and ruling over many hundred thousands of places, in the thirty-sixth year after the second year, on the day on which (he) was pleased to stay at Muyirikkōdu. We have given to Īssuppu Irappān (the village of) Anjuvannam, together with the seventy-two proprietary rights (viz.), the tolls on female elephants and other riding-animals, the revenue of Anjuvannam, a lamp in day-time, a cloth spread (in front to walk on), a palanquin, a parasol, a Vaduga (i.e., Telugu?) drum, a large trumpet, a gateway, an arch, a canopy (in the shape) of an arch,a garland, and so forth. We have remitted tolls and the tax on balances. Moreover, we have granted with (these) copper-leaves that he need not pay (the dues) which the (other) inhabitants of the city pay to the royal palace (kōyil), and that (he) may enjoy (the benefits) which (they) enjoy. To Īssuppu Irappān of Anjuvannam, to the male children and to the female children born of him, to his nephews, and to the sons-in-law who have married (his) daughters (we have given) Anjuvannam (as) an hereditary estate for as long as the world and the moon shall exist. Hail! Thus do I know, Gōvardhana-Mārtāndan of Vēnādu. Thus do I know, Kōdai Srīkanthan of Vēnāpalinādu. Thus do I know, Mānavēpala-Mānavyan of Erālanādu. Thus do I know, Īrāyiram of Valluvanādu. Thus do I know, Kōdai Ravi of Nedumpuraiyūrnādu. Thus do I know, Mūrkham Sāttan, who holds the office of sub-commander of the forces. The writing of the Under-Secretary Van—Talaisēri—Gandan Kunrappōlan.”

“The date of the inscription,” Dr. Hultzsch adds, “was the thirty-sixth year opposite to the second year. As I have shown on a previous occasion,45the meaning of this mysterious phrase is probably ‘the thirty-sixth year (of the king’s coronation, which took place) after the second year (of the king’s yauvarājya).’ The inscription records a grant which the king made to Īssuppu Irappān,i.e., Joseph Rabbān. The occurrence of this Semitic name, combined with the two facts that the plates are still with the Cochin Jews, and that the latter possess a Hebrew translation of the document, proves that the donee was a member of the ancient Jewish colony on the western coast. The grant was made at Muriyikkōdu.The Hebrew translation identifies this place with Kodunnallūr (Cranganore), where the Jewish colonists resided, until the bad treatment which they received at the hands of the Portuguese induced them to settle near Cochin. The object of the grant was Anjuvannam. This word means ‘the five castes,’ and may have the designation of that quarter of Cranganore, in which the five classes of Artisans—Ain-Kammālar, as they are called in the smaller Kōttayam grant—resided.”

In a note on the Kōttayam plate of Vīra Rāghava, which is in the possession of the Syrian Christians, Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya writes as follows.46“Vīra-Rāghava conferred the title of Manigrāmam on the merchant Iravikkorran. Similarly Anjuvannam was bestowed by the Cochin plates on the Jew Joseph Rabbān. The old Malayālam work Payyanūr Pattōla, which Dr. Gundert considered the oldest specimen of Malayālam composition, refers to Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam. The context in which the two names occur in this work implies that they were trading institutions. In the Kōttayam plates of Sthānu Ravi, both Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam are frequently mentioned. Both of them were appointed along with the six hundred to be ‘the protectors’ of the grant. They were ‘to preserve the proceeds of the customs duty as they were collected day by day,’ and ‘to receive the landlord’s portion of the rent on land. If any injustice be done to them, they may withhold the customs and the tax on balances, and remedy themselves the injury done to them. Should they themselves commit a crime, they are themselves to have the investigation of it.’ To Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam was granted the freehold of the lands ofthe town (of Kollam?). From these extracts, and from the reference in the Payyanūr Pattōla, it appears that Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam were semi-independent trading corporations. The epithet Setti (merchant) given to Ravikkorran, the trade rights granted to him, and the sources of revenue thrown open to him as head of Manigrāmam, confirm the view that the latter was a trading corporation. There is nothing either in the Cochin grant, or in the subjoined inscription to show that Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam were, as believed by Dr. Gundert and others, Jewish and Christian principalities, respectively. It was supposed by Dr. Burnell that the plate of Vīra-Rāghavacreatedthe principality of Manigrāmam, and the Cochin plates that of Anjuvannam, and that, consequently, the existence of these two grants is presupposed by the plates of Sthānu Ravi, which mention both Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam very often. The Cochin plates did notcreateAnjuvannam, but conferred the honours and privileges connected therewith to a Jew named Joseph Rabbān. Similarly, the rights and honours associated with the other corporation, Manigrāmam, was bestowed at a later period on Ravikkorran. Therefore, Anjuvannam and Manigrāmam must have existed as institutions even before the earliest of these three copper-plates was issued. It is just possible that Ravikkorran was a Christian by religion. But his name and title give no clue in this direction, and there is nothing Christian in the document, except its possession by the present owners.”

It is recorded by Mr. Francis Day47that Governor Moens obtained three different translations of the plates,and gave as the most correct version one, in which the following words occur:—“We, Erawi, Wanwara, Emperor of Malabar ... give this deed of rights to the good Joseph Rabbān, that he may use the five colours, spread his religion among the five castes.” Mr. Burnell, however, notes that Dr. Gundert has ascertained beyond doubt that Anjuvannan (literally five colours) does not mean some privilege, but is the name of a place.

Concerning the copper-plates, Governor Moens writes thus. “The following translation is by the Jewish merchant Ezechiel Rabby, who was an earnest explorer of anything that had any connection with his nation. After this I will give another translation, which I got from our second interpreter Barend Deventer, who was assisted by an old and literary inhabitant of Malabar; and lastly I will add a third one, which I obtained from our first interpreter Simon of Tongeren, assisted by a heathen scribe of Calicut, in order thus not to allow the Jews to be the judges in their own affair, but rather to enable the reader to judge for himself in this doubtful matter. The first translation runs thus:—

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