PatnÅ«kÄran marriage procession.PatnÅ«kÄran marriage procession.“On entering a PatnÅ«lkÄran’s house, we are led to a courtyard, spacious and neat, where all the necessary arrangements are made for weaving purposes. The PatnÅ«lkÄrans live in streets. A male PatnÅ«lkÄran resembles a Tamil Vaishnava BrÄhman in outward appearance, but the women follow the custom of the Telugu BrÄhmans alike in their costume and ornaments. Their jewels exactly resemble those of the Telugu BrÄhman women, and indicate a temporary residence of the caste in the Telugu country on the way from Gujarat to Madura. There is a Tamil proverb to the effect that, if a male PatnÅ«lkÄran is seen without his wife, he will be taken for a Vaishnava BrÄhman, whereas, in the case of the TÄtan caste, a woman without her husband will be taken for an Aiyangar. Children wear the kÄrai round the neck. Tattooing prevails on a very large scale.“The PatnÅ«lkÄrans may be divided into three classes on a religious basis, viz., (1) pure Vaishnavites, who wear the vertical Vaishnavite mark, and call themselvesVadakalas or northerners; (2) those who are mainly Smartas; (3) Sankara Vaishnavas, who wear gÅpi (sandal paste) as their sect-mark. It is to the last of these religious sects that the Travancore PatnÅ«lkÄrans belong, though, in recent times, a few Smartas have settled at Kottar. All these intermarry and interdine, and the religious difference does not create a distinction in the caste. The chief divinity of the PatnÅ«lkÄrans is VenkatÄchalapati of Tirupati. The month in which he is most worshipped is Kanni (September-October), and all the Saturdays and the Tiruvonam star of the month are particularly devoted to his adoration. One of their men becomes possessed on any of these days, and, holding a burning torch-light in his hand, touches the foreheads of the assembled devotees therewith. The PatnÅ«lkÄrans fast on those days, and take an image of Garuda in procession through the street. The DÄ«pÄvali, Pannamasi in Chittiray, and the Vaikuntha Ä’kÄdasi are other important religious days. The Dusserah is observed, as also are the festivals of SrÄ« RÄma Navami, Ashtami, Rohini, Avani Avittam, and Vara Lakshmivratam. Formal worship of deities is done by those who have obtained the requisite initiation from a spiritual preceptor. Women who have husbands fast on full-moon days, Mondays, and Fridays. The serpent and the banyan tree are specially worshipped. Women sing songs in praise of Lakshmi, and offer fruits and cocoanuts to her. The PatnÅ«lkÄrans have a temple dedicated to SrÄ« RÄma at Kottar. This temple is visited even by BrÄhmans, and the priests are Aiyangars. The AchÄrya, or supreme religious authority of the PatnÅ«lkÄrans, in Travancore is a Vaishnava BrÄhman known as Ubhaya VÄ“dÄnta KÅti KanyakÄdÄna TÄtÄchÄriyar, who lives at Aravankulam near Tinnevelly,and possesses a large number of disciples. Once a year he visits his flock in Travancore, and is highly respected by them, as also by the MahÄrajÄ, who makes a donation of money to him. Elders are appointed to decide social disputes, and manage the common property of the caste. In Travancore there are said to be only three families of PatnÅ«lkÄran priests. For the higher ceremonies, BrÄhman priests are employed.“A girl’s marriage is usually celebrated before puberty, and sometimes when she is a mere child of four or five. Great importance is attached to gÅtras or exogamous septs, and it is said that the septs of the bride and bridegroom are conspicuously inscribed on the walls of a marriage house. In the selection of an auspicious hour (muhurtam) for a marriage, two favourable planetary situations, one closely following the other, are necessary; and, as such occasions are rare, a number of marriages take place at one time. A man may claim his maternal uncle’s daughter as his wife, and polygamy is permitted. The marriage ceremonial resembles the BrÄhmanical rites in many points. On the fourth day, a ceremonial observed by Telugu BrÄhmans, called NÄgabali, is performed. The marriage badge, which is tied on the bride’s neck, is called bottu. [From a note on the marriage ceremonies among the PatnÅ«lkÄrans of Madura, I gather that, as among Telugu and Canarese castes, a number of pots are arranged, and worshipped. These pots are smaller and fewer in number than at a Telugu or Canarese wedding. A figure of a car is drawn on the wall of the house with red earth or laterite.88On it the name of the gÅtra of the bridegroom is written. On the fourth day, thenÄgavali (or offering to DÄ“vas) is performed. The contracting couple sit near the pots, and a number of lights are arranged on the floor. The pots, which represent the DÄ“vas, are worshipped.]“The nÄmakarana, or name-giving ceremony, is performed on the eleventh day after birth. An eighth child, whether male or female, is called Krishna, owing to the tradition that Krishna was born as the eighth child of VasudÄ“va. Babies are affectionately called Duddu (milk) or Pilla (child). The annaprÄsana, or first feeding of the child, is sometimes celebrated at the end of the first year, but usually as a preliminary to some subsequent ceremony. Sometimes, in performance of a vow, boys are taken to the shrine at Tirupati for the tonsure ceremony. The upanayana is performed between the seventh and twelfth years, but neither brÄhmacharya nor samÄvartana is observed.“The dead are burnt, and the remains of the bones are collected and deposited under water. Death pollution lasts only for ten days. The srÄdh, or annual ceremony, when oblations are offered to ancestors, is observed. Widows are allowed to retain their hair, but remove the bottu. Unlike BrÄhman women, they chew betel, and wear coloured cloths, even in old age.â€The PatnÅ«lkÄrans have a secret trade language, concerning which Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes as follows. “The most remarkable feature about it is the number of terms and phrases borrowed from the craft, to which special meanings are given. Thus a man of no status is stigmatised as a rikhta khandu,i.e., a spindle without the yarn. Similarly, a man of little sense is called a mhudha, the name of a thick peg which holds one side of the roller. Likewise, a talkative person is referred to as a rhetta, or roller used for winding thethread upon spindles, which makes a most unpleasant creaking noise. KapinikÄ“r, from kapini, a technical term used for cutting the loom off, means to make short work of an undesirable person. A man who is past middle age is called porkut phillias, which, in weavers’ parlance, means that half the loom is turned.â€PatnÅ«kÄran marriage wall design.PatnÅ«kÄran marriage wall design.PatrÄ.—The PatrÄs are an Oriya caste, which is divided into two sections, one of which is engaged in the manufacture of silk (pata) waist-threads, tassels, etc., and the other in weaving silk cloths. The members of the two sections do not interdine. The former have exogamous septs or bamsams, the names of which are also used as titles,e.g., SÄhu, PÄtro, and Prushti. The latter have exogamous septs, such as Tenga, Jaggali, Telaga, and MahÄnÄyako, and BÄ“hara and NÄyako as titles. The chief headman of the cloth-weaving section is called MahÄnÄyako, and there are other officers called BÄ“hara and Bhollobaya. The headman of the other section is called SÄ“nÄpati, and he is assisted by a Dhanapati. Infant marriage is the rule, and, if a girl does not secure a husband before she reaches maturity, she must, if she belongs to the cloth-weaving section, go through a form of marriage with an old man, and, if to the other section, with an arrow.The Telugu PatrÄs are summed up, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as “a Telugu caste of hunters and cultivators, found chiefly in the districts of Cuddapah and Kurnool. It has two divisions, the Doras (chiefs), and Gurikalas (marksmen), the former of which is supposed to be descended from the old Poligars (feudal chiefs), and the latter from their followers and servants. This theory is supported by the fact that, at the weddings of Gurikalas, the Doras receive the first pÄn-supÄri (betel leaf and areca nut). Widows may not remarry, noris divorce recognised. They usually employ BrÄhmans at marriages, and SÄtÄnis at funerals. Though they are Vaishnavites, they also worship village deities, such as Gangamma and Ellamma. They bury their dead, and perform annual srÄddhas (memorial services for the dead). They will eat with Gollas. Their title is Naidu.â€PÄtramÄ“la.—PÄtramÄ“la, or PÄtradÄ“va, is the name of a class of dancing girls in South Canara. PÄtramÄ“la, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,89is the name by which the Konkani KalÄvants (courtezans) are known above the ghauts.PÄtro.—The title of the head of a group of villages in Ganjam, and also recorded, at times of census, as a title of Alia, KÄlinga KÅmati, Dolai, and Jaggala. The conferring of a cloth (sÄdhi) on a PÄtro is said to be emblematic of conferring an estate. The PÄtro, among other perquisites, is entitled to a fee on occasions of marriage. I am informed that, in the Ganjam MÄliahs, if a Kondh was unable to pay the fee, he met his love at night beneath two trysting trees, and retired with her into the jungle for three days and nights.PÄtrudu.—The title, meaning those who are fit to receive a gift, of Aiyarakulu and NagarÄlu.PÄttadhikÄri.—A class of Jangams, who have settled head-quarters.Pattan.—The equivalent of the BrÄhman Bhatta. A name by which some KammÄlans, especially goldsmiths, style themselves.Pattanavada.—A synonym for the MogÄ“r fishing caste, the settlements of which are called pattana.Pattanavan.—The fishermen on the east coast, from the Kistna to the Tanjore district, are popularlycalled KaraiyÄn, or sea-shore people. Some KaraiyÄns have, at times of census, returned themselves as Taccha (carpenter) KaraiyÄns.Pattanavan means literally a dweller in a town or pattanam, which word occurs in the names of various towns on the sea-coast,e.g., NÄgapattanam (Negapatam), Chennapattanam (Madras). The Pattanavans have two main divisions, Periya (big) and Chinna (small), and, in some places, for example, at Nadukuppam in the Nellore district, exogamous septs,e.g., Gengananga, PÄ“yananga, Kathananga (children of Ganga, PÄ“yan, and Kathanar), and Kullananga (children of dwarfs). In the Telugu country, they go by the name of Pattapu or TÅ«livÄndlu.Some Pattanavans give themselves high-sounding caste titles,e.g., Ä€riyar, Ayyayiraththalaivar (the five thousand chiefs), Ä€riya NÄttu Chetti (Chettis of the Ariyar country), Acchu VellÄla, Karaiturai (sea-coast) VellÄla, Varunakula VellÄla or Varunakula Mudali after Varuna, the god of the waters, or Kurukula vamsam after Kuru, the ancestor of the Kauravas. Some Pattanavans have adopted the title Pillai.The Pattanavans are said to be inferior to the Sembadavans, who will not accept food at their hands, and discard even an earthen pot which has been touched by a Pattanavan.Concerning the origin of the caste, there is a legend that the Pattanavans were giving silk thread to Siva, and were hence called Pattanavar, a corruption of Pattanaivor, meaning knitters of silk thread. They were at the time all bachelors, and Siva suggested the following method of securing wives for them. They were told to go out fishing in the sea, and make of their catch as many heaps as there were bachelors. Each of themthen stood before a heap, and called for a wife, who was created therefrom. According to another story, some five thousand years ago, during the age of the lunar race, there was one Dasa RÄja, who was ruling near HastinÄpura, and was childless. To secure offspring, he prayed to god, and did severe penance. In answer to his prayer, God pointed out a tank full of lotus flowers, and told the king to go thither, and call for children. Thereon, five thousand children issued forth from the flowers, to the eldest of whom the king bequeathed his kingdom, and to the others money in abundance. Those who received the money travelled southward in ships, which were wrecked, and they were cast ashore. This compelled them to make friends of local sea fishermen, whose profession they adopted. At the present day, the majority of Pattanavans are sea-fishermen, and catch fish with nets from catamarans. “Fancy,†it has been written,90“a raft of only three logs of wood, tied together at each end when they go out to sea, and untied and left to dry on the beach when they come in again. Each catamaran has one, two or three men to manage it; they sit crouched on it upon their heels, throwing their paddles about very dexterously, but remarkably unlike rowing. In one of the early Indian voyager’s log-books there is an entry concerning a catamaran: ‘This morning, 6A.M., saw distinctly two black devils playing at single stick. We watched these infernal imps about an hour, when they were lost in the distance. Surely this doth portend some great tempest.’ It is very curious to watch these catamarans putting out to sea. They get through the fiercest surf, sometimes dancing at their ease on the top of the waters, sometimes hidden underthe waters; sometimes the man completely washed off his catamaran, and man floating one way and catamaran another, till they seem to catch each other again by magic.†In 1906, a fisherman was going out in his catamaran to fish outside the Madras harbour, and was washed off his craft, and dashed violently against a rock. Death was instantaneous. Of the catamaran, the following account is given by Colonel W. Campbell.91“Of all the extraordinary craft which the ingenuity of man has ever invented, a Madras catamaran is the most extraordinary, the most simple, and yet, in proper hands, the most efficient. It is merely three rough logs of wood, firmly lashed together with ropes formed from the inner bark of the cocoanut tree. Upon this one, two, or three men, according to the size of the catamaran, sit on their heels in a kneeling posture, and, defying wind and weather, make their way through the raging surf which beats upon the coast, and paddle out to sea at times when no other craft can venture to face it. At a little distance, the slight fabric on which these adventurous mariners float becomes invisible, and a fleet of them approaching the land presents the absurd appearance of a host of savage-looking natives wading out towards the ship, up to their middle in water.†“A catamaran,†Lady Dufferin writes,92in an account of a state arrival at Madras, “is two logs of wood lashed together, forming a very small and narrow raft. The rower wears a ‘fool’s cap,’ in which he carries letters (also betel and tobacco), and, when he encounters a big wave, he leaves his boat, slips through the wave himself, and picks up his catamaran on the other side of it. Some very large deep barges (masÅ«la boats), the planks of which aresewn together to give elasticity, and the interstices stuffed with straw, came out for us, with a guard of honour of the mosquito fleet, as the catamarans are called, on either side of them; two of the fool’s cap men, and a flag as big as the boat itself, on each one.†The present day masÅ«la or mussoola boat, or surf boat of the Coromandel Coast, is of the same build as several centuries ago. It is recorded,93in 1673, that “I went ashore in a Mussoola, a boat wherein ten men paddle, the two aftermost of whom are the Steers-men, using their Paddles instead of a Rudder: The Boat is not strengthened with knee-timber, as ours are; the bended Planks are sowed together with Rope-yarn of the Cocoe, and calked with Dammar so artificially that it yields to every ambitious surf. Otherwise we could not get ashore, the Bar knocking in pieces all that are inflexible.†The old records of Madras contain repeated references to Europeans being drowned from overturning ofmasÅ«laboats in the surf, through which a landing had to be effected before the harbour was built.In 1907, two Madras fishermen were invested with silver wrist bangles, bearing a suitable inscription, which were awarded by the Government in recognition of their bravery in saving the lives of a number of boatmen during a squall in the harbour.The following are the fishes, which are caught by the fishermen off Madras and eaten by Europeans:—Cybium guttatum,Bl. Schn.Seir.Cybium Commersonii, Lacep. Seir.Cybium lanceolatum,Cuv. & Val.Seir.Sillago sihama,Forsk.Whiting.Stromateus cinereus,Bloch.—Immature, silver pomfret.Adult, grey pomfret.Stromateus niger,Bloch. Black pomfret.Mugal subviridis,Cuv. & Val.Mullet.Psettodes erumei,Bl. Schn.‘Sole.’Lates calcarifer,Bloch. Cock-up; the begti of Calcutta.Lutjanus roseus,Day.Lutjanus marginatus,Cuv. & Val.Polynemus tetradactylus,Shaw.Chorinemus lysan,Forsk.‘Whitebait.’The Pattanavans are Saivites, but also worship various minor gods and GrÄma DÄ“vatas (village deities). In some places, they regard KuttiyÄndavan as their special sea god. To him animal sacrifices are not made, but goats are sacrificed to Sembu VÄ«rappan or MÄ«nnodum Pillai, an attendant on KuttiyÄndavan. In Tanjore, the names of the sea gods are PÄvadairÄyan and Padaithalaidaivam. Before setting out on a fishing expedition, the Pattanavans salute the god, the sea, and the nets. In the Tanjore district, they repair their nets once in eight days, and, before they go out fishing, pray to their gods to favour them with a big catch. On a fixed day, they make offerings to the gods on their return from fishing. The gods PÄvadairÄyan and Padaithalaidaivam are represented by large conical heaps of wet sand and mud, and Ayyanar, Ellamma, KuttiyÄndavar, MuthyÄlrouthar and KiliyÄ“ndhi by smaller heaps. At the MÄsimakam festival, the Pattanavans worship their gods on the sea-shore. The names JÄttan and JÄtti are given to children during the JÄtre or periodic festival of the village goddesses.The Pattanavans afford a good example of a caste, in which the time-honoured village council (panchÄyat) is no empty, powerless body. For every settlement or village there are one or more headmen called YejamÄnan, who are assisted by a ThandakÄran and a Paraiyan ChalavÄthi. All these offices are hereditary. Questions connected with the community, such as disrespect to elders, breach of social etiquette, insult, abuse, assault, adultery, or drinking or eating with men of lower caste, are enquired into by the council. Even when disputes are settled in courts of law, they must come before the council. Within the community, the headman is all powerful, and his decision is, in most instances, considered final. If, however, his verdict is not regarded as equitable, the case is referred to a caste headman, who holds sway over a group of villages. No ceremony may be performed without the sanction of the local headman, and the details of ceremonies, except the feasting, are arranged by the headman and the ThandakÄran. In the case of a proposed marriage, the match is broken off if the headman objects to it. He should be present at the funeral rites, and see that the details thereof are properly carried out. It is the duty of the ChalavÄthi to convey the news of a death to the relations. Should he come to the shore when the fishes are heaped up, he has the right to take a few thereof as his perquisite. The ThandakÄran, among other duties, has to summon council meetings. When the members of council have assembled, he ushers in the parties who have to appear before it, and salutes the assembly by prostrating himself on the floor. The parties take a bit of straw, or other object, and place it before the headman in token that they are willing to abide by the decision of the council. This formality is called placing the agreement (muchchilika).The consent of the maternal uncles is necessary before a pair can be united in matrimony. When the wedding day has been fixed, the bridegroom’s party distribute grÄma thÄmbÅ«lam (village pÄn-supÄri or betel) to the headman and villagers. The marriage milk-post is made ofMimusops hexandra,Erythrina indica,Casuarina equisetifolia, the green wood of some other tree, or even a pestle. In one form of the marriage ceremony, which varies in detail according to locality, the bridegroom, on the arrival of the bride at the pandal (booth), puts on the sacred thread, and the BrÄhman purÅhit makes the sacred fire, and pours ghÄ« (clarified butter) into it. The bridegroom ties the tÄli round the bride’s neck, and the maternal uncles tie flat silver or gold plates, called pattam, on the foreheads of the contracting couple. Rings are put on their second toes by the brother-in-law of the bridegroom and the maternal uncle of the bride. Towards evening, the sacred thread, the threads which have been tied to the marriage pots and the milk-post, and grain seedlings used at the ceremony, are thrown into the sea. Some Pattanavans allow a couple to live together as man and wife after the betrothal, but before the marriage ceremony. This is, however, on condition that the latter is performed as soon as it is convenient. The remarriage of widows is freely permitted. No marriage pandal is erected, and the bridegroom, or a female relation, ties the tÄli on the bride’s neck within the house. Such marriage is, therefore, called naduvÄ«ttu (interior of the house) tÄli. When a woman, who has been guilty of adultery, is remarried, a turmeric string is substituted for the golden tÄli, and is tied on the bride’s neck by a woman.Pattanavan.Pattanavan.Some Pattanavans have adopted the custom of burying their dead in a seated posture (samathi). If acorpse is cremated, fire is carried to the burning-ground by a barber. When the corpse has been laid on the pyre, rice is thrown over it. The son, accompanied by a barber and a Panisavan or washerman, and carrying a pot of water on his shoulder, goes thrice round the pyre. At the third round, the Panisavan or washerman makes holes in the pot, and it is thrown away. On the day of the funeral, all the agnates shave their heads. On the following day, they go to the burial or burning ground with tender cocoanuts, milk, cakes, etc., and Arichandra, who presides over the burial-ground, is worshipped. Milk is then poured over the grave, or the remains of the bones, which are thrown into the sea. On the night of the fifteenth day, Panisavans blow the conch and horn, and red cloths are presented to the widow of the deceased by her relations. At about 4A.M., a white cloth is thrown on her neck, and the tÄli string is cut by an old woman. The tÄli is removed therefrom, and dropped into a new pot filled with water. Hence, a form of abuse among Pattanavan women is, May your tÄli be snapped, and thrown into water. The tÄli is removed from the pot, which is thrown into the sea. The tÄli is laid on a dish containing milk, and all those who visit the widow must set eyes on it before they see her.In the city of Madras, the Pattanavans have the privilege of supplying bearers at temples, and the atmosphere surrounding them as they carry the idols on their sturdy shoulders through Triplicane is said to be “redolent of brine and the toddy shop.â€In a judgment of the High Court of Judicature, Madras, it is recorded that, in the eighteenth century, some boat-owners and boatmen belonging to the Curukula Vamsha or Varunakula Mudali caste, whowere residing at Chepauk in the city of Madras, had embraced Christianity, and worshipped in a chapel, which had been erected by voluntary contributions. In 1799 the site of their village was required for public purposes, and they obtained in lieu of it a grant of land at Royapuram, where a chapel was built. Partly by taxes levied on boatmen, and partly by tolls they were allowed to impose on persons for frequenting the Royapuram bazar, a fund was formed to provide for their spiritual wants, and this fund was administered by the Marine Board. In 1829, a portion of the fund was expended in the erection of the church of St. Peter, Royapuram, and the fund was transferred to Government. The administration of the fund has been the source of litigation in the High Court.94It is noted by Mrs. F. E. Penny that some of the fisherfolk “adopted Xavier as their special patron saint, and, as time passed, almost deified him. In the present day, they appeal to him in times of danger, crying ‘Xavier! Xavier! Xavier!’ in storm and peril. Even if they are unfortunate in their catch when fishing, they turn to their saint for succour.â€As a numismatist, I resent the practice resorted to by some fishermen of melting old lead coins, and converting them into sinkers for their nets.Pattapu.—Pattapu for TulivÄndlu is a name for Tamil Pattanavans, who have migrated to the Telugu country. Pattapu also occurs as a sub-division of Yerukala.Pattar.—The Pattars are Tamil BrÄhmans, who have settled in Malabar. The name is said to be derived from the Sanskrit bhatta. It is noted, in theMadras Census Report, 1901, that Pattar (teacher) has been recently assumed as a title by some NÅkkans in Tanjore. (SeeBrÄhman.)Pattariar.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a Tamil corruption of Pattu SÄliyan (silk-weaver). Pattariar or Pattalia is a synonym of Tamil-speaking SÄliyans.PattegÄra(headman).—An exogamous sept of Okkiliyan.Pattindla(silk house).—An exogamous sept of TÅta Balija.Pattola MÄ“nÅn.—Recorded, in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, as a sub-caste of NÄyars, who are accountants in aristocratic families.PÄttukuruppu.—Recorded in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as synonymous with VÄtti, a sub-division of NÄyar.Pattu SÄlÄ“.—A sub-division of SÄlÄ“s, who weave silk (pattu) fabrics.Pattuvitan.—Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of NÄyar.PatvÄ“gÄra.—The PatvÄ“gÄras or PattÄ“gÄras (pattu, silk) of South Canara are described by Mr. H. A. Stuart95as “a Canarese caste of silk weavers. They are Hindus, and worship both Siva and Vishnu, but their special deity is Durga ParamÄ“svari at BarkÅ«r. They wear the sacred thread, and employ BrÄhmans for ceremonial purposes. They are governed by a body called the ten men, and pay allegiance to the guru of the RÄmachandra math (religious institution). They are divided into balis (septs) and a man may not marry within his own bali. Polygamy is allowed only when awife is barren, or suffers from some incurable disease, such as leprosy. The girls are married in infancy, and the binding portion of the ceremony is called dhÄre (seeBant). Widow marriage is not permitted, and divorce is only allowed in the case of an adulterous wife. They follow the ordinary Hindu law of inheritance. The dead are cremated. The srÄdha (memorial) ceremony is in use, and the MahÄlaya ceremony for the propitiation of ancestors in general is performed annually. Female ancestors are also worshipped every year at a ceremony called vaddap, when meals are given to married women. They eat fish but not meat, and the use of alcohol is not permitted.â€In the Mysore Census Report, 1891, the PatvÄ“gÄrs are described as “silk weavers who speak a corrupt MarÄthi conglomerate of GuzarÄti and Hindi. They worship all the Hindu deities, especially the female energy under the name of SÄkti, to which a goat is sacrificed on the night of the Dasara festival, a Musalman slaughtering the animal. After the sacrifice, the family of the PatvÄ“gÄr partake of the flesh. Many of their females are naturally fair and handsome, but lose their beauty from early marriage and precocity.†A few PattÄ“gÄras, who speak a corrupt form of MarÄthi, are to be found in the Anantapur district.Pavalamkatti(wearers of corals).—A sub-division of Konga VellÄla.Pavini.—SeeVayani.PayyampÄti.—Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of NÄyar.Pedakanti.—Pedakanti or Pedaganti is the name of a sub-division of KÄpu. It is said by some to be derived from a place called Pedagallu. By others it is derived from peda, turned aside, and kamma, eye,indicating one who turns his eyes away from a person who speaks to him. Yet another suggestion is that it means stiff-necked.Pedda(big).—A sub-division of BÅya, Bagata, Konda Dora, Pattapu, and Velama.PeddammavÄndlu.—A fancy name taken by some Telugu beggars.Pedditi.—A sub-division of Golla, some members of which earn a livelihood by begging and flattery.PÄ“gula(intestines).—An exogamous sept of BÅya.Pekkan.—A division of Toda.Pendukal(women).—A name applied to DÄ“va-dÄsis in Travancore.Pengu.—A sub-division of Poroja.PennÄ“gÄra.—Konkani-speaking rice-beaters in South Canara.Pentiya.—The Pentiyas also call themselves Holuva and HalabÄ or HalbÄ. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, they are called Pantia as well as Pentiya, and described as Oriya betel-leaf (panno) sellers. Their occupation, in the Jeypore Agency tracts, is that of cultivators. According to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, to whom I am indebted for the following note, numbers of them migrated thither from Bustar, and settled at Pentikonna, and are hence called Pentikonaya or Pentiya. Their language is Halba, which is easily understood by those who speak Oriya. They are divided into two endogamous sections, called Bodo (big or genuine), and Sanno (little), of whom the latter are said to be illegitimate descendants of the former. The Bodos are further sub-divided into a series of septs,e.g., Kurum (tortoise), BhÄg (tiger), NÄg (cobra), and SÅ«rya (sun). The caste is highly organized, and the head of a local centre iscalled Bhatha NÄyako. He is assisted by a PradhÄni, an Umriya NÄyako, and DolÄyi. The caste messenger is called CholÄno, and he carries a silver baton when he summons the castemen to a meeting. An elaborate ceremony is performed when a person, who has been tried by the caste council, is to be received back into the caste. He is accompanied to the bank of a stream, where his tongue is burnt with a gold or silver wire or ornament by the Bhatha NÄyako, and some offerings from the JagannÄtha temple at PÅ«ri are given to him. He is then taken home, and provides a feast, at which the NÄyako has the privilege of eating first. He has further to make a present of cloths to the assembled elders, and the four heads of the caste receive a larger quantity than the others. The feast over, he is again taken, carrying some cooked rice, to the stream, and with it pushed therein. This ceremonial bath frees him from pollution.Girls are married either before or after puberty. A man can claim his paternal aunt’s daughter in marriage. The bridegroom’s party proceed, with the bridegroom, to the bride’s village, and take up their abode in a separate house. They then take three cloths for the bride’s mother, three rupees for her father, and a cloth and two annas for each of her brothers, and present them together with rice, liquor, and other articles. Pandals (booths) are erected in front of the quarters of the bridal couple, that of the bridegroom being made of nine, and that of the bride of five sÄl (Shorea robusta) poles, to which a pot containing myrabolams (Terminaliafruits) and rice is tied. The couple bathe, and the bridegroom proceeds to the house of the bride. The DÄ“sÄri, who officiates, dons the sacred thread, and divides the pandal into two by means of a screen or curtain. The couplego seven times round the pandal, and the screen is removed. They then enter the pandal, and the DÄ“sÄri links their little fingers together. The day’s ceremony concludes with a feast. On the following day, the bride is conducted to the house of the bridegroom, and they sprinkle each other with turmeric water. They then bathe in a stream or river. Another feast is held, with much drinking, and is followed by a wild dance. The remarriage of widows is permitted, and a younger brother may marry the widow of his elder brother. The dead are burnt, and death pollution is observed for ten days, during which the relatives of the deceased are fed by members of another sept. On the tenth day a caste feast takes place.The Pentiyas are said96to distribute rice, and other things, to BrÄhmans, once a year on the new-moon day in the month of BhÄdrapadam (September-October), and to worship a female deity named KÄmilli on Saturdays. No one, I am informed, other, I presume, than a Pentiya, would take anything from a house where she is worshipped, lest the goddess should accompany him, and require him to become her devotee.The caste title is NÄyako.Peraka(tile).—An exogamous sept of DÄ“vÄnga.Perike.—This word is defined, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as meaning literally a gunny bag, and the Perikes are summed up as being a Telugu caste of gunny bag (goni) weavers, corresponding to the Janappans of the Tamil districts. Gunny bag is the popular and trading name of the coarse sacking and sacks made from the fibre of jute, much used in Indian trade. It is noted, in the Census Report, 1891, that“the Perikes claim to be a separate caste, but they seem to be in reality a sub-division, and not a very exalted sub-division, of Balijas, being in fact identical with the Uppu (salt) Balijas. Their hereditary occupation is carrying salt, grain, etc., on bullocks and donkeys in perikes or packs. Perike is found among the sub-divisions of both Kavarai and Balija. Some of them, however, have attained considerable wealth, and now claim to be Kshatriyas, saying that they are the descendants of the Kshatriyas who ran away (piriki, a coward) from the persecution of ParasurÄma. Others again say they are Kshatriyas who went into retirement, and made hills (giri) their abode (puri).†These Perike ‘Kshatriyas’ are known as Puragiri Kshatriya and Giri RÄzu. The Periki Balijas are described, in the Vizagapatam Manual, as chiefly carrying on cultivation and trade, and some of them are said to hold a high position at ‘the Presidency’ (Madras) and in the Vizagapatam district.Perike women appear to have frequently committed sati (or suttee) on the death of their husbands in former days, and the names of those who thus sacrificed their lives are still held in reverence. A peculiar custom among the Perikes is the erection of big square structures (brindÄvanam), in which a tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) is planted, on the spot where the ashes of the dead are buried after cremation. I am informed that a fine series of these structures may be seen at ChÄ«purapalli, close to Vizianagram. As a mark of respect to the dead, passers-by usually place a lac bangle or flowers thereon. The usual titles of the Perikes are Anna and Ayya, but some style themselves Rao (= RÄya, king) or RÄyadu, in reference totheiralleged Kshatriya origin.For the following note on the Perikes of the GodÄvari district, I am indebted to Mr. F. R. Hemingway. “Like some of the Kammas, they claim to be of Kshatriya stock, and say they are of the lineage of Parasu RÄma, but were driven out by him for kidnapping his sister, while pretending to be gunny-bag weavers. They say that they were brought to this country by king Nala of the MahÄbhÄrata, in gratitude for their having taken care of his wife Damayanti when he quitted her during his misfortunes. They support the begging caste of Varugu Bhattas, who, they say, supported them during their exile, and to whom they gave a sanad (deed of grant) authorising them to demand alms. These people go round the Perike houses for their dues every year. The PÄ«su Perikes, who still weave gunny-bags, are said not to belong to the caste proper, members of which style themselves RÄcha Perikes.“The Perikes say that, like the KÅmatis, they have 101 gÅtras. Their marriage ceremonies are peculiar. On the day of the wedding, the bride and bridegroom are made to fast, as also are three male relatives, whom they call suribhaktas. At the marriage, the couple sit on a gunny-bag, and another gunny, on which a representation of the god Mailar is drawn or painted, is spread between them. The same god is drawn on two pots, and these, and also a third pot, are filled with rice and dhÄl (Cajanus indicus), which are cooked by two married women. The food is then offered to Mailar. Next, the three suribhaktas take 101 cotton threads, fasten them together, and tie seven knots in them. The bride and bridegroom are given cloths which have been partly immersed in water coloured with turmeric and chunam (lime), and the suribhaktas are fed with the rice and dhÄl cooked in the pots. The couple are then taken roundthe village in procession, and, on their return, the knotted cotton threads are tied round the bride’s neck instead of a tÄli.Some Perikes style themselves SÄthu vÄndlu, meaning a company of merchants or travellers.Perike Muggula is the name of a class of Telugu mendicants and exorcists.Periya(big).—Periya or PeriyanÄn has been recorded as a sub-division of KÄralan, Kunnuvan, ÅŒcchan, and Pattanavan. The equivalent Peru or Perum occurs as a sub-division of the MalayÄlam Kollans and VannÄns and Perim of KÄnikars. Periya illom is the name of an exogamous illom of KÄnikars in Travancore.PerugadannÄya(bandicoot rat sept).—An exogamous sept of Bant.Perum TÄli(big tÄli).—A sub-division of Idaiyan, and of KaikÅlans, whose women wear a big tÄli (marriage badge).PerumÄl.—PerumÄl is a synonym of Vishnu, and the name is taken by some Pallis who are staunch Vaishnavites. A class of mendicants, who travel about exhibiting performing bulls in the southern part of the Madras Presidency, is known as PerumÄl MÄdukkÄran or PerumÄl ErudukkÄran. Perumalathillom, meaning apparently big mountain house, is an exogamous sept or illom of the KÄnikars of Travancore.Pesala(seeds ofPhaseolus Mungo: green gram).—An exogamous sept of JÅgi.PÄ“ta(street).—A sub-division of Balija.PettigeyavÄru(box).—A sub-division of GangadikÄra Vakkaliga.Pichiga(sparrow).—An exogamous sept of BÅya and DÄ“vÄnga. The equivalent Pital occurs as a sept of MÄla.Pichigunta.—The name Pichigunta means literally an assembly of beggars, who are described97as being, in the Telugu country, a class of mendicants, who are herbalists, and physic people for fever, stomach-ache, and other ailments. They beat the village drums, relate stories and legends, and supply the place of a Herald’s Office, as they have a reputation for being learned in family histories, and manufacture pedigrees and gÅtras (house names) for KÄpus, Kammas, Gollas, and others.The Picchai or Pinchikuntar are described in the Salem Manual as “servants to the KudiÄnavars or cultivators—a name commonly assumed by VellÄlas and Pallis. The story goes that a certain VellÄla had a hundred and two children, of whom only one was a female. Of the males, one was lame, and his hundred brothers made a rule that one would provide him with one kolagam of grain and one fanam (a coin) each year. They got him married to a Telugu woman of a different caste, and the musicians who attended the ceremony were paid nothing, the brothers alleging that, as the bridegroom was a cripple, the musicians should officiate from charitable motives. The descendants of this married pair, having no caste of their own, became known as Picchi or Pinchikuntars (beggars, or lame). They are treated as kudipinnai (inferior) by VellÄlas, and to the present day receive their prescribed miras (fee) from the VellÄla descendants of the hundred brothers, to whom, on marriage and other festivals, they do service by relating the genealogies of such VellÄlas as they are acquainted with. Some serve the VellÄlas in the fields, and others live by begging.â€97The caste beggars of the Tottiyans are known as Pichiga-vÄdu.Pidakala(cow-dung cakes or bratties).—An exogamous sept of DÄ“vÄnga. Dried cow-dung cakes are largely used by natives as fuel, and may be seen stuck on to the walls of houses.PidÄran.—A section of AmbalavÄsis, who, according to Mr. Logan98“drinkliquor, exorcise devils, and are worshippers of BhadrakÄli or of Sakti. The name is also applied to snake-catchers, and it was probably conferred on the caste owing to the snake being an emblem of the human passion embodied in the deities they worship.â€Pilapalli.—The Pilapallis are a small caste or community in Travancore, concerning which Mr. S. Subramanya Aiyar writes as follows.99“The following sketch will show what trifling circumstances are sufficient in this land of ParasurÄma to call a new caste into existence. The word Pilapally is supposed to be a corruption of BelÄl Thalli, meaning forcibly ejected. It therefore contains, as though in a nutshell, the history of the origin of this little community, which it is used to designate. In the palmy days of the Chempakasseri RÄjas, about the year 858 M.E., there lived at the court of the then ruling Prince at Ambalappuzha a NambÅ«ri BrÄhman who stood high in the Prince’s favour, and who therefore became an eye-sore to all his fellow courtiers. The envy and hatred of the latter grew to such a degree that one day they put their heads together to devise a plan which should at once strip him of all influence at court, and humble him in the eyes of the public. The device hit upon was a strange one, and characteristic of that dim and distantpast. The NambÅ«ri was the custodian of all presents made to the Prince, and as such it was a part of his daily work to arrange the articles presented in their proper places. It was arranged that one day a dead fish, beautifully tied up and covered, should be placed among the presents laid before the Prince. The victim of the plot, little suspecting there was treachery in the air, removed all the presents as usual with his own hand. His enemies at court, who were but waiting for an opportunity of humbling him to the dust, thereupon caused the bundle to be examined before the Prince, when it became evident that it contained a dead fish. Now, for a NambÅ«ri to handle a dead fish was, according to custom, sufficient to make him lose caste. On the strength of this argument, the Prince, who was himself a BrÄhmin, was easily prevailed upon to put the NambÅ«ri out of the pale of caste, and the court favourite was immediately excommunicated. There is another and a slightly different version of the story, according to which the NambÅ«ri in question was the hereditary priest of the royal house, to whom fell the duty of removing and preserving the gifts. In course of time he grew so arrogant that the Prince himself wanted to get rid of him, but, the office of the priest being hereditary, he did not find an easy way of accomplishing his cherished object, and, after long deliberation with those at court in whom he could confide, came at last to the solution narrated above. It is this forcible ejection that the expression BelÄl Thalli (afterwards changed into Pilapally) is said to import.... It appears that the unfortunate NambÅ«ri had two wives, both of whom elected to share his fate. Accordingly, the family repaired to ParavÅ«r, a village near Kallarkode, where their royal patron made them a gift of land. Although they quitted Ambalapuzhafor good, they seem to have long owned there a madathummuri (a room in a series, in which BrÄhmins from abroad once lived and traded), and are said to be still entitled daily to a measure of pÄlpayasom from the temple, a sweet pudding of milk, rice and sugar, celebrated all over Malabar for its excellence. The progeny of the family now count in all about ninety members, who live in eight or nine different houses.â€Pillai.—Pillai, meaning child, is in the Tamil country primarily the title of VellÄlas, but has, at recent times of census, been returned as the title of a number of classes, which include Agamudaiyan, AmbalakÄran, Golla, Idaiyan, NÄyar, NÅkkan, Panisavan, Panikkan, Paraiyan, SaiyakkÄran, Sembadavan and SÄ“naikkudaiyÄns. Pilla is further used as the title of the male offspring of DÄ“va-dÄsis. Many Paraiyan butlers of Europeans have assumed the title Pillai as an honorific suffix to their name. So, too, have some criminal Koravas, who pose as VellÄlas.PillaikÅ«ttam.—Recorded, in the Manual of the North Arcot district, as a bastard branch of VÄniyan.Pillaiyarpatti(GanÄ“sa village).—An exogamous section or kÅvil of NÄttukÅttai Chetti.Pilli(cat).—An exogamous sept of Chembadi, MÄla, and MÄ“dara.PindÄri.—In the Madras Census Report, 1901, fifty-nine PindÄris are returned as a Bombay caste of personal servants. They are more numerous in the Mysore province, where more than two thousand were returned in the same year as being engaged in agriculture and Government service. The PindÄris were formerly celebrated as a notorious class of freebooters, who, in the seventeenth century, attached themselves to the MarÄthas in their revolt against AurangzÄ«b, and for a longtime afterwards, committed raids in all directions, extending their operations to Southern India. It is on record that “in a raid made upon the coast extending from Masulipatam northward, the PindÄris in ten days plundered 339 villages, burning many, killing and wounding 682 persons, torturing 3,600, and carrying off or destroying property to the amount of £250,000.â€100They were finally suppressed, in Central India, during the Viceroyalty of the Marquis of Hastings, in 1817.Pindi(flour).—An exogamous sept of MÄla.PinjÄri(cotton-cleaner).—A synonym for DÅ«dÄ“kula. Pinjala (cotton) occurs as an exogamous sept of DÄ“vÄnga.Pippala(pepper:Piper longum).—An exogamous sept or gÅtra of Gamalla and KÅmati.PishÄrati.—The PishÄratis or PishÄrodis are summed up in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as being a sub-caste of AmbalavÄsis, which makes flower garlands, and does menial service in the temples. As regards their origin, the legend runs to the effect that a SwÄmiyar, or BrÄhman ascetic, once had a disciple of the same caste, who wished to become a SanyÄsi or anchorite. All the ceremonies prior to shaving the head of the novice were completed, when, alarmed at the prospect of a cheerless life and the severe austerities incidental thereto, he made himself scarce. PishÄra denotes a SanyÄsi’s pupil, and as he, after running away, was called PishÄrÅdi, the children born to him of a Parasava woman by a subsequent marriage were called PishÄratis. In his ‘Early Sovereigns of Travancore,’ Mr. Sundaram Pillay says that the PishÄrati’s “puzzling position among the Malabar castes, half monk and half layman, is far from being accounted for by the silly and fanciful modern derivationof PishÄrakal plus Odi, PishÄrakal being more mysterious than PishÄrati itself.†It is suggested by him that PishÄrati is a corruption of BhattÄraka-tiruvadi. According to the Jati-nirnaya, the BhattÄrakas are a community degraded from the BrÄhmans during the TrÄ“tÄ YÅ«ga. As far as we are able to gather from mediæval Travancore inscriptions, an officer known as Pidara-tiruvadi was attached to every temple. It is known that he used to receive large perquisites for temple service, and that extensive rice-lands were given to the Bhattakara of Nelliyur. It is noted, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that “the traditional etymology of the name PishÄrodi refers it to a SanyÄsi novice, who, deterred by the prospects of the hardship of life on which he was about to enter, ran away (odi) at the last moment, after he had been divested of the pÅ«nÅ«l (thread), but before he had performed the final ceremony of plunging thrice in a tank (pond), and of plucking out, one at each plunge, the last three hairs of his kudumi (the rest of which had been shaved off). But the termination ‘Odi’ is found in other caste titles such as AdiyÅdi and VallÅdi, and the definition is obviously fanciful, while it does not explain the meaning of PishÄr.â€The houses of PishÄratis are called pishÄram. Their primary occupation is to prepare garlands of flowers for Vaishnava temples, but they frequently undertake the talikazhakam or sweeping service in temples. Being learned men, and good Sanskrit scholars, they are employed as Sanskrit and MalayÄlam tutors in the families of those of high rank, and, in consequence, make free use of the title Asan. They are strict Vaishnavites, and the ashtÄkshara, or eight letters relating to Vishnu, as opposed to the panchÄkshara or five letters relating to Siva, forms their daily hymn ofprayer. They act as their own caste priests, but for the punyÄha or purificatory ceremony and the initiation into the ashtÄkshara, which are necessary on special occasions, the services of BrÄhmans are engaged.The PishÄratis celebrate the tÄli-kettu ceremony before the girl reaches puberty. The most important item therein is the joining of the hands of the bride and bridegroom. The planting of a jasmine shoot is observed as an indispensable preliminary rite. The events between this and the joining of hands are the same as with other AmbalavÄsis. The bride and bridegroom bathe, and wear clothes touched by each other. The girl’s mother then gives her a wedding garland and a mirror, with which she sits, her face covered with a cloth. The cherutÄli, or marriage ornament, is tied by the bridegroom round the girl’s neck. If this husband dies, the tÄli has to be removed, and the widow observes pollution. Her sons have to make oblations of cooked rice, and, for all social and religious purposes, the woman is regarded as a widow, though she is not debarred from contracting a sambandham (alliance) with a man of her own caste, or a BrÄhman. If the wife dies, the husband has, in like manner, to observe pollution, and make oblations of cooked rice. There are cases in which the tÄli-kettu is performed by a PishÄrati, and sambandham contracted with a BrÄhman. If the tÄli-tier becomes the husband, no separate cloth-giving ceremony need be gone through by him after the girl has reached puberty.Inheritance is in the female line, so much so that a wife and children are not entitled to compensation for the performance of a man’s funeral rites.No particular month is fixed for the name-giving rite, as it suffices if this is performed before the annaprasanaceremony. The maternal uncle first names the child. When it is four or six months old, it is taken out to see the sun. On the occasion of the annaprasana, which usually takes place in the sixth month, the maternal uncle gives the first mouthful of cooked rice to the child by means of a golden ring. The Yatrakali serves as the night’s entertainment for the assembled guests. NambÅ«tiris are invited to perform the purificatory ceremony known as punyÄha, but the consecrated water is only sprinkled over the roof of the house. The inmates thereof protrude their heads beneath the eaves so as to get purified, as the BrÄhmans do not pour the water over them. The chaula or tonsure takes place at the third year of a child’s life. The maternal uncle first touches the boy’s head with a razor, and afterwards the MÄrÄn and barber do the same. The initiation into the ashtÄkshara takes place at the age of sixteen. On an auspicious day, a BrÄhman brings a pot of water, consecrated in a temple, to the pishÄram, and pours its contents on the head of the lad who is to be initiated. The ceremony is called kalasam-ozhuk-kua, or letting a pot of water flow. After the teaching of the ashtÄkshara, the youth, dressed in religious garb, makes a ceremonial pretence of proceeding on a pilgrimage to Benares, as a BrÄhman does at the termination of the BrÄhmacharya stage of life. It is only after this that a PishÄrati is allowed to chew betel leaf, and perform other acts, which constitute the privileges of a Grihastha.The funeral rites of the PishÄratis are very peculiar. The corpse is seated on the ground, and a nephew recites the ashtÄkshara, and prostrates himself before it. The body is bathed, and dressed. A grave, nine feet deep and three feet square, is dug in a corner of the grounds, and salt and ashes, representing all the PanchabhÅ«tas,are spread. The corpse is placed in the grave in a sitting posture. As in the case of a SanyÄsi, who is a Jivanmukta, or one liberated from the bondage of the flesh though alive in body, so a dead PishÄrati is believed to have no suitable body requiring to be entertained with any post-mortem offerings. A few memorial rites are, however, performed. On the eleventh day, a ceremony corresponding to the ekoddishta srÄdh of the BrÄhman is carried out. A knotted piece of kusa grass, representing the soul of the deceased, is taken to a neighbouring temple, where a lighted lamp, symbolical of Maha Vishnu is worshipped, and prayers are offered. This ceremony is repeated at the end of the first year.101Some PishÄratis are large land-owners of considerable wealth and influence.102PÄ«su Perike.—Perikes who weave gunny-bags.PÄ«takÄlu(dais, on which a priest sits).—An exogamous sept of OddÄ“.PittalavÄdu.—A Telugu name for KuruvikkÄrans.PodapÅtula.—A class of mendicants, who beg from Gollas.Podara VannÄn.—The Podara, Podarayan or Pothora VannÄns are washermen of inferior social status, who wash clothes for Pallans, Paraiyans, and other low classes.PodhÄno.—Recorded, at times of census, as a title of BolÄsi, Gaudo, KÄlingi, Kudumo, and SÄmantiya. The SÄmantiyas also frequently give it as the name of their caste.PoduvÄl.—Defined by Mr. Wigram103as one of the AmbalavÄsi castes, the members of which are as a rule employed as temple watchmen. Writing concerningthe MÅ«ssads or MÅ«ttatus, Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar states that they are known as MÅ«ttatus or MÅ«ssatus in Travancore and Cochin, and PotuvÄls (or PoduvÄls) or AkapotuvÄls in North Malabar. PotuvÄl means a common person,i.e., the representative of a committee, and a MÅ«ttatu’s right to this name accrues from the fact that, in the absence of the NambÅ«tiri managers of a temple, he becomes their agent, and is invested with authority to exercise all their functions. The work of an AkapotuvÄl always lies within the inner wall of the shrine, while that of the PurappotuvÄl, or PotuvÄl proper, lies outside. From Travancore, PoduvÄn or PotuvÄn is recorded as a synonym or sub-division of MÄrÄns, who are employed at funerals by various castes.It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that “Pura PothuvÄls are of two classes, Chenda PothuvÄls or drum PothuvÄls, and MÄla PothuvÄls or garland PothuvÄls, the names of course referring to the nature of the service which they have to render in the temple. The Chenda PothuvÄls would appear to be closely connected with the MÄrÄrs or MÄrayÄrs, who are also drummers. MÄla PothuvÄls follow marumakkattÄyam (inheritance in the female line), their women having sambandham (alliance) with men of their own caste or with BrÄhmans, while the men can have sambandham in their own caste, or with NÄyar women of any of the sub-divisions below Kiriyattil. Their women are called PothuvÄrassiar or PothuvÄttimar.†It is further recorded104that, in some cases, for instance among MÄla PothuvÄls and MÄrÄrs in South Malabar, a fictitious consummation is an incident of the tÄli-kettu ; the girl and manavÄlan (bridegroom)being made to lie on a bed together, and left there alone for a few moments. Amongst the MÄla Pothuvals this is done twice, once on the first and once on the last day, and they apparently also spend the three nights of the ceremony in the same bed-chamber, but not alone, an Enangatti sleeping there as chaperone. In these two castes, as in most if not all others, the ceremony also entails the pollution of the girl and her bridegroom. Amongst the MÄrÄrs, they are purified by a NambÅ«diri after they leave their quasi-nuptial couch. Amongst the MÄla Pothuvals, they are not allowed to bathe or to touch others during the wedding till the fourth day, when they are given mÄttu (change of cloths) by the Veluttedan.â€Podala occurs as a Canarese form of PoduvÄl.PÅgandan.—A synonym of PÅndan.PÅkanÄti.—PÅkanÄti or PakanÄti is a sub-division of KÄpu.Poladava.—A synonym of Gatti.Poligar(feudal chief).—A synonym of PÄlayakkÄran. According to Yule and Burnell,105the Poligars “were properly subordinate feudal chiefs, occupying tracts more or less wild, and generally of predatory habits in former days. They are now much the same as Zemindars (land-owners) in the highest use of that term. The Southern Poligars gave much trouble about a hundred years ago, and the ‘Poligar wars’ were somewhat serious affairs. In various assaults on PÄnjÄlamkurichi, one of their forts in Tinnevelly, between 1799 and 1801, there fell fifteen British officers.†The name Poligar was further used for the predatory classes, which served under the chiefs. Thus, in Munro’s ‘Narrativeof Military Operations’ (1780–84), it is stated that “the matchlock men are generally accompanied by Poligars, a set of fellows that are almost savages, and make use of no other weapon than a pointed bamboo spear, 18 or 20 feet long.â€The name Poligar is given to a South Indian breed of greyhound-like dogs in the Tinnevelly district.Pombada.—A small class of Canarese devil-dancers, who are said,106in South Canara, to resemble the Nalkes, but hold a somewhat higher position, and in devil-dances to represent a better class of demons. Unlike the Nalkes and Paravas, they follow the aliya santÄna system of inheritance. They speak Tulu, and, in their customs, follow those of the Billavas. There are two sections among the Pombadas, viz., Bailu, who are mainly cultivators, and Padarti, who are chiefly engaged in devil-dancing. The Pombadas are not, like the Nalkes and Paravas, a polluting class, and are socially a little inferior to the Billavas. They do not wear the disguises of the bhÅ«thas (devils) Nicha, Varte, and Kamberlu, who are considered low, but wear those of Jumadi, Panjurli, Jarandaya, Mahisandeya, and Kodamanithaya. Ullaya or DharmadÄ“vata is regarded as a superior bhÅ«tha, and the special bhÅ«tha of the Pombadas, who do not allow Nalkes or Paravas to assume his disguise. During the Jumadi KÅla (festival), the Pombada who represents the bhÅ«tha Jumadi is seated on a cart, and dragged in procession through the streets. (SeeNalke.)Pon Chetti(gold merchant).—A synonym of MalayÄlam KammÄlan goldsmiths.Pon(gold)Illam.—A section of Mukkuvans.PÅndan.—“There are,†Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,107“only twenty-eight persons of this caste in Malabar, and they are all in Calicut. These are the palanquin-bearers of the Zamorin. They are in dress, manners, customs, and language entirely Tamilians, and, while the Zamorin is polluted by the touch of any ordinary Tamilian, these PÅndans enjoy the privilege of bearing him in a palanquin to and from the temple every day. Now there is a sub-division of the Tamil Idaiyans by name Pogondan, and I understand that these Pogondans are the palanquin-bearers of the Idaiyan caste. It seems probable that the founder, or some early member of the Zamorin, obtained palanquin-bearers of his own (cowherd) caste and granted them privileges which no other Tamilians now enjoy.â€Pondra.—Pondra, or Ponara, is a sub-division of MÄli.PonganÄdu.—PonganÄdu and PonguvÄn have been recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division of KÄpu. A corrupt form of PakanÄti.Ponnambalaththar.—A class of mendicants, who have attached themselves to the KaikÅlans.Ponnara.—Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of NÄyar.PoruvannurkÄran.—A class of carpenters in Malabar.Poroja.—The Porojas or ParjÄs are hill cultivators found in the Agency tracts of Ganjam and Vizagapatam. Concerning them, it is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1871, that “there are held to be seven classes of these ParjÄs, which differ from each other in points of language, customs, and traditions. The term ParjÄ is, as Mr. Carmichael has pointed out, merely a corruptionof a Sanskrit term signifying a subject, and it is understood as such by the people themselves, who use it in contradistinction to a free hill-man. ‘Formerly,’ says a tradition that runs through the whole tribe, ‘RÄjas and ParjÄs were brothers, but the RÄjas took to riding horses (or, as the Barenja ParjÄs put it, sitting still) and we became carriers of burdens and ParjÄs.’ It is quite certain, in fact, that the term ParjÄ is not a tribal denomination, but a class denomination, and it may be fitly rendered by the familiar epithet of ryot (cultivator). I have laid stress on this, because all native officials, and every one that has written about the country (with the above exception), always talk of the term ParjÄ as if it signified a caste. There is no doubt, however, that by far the greater number of these ParjÄs are akin to the Khonds of the Ganjam MÄliahs. They are thrifty, hard-working cultivators, undisturbed by the intestine broils which their cousins in the north engage in, and they bear in their breasts an inalienable reverence for their soil, the value of which they are rapidly becoming acquainted with. The ParjÄ bhÅ«mi (land) is contained almost entirely in the upper level. Parts to the south held under PÄchipenta and MÄdugulu (MÄdgole) are not ParjÄ bhÅ«mi, nor, indeed, are some villages to the north in the possession of the Khonds. Their ancient rights to these lands are acknowledged by colonists from among the Aryans, and, when a dispute arises concerning the boundaries of a field possessed by recent arrivals, a ParjÄ is usually called in to point out the ancient land-marks.â€The name Poroja seems to be derived from the Oriya, Po, son, and RÄja,i.e., sons of RÄjas. There is a tradition that, at the time when the RÄjas of Jeypore rose into prominence at Nandapur, the country was occupied by a number of tribes, who, in return for the protectionpromised to them, surrendered their rights to the soil, which they had hitherto occupied absolutely. I am informed that the Porojas, when asked what their caste is, use ryot and Poroja as synonymous, saying we are Porojas; we are ryot people.The ParjÄ« language is stated by Mr. G. A. Grierson108to have “hitherto been considered as identical with BhatrÄ«. BhatrÄ« has now become a form of OriyÄ. ParjÄ«, on the other hand, is still a dialect of GÅndi.†The BhatrÄs are a tribe inhabiting the state of Bastar in the Central Provinces.The Porojas are not a compact caste, but rather a conglomerate, made up of several endogamous sections, and speaking a language, which varies according to locality. These sections, according to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, to whom I am indebted for much of the present note, are—(1) BÄrang Jhodia, who eat beef and speak Oriya.(2) Pengu Poroja, subdivided into those who eat the flesh of the buffalo, and those who do not. They speak a language, which is said to bear a close resemblance to Kondhs.(3) KhÅndi or KÅndi Poroja, who are a section of the Kondhs, eat beef and the flesh of buffaloes, and speak KÅdu or Kondh.(4) Parengi Poroja, who are a section of the Gadabas. They are subdivided into those who eat and do not eat the flesh of buffaloes, and speak a Gadaba dialect.(5) Bonda, BÅ«nda, or Nanga Poroja, who are likewise a section of the Gadabas, call themselves Bonda Gadaba, and speak a dialect of Gadaba.(6) Tagara Poroja, who are a section of the KÅyas or KÅyis, and speak KÅya, or, in some places, Telugu.
PatnÅ«kÄran marriage procession.PatnÅ«kÄran marriage procession.“On entering a PatnÅ«lkÄran’s house, we are led to a courtyard, spacious and neat, where all the necessary arrangements are made for weaving purposes. The PatnÅ«lkÄrans live in streets. A male PatnÅ«lkÄran resembles a Tamil Vaishnava BrÄhman in outward appearance, but the women follow the custom of the Telugu BrÄhmans alike in their costume and ornaments. Their jewels exactly resemble those of the Telugu BrÄhman women, and indicate a temporary residence of the caste in the Telugu country on the way from Gujarat to Madura. There is a Tamil proverb to the effect that, if a male PatnÅ«lkÄran is seen without his wife, he will be taken for a Vaishnava BrÄhman, whereas, in the case of the TÄtan caste, a woman without her husband will be taken for an Aiyangar. Children wear the kÄrai round the neck. Tattooing prevails on a very large scale.“The PatnÅ«lkÄrans may be divided into three classes on a religious basis, viz., (1) pure Vaishnavites, who wear the vertical Vaishnavite mark, and call themselvesVadakalas or northerners; (2) those who are mainly Smartas; (3) Sankara Vaishnavas, who wear gÅpi (sandal paste) as their sect-mark. It is to the last of these religious sects that the Travancore PatnÅ«lkÄrans belong, though, in recent times, a few Smartas have settled at Kottar. All these intermarry and interdine, and the religious difference does not create a distinction in the caste. The chief divinity of the PatnÅ«lkÄrans is VenkatÄchalapati of Tirupati. The month in which he is most worshipped is Kanni (September-October), and all the Saturdays and the Tiruvonam star of the month are particularly devoted to his adoration. One of their men becomes possessed on any of these days, and, holding a burning torch-light in his hand, touches the foreheads of the assembled devotees therewith. The PatnÅ«lkÄrans fast on those days, and take an image of Garuda in procession through the street. The DÄ«pÄvali, Pannamasi in Chittiray, and the Vaikuntha Ä’kÄdasi are other important religious days. The Dusserah is observed, as also are the festivals of SrÄ« RÄma Navami, Ashtami, Rohini, Avani Avittam, and Vara Lakshmivratam. Formal worship of deities is done by those who have obtained the requisite initiation from a spiritual preceptor. Women who have husbands fast on full-moon days, Mondays, and Fridays. The serpent and the banyan tree are specially worshipped. Women sing songs in praise of Lakshmi, and offer fruits and cocoanuts to her. The PatnÅ«lkÄrans have a temple dedicated to SrÄ« RÄma at Kottar. This temple is visited even by BrÄhmans, and the priests are Aiyangars. The AchÄrya, or supreme religious authority of the PatnÅ«lkÄrans, in Travancore is a Vaishnava BrÄhman known as Ubhaya VÄ“dÄnta KÅti KanyakÄdÄna TÄtÄchÄriyar, who lives at Aravankulam near Tinnevelly,and possesses a large number of disciples. Once a year he visits his flock in Travancore, and is highly respected by them, as also by the MahÄrajÄ, who makes a donation of money to him. Elders are appointed to decide social disputes, and manage the common property of the caste. In Travancore there are said to be only three families of PatnÅ«lkÄran priests. For the higher ceremonies, BrÄhman priests are employed.“A girl’s marriage is usually celebrated before puberty, and sometimes when she is a mere child of four or five. Great importance is attached to gÅtras or exogamous septs, and it is said that the septs of the bride and bridegroom are conspicuously inscribed on the walls of a marriage house. In the selection of an auspicious hour (muhurtam) for a marriage, two favourable planetary situations, one closely following the other, are necessary; and, as such occasions are rare, a number of marriages take place at one time. A man may claim his maternal uncle’s daughter as his wife, and polygamy is permitted. The marriage ceremonial resembles the BrÄhmanical rites in many points. On the fourth day, a ceremonial observed by Telugu BrÄhmans, called NÄgabali, is performed. The marriage badge, which is tied on the bride’s neck, is called bottu. [From a note on the marriage ceremonies among the PatnÅ«lkÄrans of Madura, I gather that, as among Telugu and Canarese castes, a number of pots are arranged, and worshipped. These pots are smaller and fewer in number than at a Telugu or Canarese wedding. A figure of a car is drawn on the wall of the house with red earth or laterite.88On it the name of the gÅtra of the bridegroom is written. On the fourth day, thenÄgavali (or offering to DÄ“vas) is performed. The contracting couple sit near the pots, and a number of lights are arranged on the floor. The pots, which represent the DÄ“vas, are worshipped.]“The nÄmakarana, or name-giving ceremony, is performed on the eleventh day after birth. An eighth child, whether male or female, is called Krishna, owing to the tradition that Krishna was born as the eighth child of VasudÄ“va. Babies are affectionately called Duddu (milk) or Pilla (child). The annaprÄsana, or first feeding of the child, is sometimes celebrated at the end of the first year, but usually as a preliminary to some subsequent ceremony. Sometimes, in performance of a vow, boys are taken to the shrine at Tirupati for the tonsure ceremony. The upanayana is performed between the seventh and twelfth years, but neither brÄhmacharya nor samÄvartana is observed.“The dead are burnt, and the remains of the bones are collected and deposited under water. Death pollution lasts only for ten days. The srÄdh, or annual ceremony, when oblations are offered to ancestors, is observed. Widows are allowed to retain their hair, but remove the bottu. Unlike BrÄhman women, they chew betel, and wear coloured cloths, even in old age.â€The PatnÅ«lkÄrans have a secret trade language, concerning which Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes as follows. “The most remarkable feature about it is the number of terms and phrases borrowed from the craft, to which special meanings are given. Thus a man of no status is stigmatised as a rikhta khandu,i.e., a spindle without the yarn. Similarly, a man of little sense is called a mhudha, the name of a thick peg which holds one side of the roller. Likewise, a talkative person is referred to as a rhetta, or roller used for winding thethread upon spindles, which makes a most unpleasant creaking noise. KapinikÄ“r, from kapini, a technical term used for cutting the loom off, means to make short work of an undesirable person. A man who is past middle age is called porkut phillias, which, in weavers’ parlance, means that half the loom is turned.â€PatnÅ«kÄran marriage wall design.PatnÅ«kÄran marriage wall design.PatrÄ.—The PatrÄs are an Oriya caste, which is divided into two sections, one of which is engaged in the manufacture of silk (pata) waist-threads, tassels, etc., and the other in weaving silk cloths. The members of the two sections do not interdine. The former have exogamous septs or bamsams, the names of which are also used as titles,e.g., SÄhu, PÄtro, and Prushti. The latter have exogamous septs, such as Tenga, Jaggali, Telaga, and MahÄnÄyako, and BÄ“hara and NÄyako as titles. The chief headman of the cloth-weaving section is called MahÄnÄyako, and there are other officers called BÄ“hara and Bhollobaya. The headman of the other section is called SÄ“nÄpati, and he is assisted by a Dhanapati. Infant marriage is the rule, and, if a girl does not secure a husband before she reaches maturity, she must, if she belongs to the cloth-weaving section, go through a form of marriage with an old man, and, if to the other section, with an arrow.The Telugu PatrÄs are summed up, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as “a Telugu caste of hunters and cultivators, found chiefly in the districts of Cuddapah and Kurnool. It has two divisions, the Doras (chiefs), and Gurikalas (marksmen), the former of which is supposed to be descended from the old Poligars (feudal chiefs), and the latter from their followers and servants. This theory is supported by the fact that, at the weddings of Gurikalas, the Doras receive the first pÄn-supÄri (betel leaf and areca nut). Widows may not remarry, noris divorce recognised. They usually employ BrÄhmans at marriages, and SÄtÄnis at funerals. Though they are Vaishnavites, they also worship village deities, such as Gangamma and Ellamma. They bury their dead, and perform annual srÄddhas (memorial services for the dead). They will eat with Gollas. Their title is Naidu.â€PÄtramÄ“la.—PÄtramÄ“la, or PÄtradÄ“va, is the name of a class of dancing girls in South Canara. PÄtramÄ“la, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,89is the name by which the Konkani KalÄvants (courtezans) are known above the ghauts.PÄtro.—The title of the head of a group of villages in Ganjam, and also recorded, at times of census, as a title of Alia, KÄlinga KÅmati, Dolai, and Jaggala. The conferring of a cloth (sÄdhi) on a PÄtro is said to be emblematic of conferring an estate. The PÄtro, among other perquisites, is entitled to a fee on occasions of marriage. I am informed that, in the Ganjam MÄliahs, if a Kondh was unable to pay the fee, he met his love at night beneath two trysting trees, and retired with her into the jungle for three days and nights.PÄtrudu.—The title, meaning those who are fit to receive a gift, of Aiyarakulu and NagarÄlu.PÄttadhikÄri.—A class of Jangams, who have settled head-quarters.Pattan.—The equivalent of the BrÄhman Bhatta. A name by which some KammÄlans, especially goldsmiths, style themselves.Pattanavada.—A synonym for the MogÄ“r fishing caste, the settlements of which are called pattana.Pattanavan.—The fishermen on the east coast, from the Kistna to the Tanjore district, are popularlycalled KaraiyÄn, or sea-shore people. Some KaraiyÄns have, at times of census, returned themselves as Taccha (carpenter) KaraiyÄns.Pattanavan means literally a dweller in a town or pattanam, which word occurs in the names of various towns on the sea-coast,e.g., NÄgapattanam (Negapatam), Chennapattanam (Madras). The Pattanavans have two main divisions, Periya (big) and Chinna (small), and, in some places, for example, at Nadukuppam in the Nellore district, exogamous septs,e.g., Gengananga, PÄ“yananga, Kathananga (children of Ganga, PÄ“yan, and Kathanar), and Kullananga (children of dwarfs). In the Telugu country, they go by the name of Pattapu or TÅ«livÄndlu.Some Pattanavans give themselves high-sounding caste titles,e.g., Ä€riyar, Ayyayiraththalaivar (the five thousand chiefs), Ä€riya NÄttu Chetti (Chettis of the Ariyar country), Acchu VellÄla, Karaiturai (sea-coast) VellÄla, Varunakula VellÄla or Varunakula Mudali after Varuna, the god of the waters, or Kurukula vamsam after Kuru, the ancestor of the Kauravas. Some Pattanavans have adopted the title Pillai.The Pattanavans are said to be inferior to the Sembadavans, who will not accept food at their hands, and discard even an earthen pot which has been touched by a Pattanavan.Concerning the origin of the caste, there is a legend that the Pattanavans were giving silk thread to Siva, and were hence called Pattanavar, a corruption of Pattanaivor, meaning knitters of silk thread. They were at the time all bachelors, and Siva suggested the following method of securing wives for them. They were told to go out fishing in the sea, and make of their catch as many heaps as there were bachelors. Each of themthen stood before a heap, and called for a wife, who was created therefrom. According to another story, some five thousand years ago, during the age of the lunar race, there was one Dasa RÄja, who was ruling near HastinÄpura, and was childless. To secure offspring, he prayed to god, and did severe penance. In answer to his prayer, God pointed out a tank full of lotus flowers, and told the king to go thither, and call for children. Thereon, five thousand children issued forth from the flowers, to the eldest of whom the king bequeathed his kingdom, and to the others money in abundance. Those who received the money travelled southward in ships, which were wrecked, and they were cast ashore. This compelled them to make friends of local sea fishermen, whose profession they adopted. At the present day, the majority of Pattanavans are sea-fishermen, and catch fish with nets from catamarans. “Fancy,†it has been written,90“a raft of only three logs of wood, tied together at each end when they go out to sea, and untied and left to dry on the beach when they come in again. Each catamaran has one, two or three men to manage it; they sit crouched on it upon their heels, throwing their paddles about very dexterously, but remarkably unlike rowing. In one of the early Indian voyager’s log-books there is an entry concerning a catamaran: ‘This morning, 6A.M., saw distinctly two black devils playing at single stick. We watched these infernal imps about an hour, when they were lost in the distance. Surely this doth portend some great tempest.’ It is very curious to watch these catamarans putting out to sea. They get through the fiercest surf, sometimes dancing at their ease on the top of the waters, sometimes hidden underthe waters; sometimes the man completely washed off his catamaran, and man floating one way and catamaran another, till they seem to catch each other again by magic.†In 1906, a fisherman was going out in his catamaran to fish outside the Madras harbour, and was washed off his craft, and dashed violently against a rock. Death was instantaneous. Of the catamaran, the following account is given by Colonel W. Campbell.91“Of all the extraordinary craft which the ingenuity of man has ever invented, a Madras catamaran is the most extraordinary, the most simple, and yet, in proper hands, the most efficient. It is merely three rough logs of wood, firmly lashed together with ropes formed from the inner bark of the cocoanut tree. Upon this one, two, or three men, according to the size of the catamaran, sit on their heels in a kneeling posture, and, defying wind and weather, make their way through the raging surf which beats upon the coast, and paddle out to sea at times when no other craft can venture to face it. At a little distance, the slight fabric on which these adventurous mariners float becomes invisible, and a fleet of them approaching the land presents the absurd appearance of a host of savage-looking natives wading out towards the ship, up to their middle in water.†“A catamaran,†Lady Dufferin writes,92in an account of a state arrival at Madras, “is two logs of wood lashed together, forming a very small and narrow raft. The rower wears a ‘fool’s cap,’ in which he carries letters (also betel and tobacco), and, when he encounters a big wave, he leaves his boat, slips through the wave himself, and picks up his catamaran on the other side of it. Some very large deep barges (masÅ«la boats), the planks of which aresewn together to give elasticity, and the interstices stuffed with straw, came out for us, with a guard of honour of the mosquito fleet, as the catamarans are called, on either side of them; two of the fool’s cap men, and a flag as big as the boat itself, on each one.†The present day masÅ«la or mussoola boat, or surf boat of the Coromandel Coast, is of the same build as several centuries ago. It is recorded,93in 1673, that “I went ashore in a Mussoola, a boat wherein ten men paddle, the two aftermost of whom are the Steers-men, using their Paddles instead of a Rudder: The Boat is not strengthened with knee-timber, as ours are; the bended Planks are sowed together with Rope-yarn of the Cocoe, and calked with Dammar so artificially that it yields to every ambitious surf. Otherwise we could not get ashore, the Bar knocking in pieces all that are inflexible.†The old records of Madras contain repeated references to Europeans being drowned from overturning ofmasÅ«laboats in the surf, through which a landing had to be effected before the harbour was built.In 1907, two Madras fishermen were invested with silver wrist bangles, bearing a suitable inscription, which were awarded by the Government in recognition of their bravery in saving the lives of a number of boatmen during a squall in the harbour.The following are the fishes, which are caught by the fishermen off Madras and eaten by Europeans:—Cybium guttatum,Bl. Schn.Seir.Cybium Commersonii, Lacep. Seir.Cybium lanceolatum,Cuv. & Val.Seir.Sillago sihama,Forsk.Whiting.Stromateus cinereus,Bloch.—Immature, silver pomfret.Adult, grey pomfret.Stromateus niger,Bloch. Black pomfret.Mugal subviridis,Cuv. & Val.Mullet.Psettodes erumei,Bl. Schn.‘Sole.’Lates calcarifer,Bloch. Cock-up; the begti of Calcutta.Lutjanus roseus,Day.Lutjanus marginatus,Cuv. & Val.Polynemus tetradactylus,Shaw.Chorinemus lysan,Forsk.‘Whitebait.’The Pattanavans are Saivites, but also worship various minor gods and GrÄma DÄ“vatas (village deities). In some places, they regard KuttiyÄndavan as their special sea god. To him animal sacrifices are not made, but goats are sacrificed to Sembu VÄ«rappan or MÄ«nnodum Pillai, an attendant on KuttiyÄndavan. In Tanjore, the names of the sea gods are PÄvadairÄyan and Padaithalaidaivam. Before setting out on a fishing expedition, the Pattanavans salute the god, the sea, and the nets. In the Tanjore district, they repair their nets once in eight days, and, before they go out fishing, pray to their gods to favour them with a big catch. On a fixed day, they make offerings to the gods on their return from fishing. The gods PÄvadairÄyan and Padaithalaidaivam are represented by large conical heaps of wet sand and mud, and Ayyanar, Ellamma, KuttiyÄndavar, MuthyÄlrouthar and KiliyÄ“ndhi by smaller heaps. At the MÄsimakam festival, the Pattanavans worship their gods on the sea-shore. The names JÄttan and JÄtti are given to children during the JÄtre or periodic festival of the village goddesses.The Pattanavans afford a good example of a caste, in which the time-honoured village council (panchÄyat) is no empty, powerless body. For every settlement or village there are one or more headmen called YejamÄnan, who are assisted by a ThandakÄran and a Paraiyan ChalavÄthi. All these offices are hereditary. Questions connected with the community, such as disrespect to elders, breach of social etiquette, insult, abuse, assault, adultery, or drinking or eating with men of lower caste, are enquired into by the council. Even when disputes are settled in courts of law, they must come before the council. Within the community, the headman is all powerful, and his decision is, in most instances, considered final. If, however, his verdict is not regarded as equitable, the case is referred to a caste headman, who holds sway over a group of villages. No ceremony may be performed without the sanction of the local headman, and the details of ceremonies, except the feasting, are arranged by the headman and the ThandakÄran. In the case of a proposed marriage, the match is broken off if the headman objects to it. He should be present at the funeral rites, and see that the details thereof are properly carried out. It is the duty of the ChalavÄthi to convey the news of a death to the relations. Should he come to the shore when the fishes are heaped up, he has the right to take a few thereof as his perquisite. The ThandakÄran, among other duties, has to summon council meetings. When the members of council have assembled, he ushers in the parties who have to appear before it, and salutes the assembly by prostrating himself on the floor. The parties take a bit of straw, or other object, and place it before the headman in token that they are willing to abide by the decision of the council. This formality is called placing the agreement (muchchilika).The consent of the maternal uncles is necessary before a pair can be united in matrimony. When the wedding day has been fixed, the bridegroom’s party distribute grÄma thÄmbÅ«lam (village pÄn-supÄri or betel) to the headman and villagers. The marriage milk-post is made ofMimusops hexandra,Erythrina indica,Casuarina equisetifolia, the green wood of some other tree, or even a pestle. In one form of the marriage ceremony, which varies in detail according to locality, the bridegroom, on the arrival of the bride at the pandal (booth), puts on the sacred thread, and the BrÄhman purÅhit makes the sacred fire, and pours ghÄ« (clarified butter) into it. The bridegroom ties the tÄli round the bride’s neck, and the maternal uncles tie flat silver or gold plates, called pattam, on the foreheads of the contracting couple. Rings are put on their second toes by the brother-in-law of the bridegroom and the maternal uncle of the bride. Towards evening, the sacred thread, the threads which have been tied to the marriage pots and the milk-post, and grain seedlings used at the ceremony, are thrown into the sea. Some Pattanavans allow a couple to live together as man and wife after the betrothal, but before the marriage ceremony. This is, however, on condition that the latter is performed as soon as it is convenient. The remarriage of widows is freely permitted. No marriage pandal is erected, and the bridegroom, or a female relation, ties the tÄli on the bride’s neck within the house. Such marriage is, therefore, called naduvÄ«ttu (interior of the house) tÄli. When a woman, who has been guilty of adultery, is remarried, a turmeric string is substituted for the golden tÄli, and is tied on the bride’s neck by a woman.Pattanavan.Pattanavan.Some Pattanavans have adopted the custom of burying their dead in a seated posture (samathi). If acorpse is cremated, fire is carried to the burning-ground by a barber. When the corpse has been laid on the pyre, rice is thrown over it. The son, accompanied by a barber and a Panisavan or washerman, and carrying a pot of water on his shoulder, goes thrice round the pyre. At the third round, the Panisavan or washerman makes holes in the pot, and it is thrown away. On the day of the funeral, all the agnates shave their heads. On the following day, they go to the burial or burning ground with tender cocoanuts, milk, cakes, etc., and Arichandra, who presides over the burial-ground, is worshipped. Milk is then poured over the grave, or the remains of the bones, which are thrown into the sea. On the night of the fifteenth day, Panisavans blow the conch and horn, and red cloths are presented to the widow of the deceased by her relations. At about 4A.M., a white cloth is thrown on her neck, and the tÄli string is cut by an old woman. The tÄli is removed therefrom, and dropped into a new pot filled with water. Hence, a form of abuse among Pattanavan women is, May your tÄli be snapped, and thrown into water. The tÄli is removed from the pot, which is thrown into the sea. The tÄli is laid on a dish containing milk, and all those who visit the widow must set eyes on it before they see her.In the city of Madras, the Pattanavans have the privilege of supplying bearers at temples, and the atmosphere surrounding them as they carry the idols on their sturdy shoulders through Triplicane is said to be “redolent of brine and the toddy shop.â€In a judgment of the High Court of Judicature, Madras, it is recorded that, in the eighteenth century, some boat-owners and boatmen belonging to the Curukula Vamsha or Varunakula Mudali caste, whowere residing at Chepauk in the city of Madras, had embraced Christianity, and worshipped in a chapel, which had been erected by voluntary contributions. In 1799 the site of their village was required for public purposes, and they obtained in lieu of it a grant of land at Royapuram, where a chapel was built. Partly by taxes levied on boatmen, and partly by tolls they were allowed to impose on persons for frequenting the Royapuram bazar, a fund was formed to provide for their spiritual wants, and this fund was administered by the Marine Board. In 1829, a portion of the fund was expended in the erection of the church of St. Peter, Royapuram, and the fund was transferred to Government. The administration of the fund has been the source of litigation in the High Court.94It is noted by Mrs. F. E. Penny that some of the fisherfolk “adopted Xavier as their special patron saint, and, as time passed, almost deified him. In the present day, they appeal to him in times of danger, crying ‘Xavier! Xavier! Xavier!’ in storm and peril. Even if they are unfortunate in their catch when fishing, they turn to their saint for succour.â€As a numismatist, I resent the practice resorted to by some fishermen of melting old lead coins, and converting them into sinkers for their nets.Pattapu.—Pattapu for TulivÄndlu is a name for Tamil Pattanavans, who have migrated to the Telugu country. Pattapu also occurs as a sub-division of Yerukala.Pattar.—The Pattars are Tamil BrÄhmans, who have settled in Malabar. The name is said to be derived from the Sanskrit bhatta. It is noted, in theMadras Census Report, 1901, that Pattar (teacher) has been recently assumed as a title by some NÅkkans in Tanjore. (SeeBrÄhman.)Pattariar.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a Tamil corruption of Pattu SÄliyan (silk-weaver). Pattariar or Pattalia is a synonym of Tamil-speaking SÄliyans.PattegÄra(headman).—An exogamous sept of Okkiliyan.Pattindla(silk house).—An exogamous sept of TÅta Balija.Pattola MÄ“nÅn.—Recorded, in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, as a sub-caste of NÄyars, who are accountants in aristocratic families.PÄttukuruppu.—Recorded in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as synonymous with VÄtti, a sub-division of NÄyar.Pattu SÄlÄ“.—A sub-division of SÄlÄ“s, who weave silk (pattu) fabrics.Pattuvitan.—Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of NÄyar.PatvÄ“gÄra.—The PatvÄ“gÄras or PattÄ“gÄras (pattu, silk) of South Canara are described by Mr. H. A. Stuart95as “a Canarese caste of silk weavers. They are Hindus, and worship both Siva and Vishnu, but their special deity is Durga ParamÄ“svari at BarkÅ«r. They wear the sacred thread, and employ BrÄhmans for ceremonial purposes. They are governed by a body called the ten men, and pay allegiance to the guru of the RÄmachandra math (religious institution). They are divided into balis (septs) and a man may not marry within his own bali. Polygamy is allowed only when awife is barren, or suffers from some incurable disease, such as leprosy. The girls are married in infancy, and the binding portion of the ceremony is called dhÄre (seeBant). Widow marriage is not permitted, and divorce is only allowed in the case of an adulterous wife. They follow the ordinary Hindu law of inheritance. The dead are cremated. The srÄdha (memorial) ceremony is in use, and the MahÄlaya ceremony for the propitiation of ancestors in general is performed annually. Female ancestors are also worshipped every year at a ceremony called vaddap, when meals are given to married women. They eat fish but not meat, and the use of alcohol is not permitted.â€In the Mysore Census Report, 1891, the PatvÄ“gÄrs are described as “silk weavers who speak a corrupt MarÄthi conglomerate of GuzarÄti and Hindi. They worship all the Hindu deities, especially the female energy under the name of SÄkti, to which a goat is sacrificed on the night of the Dasara festival, a Musalman slaughtering the animal. After the sacrifice, the family of the PatvÄ“gÄr partake of the flesh. Many of their females are naturally fair and handsome, but lose their beauty from early marriage and precocity.†A few PattÄ“gÄras, who speak a corrupt form of MarÄthi, are to be found in the Anantapur district.Pavalamkatti(wearers of corals).—A sub-division of Konga VellÄla.Pavini.—SeeVayani.PayyampÄti.—Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of NÄyar.Pedakanti.—Pedakanti or Pedaganti is the name of a sub-division of KÄpu. It is said by some to be derived from a place called Pedagallu. By others it is derived from peda, turned aside, and kamma, eye,indicating one who turns his eyes away from a person who speaks to him. Yet another suggestion is that it means stiff-necked.Pedda(big).—A sub-division of BÅya, Bagata, Konda Dora, Pattapu, and Velama.PeddammavÄndlu.—A fancy name taken by some Telugu beggars.Pedditi.—A sub-division of Golla, some members of which earn a livelihood by begging and flattery.PÄ“gula(intestines).—An exogamous sept of BÅya.Pekkan.—A division of Toda.Pendukal(women).—A name applied to DÄ“va-dÄsis in Travancore.Pengu.—A sub-division of Poroja.PennÄ“gÄra.—Konkani-speaking rice-beaters in South Canara.Pentiya.—The Pentiyas also call themselves Holuva and HalabÄ or HalbÄ. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, they are called Pantia as well as Pentiya, and described as Oriya betel-leaf (panno) sellers. Their occupation, in the Jeypore Agency tracts, is that of cultivators. According to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, to whom I am indebted for the following note, numbers of them migrated thither from Bustar, and settled at Pentikonna, and are hence called Pentikonaya or Pentiya. Their language is Halba, which is easily understood by those who speak Oriya. They are divided into two endogamous sections, called Bodo (big or genuine), and Sanno (little), of whom the latter are said to be illegitimate descendants of the former. The Bodos are further sub-divided into a series of septs,e.g., Kurum (tortoise), BhÄg (tiger), NÄg (cobra), and SÅ«rya (sun). The caste is highly organized, and the head of a local centre iscalled Bhatha NÄyako. He is assisted by a PradhÄni, an Umriya NÄyako, and DolÄyi. The caste messenger is called CholÄno, and he carries a silver baton when he summons the castemen to a meeting. An elaborate ceremony is performed when a person, who has been tried by the caste council, is to be received back into the caste. He is accompanied to the bank of a stream, where his tongue is burnt with a gold or silver wire or ornament by the Bhatha NÄyako, and some offerings from the JagannÄtha temple at PÅ«ri are given to him. He is then taken home, and provides a feast, at which the NÄyako has the privilege of eating first. He has further to make a present of cloths to the assembled elders, and the four heads of the caste receive a larger quantity than the others. The feast over, he is again taken, carrying some cooked rice, to the stream, and with it pushed therein. This ceremonial bath frees him from pollution.Girls are married either before or after puberty. A man can claim his paternal aunt’s daughter in marriage. The bridegroom’s party proceed, with the bridegroom, to the bride’s village, and take up their abode in a separate house. They then take three cloths for the bride’s mother, three rupees for her father, and a cloth and two annas for each of her brothers, and present them together with rice, liquor, and other articles. Pandals (booths) are erected in front of the quarters of the bridal couple, that of the bridegroom being made of nine, and that of the bride of five sÄl (Shorea robusta) poles, to which a pot containing myrabolams (Terminaliafruits) and rice is tied. The couple bathe, and the bridegroom proceeds to the house of the bride. The DÄ“sÄri, who officiates, dons the sacred thread, and divides the pandal into two by means of a screen or curtain. The couplego seven times round the pandal, and the screen is removed. They then enter the pandal, and the DÄ“sÄri links their little fingers together. The day’s ceremony concludes with a feast. On the following day, the bride is conducted to the house of the bridegroom, and they sprinkle each other with turmeric water. They then bathe in a stream or river. Another feast is held, with much drinking, and is followed by a wild dance. The remarriage of widows is permitted, and a younger brother may marry the widow of his elder brother. The dead are burnt, and death pollution is observed for ten days, during which the relatives of the deceased are fed by members of another sept. On the tenth day a caste feast takes place.The Pentiyas are said96to distribute rice, and other things, to BrÄhmans, once a year on the new-moon day in the month of BhÄdrapadam (September-October), and to worship a female deity named KÄmilli on Saturdays. No one, I am informed, other, I presume, than a Pentiya, would take anything from a house where she is worshipped, lest the goddess should accompany him, and require him to become her devotee.The caste title is NÄyako.Peraka(tile).—An exogamous sept of DÄ“vÄnga.Perike.—This word is defined, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as meaning literally a gunny bag, and the Perikes are summed up as being a Telugu caste of gunny bag (goni) weavers, corresponding to the Janappans of the Tamil districts. Gunny bag is the popular and trading name of the coarse sacking and sacks made from the fibre of jute, much used in Indian trade. It is noted, in the Census Report, 1891, that“the Perikes claim to be a separate caste, but they seem to be in reality a sub-division, and not a very exalted sub-division, of Balijas, being in fact identical with the Uppu (salt) Balijas. Their hereditary occupation is carrying salt, grain, etc., on bullocks and donkeys in perikes or packs. Perike is found among the sub-divisions of both Kavarai and Balija. Some of them, however, have attained considerable wealth, and now claim to be Kshatriyas, saying that they are the descendants of the Kshatriyas who ran away (piriki, a coward) from the persecution of ParasurÄma. Others again say they are Kshatriyas who went into retirement, and made hills (giri) their abode (puri).†These Perike ‘Kshatriyas’ are known as Puragiri Kshatriya and Giri RÄzu. The Periki Balijas are described, in the Vizagapatam Manual, as chiefly carrying on cultivation and trade, and some of them are said to hold a high position at ‘the Presidency’ (Madras) and in the Vizagapatam district.Perike women appear to have frequently committed sati (or suttee) on the death of their husbands in former days, and the names of those who thus sacrificed their lives are still held in reverence. A peculiar custom among the Perikes is the erection of big square structures (brindÄvanam), in which a tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) is planted, on the spot where the ashes of the dead are buried after cremation. I am informed that a fine series of these structures may be seen at ChÄ«purapalli, close to Vizianagram. As a mark of respect to the dead, passers-by usually place a lac bangle or flowers thereon. The usual titles of the Perikes are Anna and Ayya, but some style themselves Rao (= RÄya, king) or RÄyadu, in reference totheiralleged Kshatriya origin.For the following note on the Perikes of the GodÄvari district, I am indebted to Mr. F. R. Hemingway. “Like some of the Kammas, they claim to be of Kshatriya stock, and say they are of the lineage of Parasu RÄma, but were driven out by him for kidnapping his sister, while pretending to be gunny-bag weavers. They say that they were brought to this country by king Nala of the MahÄbhÄrata, in gratitude for their having taken care of his wife Damayanti when he quitted her during his misfortunes. They support the begging caste of Varugu Bhattas, who, they say, supported them during their exile, and to whom they gave a sanad (deed of grant) authorising them to demand alms. These people go round the Perike houses for their dues every year. The PÄ«su Perikes, who still weave gunny-bags, are said not to belong to the caste proper, members of which style themselves RÄcha Perikes.“The Perikes say that, like the KÅmatis, they have 101 gÅtras. Their marriage ceremonies are peculiar. On the day of the wedding, the bride and bridegroom are made to fast, as also are three male relatives, whom they call suribhaktas. At the marriage, the couple sit on a gunny-bag, and another gunny, on which a representation of the god Mailar is drawn or painted, is spread between them. The same god is drawn on two pots, and these, and also a third pot, are filled with rice and dhÄl (Cajanus indicus), which are cooked by two married women. The food is then offered to Mailar. Next, the three suribhaktas take 101 cotton threads, fasten them together, and tie seven knots in them. The bride and bridegroom are given cloths which have been partly immersed in water coloured with turmeric and chunam (lime), and the suribhaktas are fed with the rice and dhÄl cooked in the pots. The couple are then taken roundthe village in procession, and, on their return, the knotted cotton threads are tied round the bride’s neck instead of a tÄli.Some Perikes style themselves SÄthu vÄndlu, meaning a company of merchants or travellers.Perike Muggula is the name of a class of Telugu mendicants and exorcists.Periya(big).—Periya or PeriyanÄn has been recorded as a sub-division of KÄralan, Kunnuvan, ÅŒcchan, and Pattanavan. The equivalent Peru or Perum occurs as a sub-division of the MalayÄlam Kollans and VannÄns and Perim of KÄnikars. Periya illom is the name of an exogamous illom of KÄnikars in Travancore.PerugadannÄya(bandicoot rat sept).—An exogamous sept of Bant.Perum TÄli(big tÄli).—A sub-division of Idaiyan, and of KaikÅlans, whose women wear a big tÄli (marriage badge).PerumÄl.—PerumÄl is a synonym of Vishnu, and the name is taken by some Pallis who are staunch Vaishnavites. A class of mendicants, who travel about exhibiting performing bulls in the southern part of the Madras Presidency, is known as PerumÄl MÄdukkÄran or PerumÄl ErudukkÄran. Perumalathillom, meaning apparently big mountain house, is an exogamous sept or illom of the KÄnikars of Travancore.Pesala(seeds ofPhaseolus Mungo: green gram).—An exogamous sept of JÅgi.PÄ“ta(street).—A sub-division of Balija.PettigeyavÄru(box).—A sub-division of GangadikÄra Vakkaliga.Pichiga(sparrow).—An exogamous sept of BÅya and DÄ“vÄnga. The equivalent Pital occurs as a sept of MÄla.Pichigunta.—The name Pichigunta means literally an assembly of beggars, who are described97as being, in the Telugu country, a class of mendicants, who are herbalists, and physic people for fever, stomach-ache, and other ailments. They beat the village drums, relate stories and legends, and supply the place of a Herald’s Office, as they have a reputation for being learned in family histories, and manufacture pedigrees and gÅtras (house names) for KÄpus, Kammas, Gollas, and others.The Picchai or Pinchikuntar are described in the Salem Manual as “servants to the KudiÄnavars or cultivators—a name commonly assumed by VellÄlas and Pallis. The story goes that a certain VellÄla had a hundred and two children, of whom only one was a female. Of the males, one was lame, and his hundred brothers made a rule that one would provide him with one kolagam of grain and one fanam (a coin) each year. They got him married to a Telugu woman of a different caste, and the musicians who attended the ceremony were paid nothing, the brothers alleging that, as the bridegroom was a cripple, the musicians should officiate from charitable motives. The descendants of this married pair, having no caste of their own, became known as Picchi or Pinchikuntars (beggars, or lame). They are treated as kudipinnai (inferior) by VellÄlas, and to the present day receive their prescribed miras (fee) from the VellÄla descendants of the hundred brothers, to whom, on marriage and other festivals, they do service by relating the genealogies of such VellÄlas as they are acquainted with. Some serve the VellÄlas in the fields, and others live by begging.â€97The caste beggars of the Tottiyans are known as Pichiga-vÄdu.Pidakala(cow-dung cakes or bratties).—An exogamous sept of DÄ“vÄnga. Dried cow-dung cakes are largely used by natives as fuel, and may be seen stuck on to the walls of houses.PidÄran.—A section of AmbalavÄsis, who, according to Mr. Logan98“drinkliquor, exorcise devils, and are worshippers of BhadrakÄli or of Sakti. The name is also applied to snake-catchers, and it was probably conferred on the caste owing to the snake being an emblem of the human passion embodied in the deities they worship.â€Pilapalli.—The Pilapallis are a small caste or community in Travancore, concerning which Mr. S. Subramanya Aiyar writes as follows.99“The following sketch will show what trifling circumstances are sufficient in this land of ParasurÄma to call a new caste into existence. The word Pilapally is supposed to be a corruption of BelÄl Thalli, meaning forcibly ejected. It therefore contains, as though in a nutshell, the history of the origin of this little community, which it is used to designate. In the palmy days of the Chempakasseri RÄjas, about the year 858 M.E., there lived at the court of the then ruling Prince at Ambalappuzha a NambÅ«ri BrÄhman who stood high in the Prince’s favour, and who therefore became an eye-sore to all his fellow courtiers. The envy and hatred of the latter grew to such a degree that one day they put their heads together to devise a plan which should at once strip him of all influence at court, and humble him in the eyes of the public. The device hit upon was a strange one, and characteristic of that dim and distantpast. The NambÅ«ri was the custodian of all presents made to the Prince, and as such it was a part of his daily work to arrange the articles presented in their proper places. It was arranged that one day a dead fish, beautifully tied up and covered, should be placed among the presents laid before the Prince. The victim of the plot, little suspecting there was treachery in the air, removed all the presents as usual with his own hand. His enemies at court, who were but waiting for an opportunity of humbling him to the dust, thereupon caused the bundle to be examined before the Prince, when it became evident that it contained a dead fish. Now, for a NambÅ«ri to handle a dead fish was, according to custom, sufficient to make him lose caste. On the strength of this argument, the Prince, who was himself a BrÄhmin, was easily prevailed upon to put the NambÅ«ri out of the pale of caste, and the court favourite was immediately excommunicated. There is another and a slightly different version of the story, according to which the NambÅ«ri in question was the hereditary priest of the royal house, to whom fell the duty of removing and preserving the gifts. In course of time he grew so arrogant that the Prince himself wanted to get rid of him, but, the office of the priest being hereditary, he did not find an easy way of accomplishing his cherished object, and, after long deliberation with those at court in whom he could confide, came at last to the solution narrated above. It is this forcible ejection that the expression BelÄl Thalli (afterwards changed into Pilapally) is said to import.... It appears that the unfortunate NambÅ«ri had two wives, both of whom elected to share his fate. Accordingly, the family repaired to ParavÅ«r, a village near Kallarkode, where their royal patron made them a gift of land. Although they quitted Ambalapuzhafor good, they seem to have long owned there a madathummuri (a room in a series, in which BrÄhmins from abroad once lived and traded), and are said to be still entitled daily to a measure of pÄlpayasom from the temple, a sweet pudding of milk, rice and sugar, celebrated all over Malabar for its excellence. The progeny of the family now count in all about ninety members, who live in eight or nine different houses.â€Pillai.—Pillai, meaning child, is in the Tamil country primarily the title of VellÄlas, but has, at recent times of census, been returned as the title of a number of classes, which include Agamudaiyan, AmbalakÄran, Golla, Idaiyan, NÄyar, NÅkkan, Panisavan, Panikkan, Paraiyan, SaiyakkÄran, Sembadavan and SÄ“naikkudaiyÄns. Pilla is further used as the title of the male offspring of DÄ“va-dÄsis. Many Paraiyan butlers of Europeans have assumed the title Pillai as an honorific suffix to their name. So, too, have some criminal Koravas, who pose as VellÄlas.PillaikÅ«ttam.—Recorded, in the Manual of the North Arcot district, as a bastard branch of VÄniyan.Pillaiyarpatti(GanÄ“sa village).—An exogamous section or kÅvil of NÄttukÅttai Chetti.Pilli(cat).—An exogamous sept of Chembadi, MÄla, and MÄ“dara.PindÄri.—In the Madras Census Report, 1901, fifty-nine PindÄris are returned as a Bombay caste of personal servants. They are more numerous in the Mysore province, where more than two thousand were returned in the same year as being engaged in agriculture and Government service. The PindÄris were formerly celebrated as a notorious class of freebooters, who, in the seventeenth century, attached themselves to the MarÄthas in their revolt against AurangzÄ«b, and for a longtime afterwards, committed raids in all directions, extending their operations to Southern India. It is on record that “in a raid made upon the coast extending from Masulipatam northward, the PindÄris in ten days plundered 339 villages, burning many, killing and wounding 682 persons, torturing 3,600, and carrying off or destroying property to the amount of £250,000.â€100They were finally suppressed, in Central India, during the Viceroyalty of the Marquis of Hastings, in 1817.Pindi(flour).—An exogamous sept of MÄla.PinjÄri(cotton-cleaner).—A synonym for DÅ«dÄ“kula. Pinjala (cotton) occurs as an exogamous sept of DÄ“vÄnga.Pippala(pepper:Piper longum).—An exogamous sept or gÅtra of Gamalla and KÅmati.PishÄrati.—The PishÄratis or PishÄrodis are summed up in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as being a sub-caste of AmbalavÄsis, which makes flower garlands, and does menial service in the temples. As regards their origin, the legend runs to the effect that a SwÄmiyar, or BrÄhman ascetic, once had a disciple of the same caste, who wished to become a SanyÄsi or anchorite. All the ceremonies prior to shaving the head of the novice were completed, when, alarmed at the prospect of a cheerless life and the severe austerities incidental thereto, he made himself scarce. PishÄra denotes a SanyÄsi’s pupil, and as he, after running away, was called PishÄrÅdi, the children born to him of a Parasava woman by a subsequent marriage were called PishÄratis. In his ‘Early Sovereigns of Travancore,’ Mr. Sundaram Pillay says that the PishÄrati’s “puzzling position among the Malabar castes, half monk and half layman, is far from being accounted for by the silly and fanciful modern derivationof PishÄrakal plus Odi, PishÄrakal being more mysterious than PishÄrati itself.†It is suggested by him that PishÄrati is a corruption of BhattÄraka-tiruvadi. According to the Jati-nirnaya, the BhattÄrakas are a community degraded from the BrÄhmans during the TrÄ“tÄ YÅ«ga. As far as we are able to gather from mediæval Travancore inscriptions, an officer known as Pidara-tiruvadi was attached to every temple. It is known that he used to receive large perquisites for temple service, and that extensive rice-lands were given to the Bhattakara of Nelliyur. It is noted, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that “the traditional etymology of the name PishÄrodi refers it to a SanyÄsi novice, who, deterred by the prospects of the hardship of life on which he was about to enter, ran away (odi) at the last moment, after he had been divested of the pÅ«nÅ«l (thread), but before he had performed the final ceremony of plunging thrice in a tank (pond), and of plucking out, one at each plunge, the last three hairs of his kudumi (the rest of which had been shaved off). But the termination ‘Odi’ is found in other caste titles such as AdiyÅdi and VallÅdi, and the definition is obviously fanciful, while it does not explain the meaning of PishÄr.â€The houses of PishÄratis are called pishÄram. Their primary occupation is to prepare garlands of flowers for Vaishnava temples, but they frequently undertake the talikazhakam or sweeping service in temples. Being learned men, and good Sanskrit scholars, they are employed as Sanskrit and MalayÄlam tutors in the families of those of high rank, and, in consequence, make free use of the title Asan. They are strict Vaishnavites, and the ashtÄkshara, or eight letters relating to Vishnu, as opposed to the panchÄkshara or five letters relating to Siva, forms their daily hymn ofprayer. They act as their own caste priests, but for the punyÄha or purificatory ceremony and the initiation into the ashtÄkshara, which are necessary on special occasions, the services of BrÄhmans are engaged.The PishÄratis celebrate the tÄli-kettu ceremony before the girl reaches puberty. The most important item therein is the joining of the hands of the bride and bridegroom. The planting of a jasmine shoot is observed as an indispensable preliminary rite. The events between this and the joining of hands are the same as with other AmbalavÄsis. The bride and bridegroom bathe, and wear clothes touched by each other. The girl’s mother then gives her a wedding garland and a mirror, with which she sits, her face covered with a cloth. The cherutÄli, or marriage ornament, is tied by the bridegroom round the girl’s neck. If this husband dies, the tÄli has to be removed, and the widow observes pollution. Her sons have to make oblations of cooked rice, and, for all social and religious purposes, the woman is regarded as a widow, though she is not debarred from contracting a sambandham (alliance) with a man of her own caste, or a BrÄhman. If the wife dies, the husband has, in like manner, to observe pollution, and make oblations of cooked rice. There are cases in which the tÄli-kettu is performed by a PishÄrati, and sambandham contracted with a BrÄhman. If the tÄli-tier becomes the husband, no separate cloth-giving ceremony need be gone through by him after the girl has reached puberty.Inheritance is in the female line, so much so that a wife and children are not entitled to compensation for the performance of a man’s funeral rites.No particular month is fixed for the name-giving rite, as it suffices if this is performed before the annaprasanaceremony. The maternal uncle first names the child. When it is four or six months old, it is taken out to see the sun. On the occasion of the annaprasana, which usually takes place in the sixth month, the maternal uncle gives the first mouthful of cooked rice to the child by means of a golden ring. The Yatrakali serves as the night’s entertainment for the assembled guests. NambÅ«tiris are invited to perform the purificatory ceremony known as punyÄha, but the consecrated water is only sprinkled over the roof of the house. The inmates thereof protrude their heads beneath the eaves so as to get purified, as the BrÄhmans do not pour the water over them. The chaula or tonsure takes place at the third year of a child’s life. The maternal uncle first touches the boy’s head with a razor, and afterwards the MÄrÄn and barber do the same. The initiation into the ashtÄkshara takes place at the age of sixteen. On an auspicious day, a BrÄhman brings a pot of water, consecrated in a temple, to the pishÄram, and pours its contents on the head of the lad who is to be initiated. The ceremony is called kalasam-ozhuk-kua, or letting a pot of water flow. After the teaching of the ashtÄkshara, the youth, dressed in religious garb, makes a ceremonial pretence of proceeding on a pilgrimage to Benares, as a BrÄhman does at the termination of the BrÄhmacharya stage of life. It is only after this that a PishÄrati is allowed to chew betel leaf, and perform other acts, which constitute the privileges of a Grihastha.The funeral rites of the PishÄratis are very peculiar. The corpse is seated on the ground, and a nephew recites the ashtÄkshara, and prostrates himself before it. The body is bathed, and dressed. A grave, nine feet deep and three feet square, is dug in a corner of the grounds, and salt and ashes, representing all the PanchabhÅ«tas,are spread. The corpse is placed in the grave in a sitting posture. As in the case of a SanyÄsi, who is a Jivanmukta, or one liberated from the bondage of the flesh though alive in body, so a dead PishÄrati is believed to have no suitable body requiring to be entertained with any post-mortem offerings. A few memorial rites are, however, performed. On the eleventh day, a ceremony corresponding to the ekoddishta srÄdh of the BrÄhman is carried out. A knotted piece of kusa grass, representing the soul of the deceased, is taken to a neighbouring temple, where a lighted lamp, symbolical of Maha Vishnu is worshipped, and prayers are offered. This ceremony is repeated at the end of the first year.101Some PishÄratis are large land-owners of considerable wealth and influence.102PÄ«su Perike.—Perikes who weave gunny-bags.PÄ«takÄlu(dais, on which a priest sits).—An exogamous sept of OddÄ“.PittalavÄdu.—A Telugu name for KuruvikkÄrans.PodapÅtula.—A class of mendicants, who beg from Gollas.Podara VannÄn.—The Podara, Podarayan or Pothora VannÄns are washermen of inferior social status, who wash clothes for Pallans, Paraiyans, and other low classes.PodhÄno.—Recorded, at times of census, as a title of BolÄsi, Gaudo, KÄlingi, Kudumo, and SÄmantiya. The SÄmantiyas also frequently give it as the name of their caste.PoduvÄl.—Defined by Mr. Wigram103as one of the AmbalavÄsi castes, the members of which are as a rule employed as temple watchmen. Writing concerningthe MÅ«ssads or MÅ«ttatus, Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar states that they are known as MÅ«ttatus or MÅ«ssatus in Travancore and Cochin, and PotuvÄls (or PoduvÄls) or AkapotuvÄls in North Malabar. PotuvÄl means a common person,i.e., the representative of a committee, and a MÅ«ttatu’s right to this name accrues from the fact that, in the absence of the NambÅ«tiri managers of a temple, he becomes their agent, and is invested with authority to exercise all their functions. The work of an AkapotuvÄl always lies within the inner wall of the shrine, while that of the PurappotuvÄl, or PotuvÄl proper, lies outside. From Travancore, PoduvÄn or PotuvÄn is recorded as a synonym or sub-division of MÄrÄns, who are employed at funerals by various castes.It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that “Pura PothuvÄls are of two classes, Chenda PothuvÄls or drum PothuvÄls, and MÄla PothuvÄls or garland PothuvÄls, the names of course referring to the nature of the service which they have to render in the temple. The Chenda PothuvÄls would appear to be closely connected with the MÄrÄrs or MÄrayÄrs, who are also drummers. MÄla PothuvÄls follow marumakkattÄyam (inheritance in the female line), their women having sambandham (alliance) with men of their own caste or with BrÄhmans, while the men can have sambandham in their own caste, or with NÄyar women of any of the sub-divisions below Kiriyattil. Their women are called PothuvÄrassiar or PothuvÄttimar.†It is further recorded104that, in some cases, for instance among MÄla PothuvÄls and MÄrÄrs in South Malabar, a fictitious consummation is an incident of the tÄli-kettu ; the girl and manavÄlan (bridegroom)being made to lie on a bed together, and left there alone for a few moments. Amongst the MÄla Pothuvals this is done twice, once on the first and once on the last day, and they apparently also spend the three nights of the ceremony in the same bed-chamber, but not alone, an Enangatti sleeping there as chaperone. In these two castes, as in most if not all others, the ceremony also entails the pollution of the girl and her bridegroom. Amongst the MÄrÄrs, they are purified by a NambÅ«diri after they leave their quasi-nuptial couch. Amongst the MÄla Pothuvals, they are not allowed to bathe or to touch others during the wedding till the fourth day, when they are given mÄttu (change of cloths) by the Veluttedan.â€Podala occurs as a Canarese form of PoduvÄl.PÅgandan.—A synonym of PÅndan.PÅkanÄti.—PÅkanÄti or PakanÄti is a sub-division of KÄpu.Poladava.—A synonym of Gatti.Poligar(feudal chief).—A synonym of PÄlayakkÄran. According to Yule and Burnell,105the Poligars “were properly subordinate feudal chiefs, occupying tracts more or less wild, and generally of predatory habits in former days. They are now much the same as Zemindars (land-owners) in the highest use of that term. The Southern Poligars gave much trouble about a hundred years ago, and the ‘Poligar wars’ were somewhat serious affairs. In various assaults on PÄnjÄlamkurichi, one of their forts in Tinnevelly, between 1799 and 1801, there fell fifteen British officers.†The name Poligar was further used for the predatory classes, which served under the chiefs. Thus, in Munro’s ‘Narrativeof Military Operations’ (1780–84), it is stated that “the matchlock men are generally accompanied by Poligars, a set of fellows that are almost savages, and make use of no other weapon than a pointed bamboo spear, 18 or 20 feet long.â€The name Poligar is given to a South Indian breed of greyhound-like dogs in the Tinnevelly district.Pombada.—A small class of Canarese devil-dancers, who are said,106in South Canara, to resemble the Nalkes, but hold a somewhat higher position, and in devil-dances to represent a better class of demons. Unlike the Nalkes and Paravas, they follow the aliya santÄna system of inheritance. They speak Tulu, and, in their customs, follow those of the Billavas. There are two sections among the Pombadas, viz., Bailu, who are mainly cultivators, and Padarti, who are chiefly engaged in devil-dancing. The Pombadas are not, like the Nalkes and Paravas, a polluting class, and are socially a little inferior to the Billavas. They do not wear the disguises of the bhÅ«thas (devils) Nicha, Varte, and Kamberlu, who are considered low, but wear those of Jumadi, Panjurli, Jarandaya, Mahisandeya, and Kodamanithaya. Ullaya or DharmadÄ“vata is regarded as a superior bhÅ«tha, and the special bhÅ«tha of the Pombadas, who do not allow Nalkes or Paravas to assume his disguise. During the Jumadi KÅla (festival), the Pombada who represents the bhÅ«tha Jumadi is seated on a cart, and dragged in procession through the streets. (SeeNalke.)Pon Chetti(gold merchant).—A synonym of MalayÄlam KammÄlan goldsmiths.Pon(gold)Illam.—A section of Mukkuvans.PÅndan.—“There are,†Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,107“only twenty-eight persons of this caste in Malabar, and they are all in Calicut. These are the palanquin-bearers of the Zamorin. They are in dress, manners, customs, and language entirely Tamilians, and, while the Zamorin is polluted by the touch of any ordinary Tamilian, these PÅndans enjoy the privilege of bearing him in a palanquin to and from the temple every day. Now there is a sub-division of the Tamil Idaiyans by name Pogondan, and I understand that these Pogondans are the palanquin-bearers of the Idaiyan caste. It seems probable that the founder, or some early member of the Zamorin, obtained palanquin-bearers of his own (cowherd) caste and granted them privileges which no other Tamilians now enjoy.â€Pondra.—Pondra, or Ponara, is a sub-division of MÄli.PonganÄdu.—PonganÄdu and PonguvÄn have been recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division of KÄpu. A corrupt form of PakanÄti.Ponnambalaththar.—A class of mendicants, who have attached themselves to the KaikÅlans.Ponnara.—Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of NÄyar.PoruvannurkÄran.—A class of carpenters in Malabar.Poroja.—The Porojas or ParjÄs are hill cultivators found in the Agency tracts of Ganjam and Vizagapatam. Concerning them, it is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1871, that “there are held to be seven classes of these ParjÄs, which differ from each other in points of language, customs, and traditions. The term ParjÄ is, as Mr. Carmichael has pointed out, merely a corruptionof a Sanskrit term signifying a subject, and it is understood as such by the people themselves, who use it in contradistinction to a free hill-man. ‘Formerly,’ says a tradition that runs through the whole tribe, ‘RÄjas and ParjÄs were brothers, but the RÄjas took to riding horses (or, as the Barenja ParjÄs put it, sitting still) and we became carriers of burdens and ParjÄs.’ It is quite certain, in fact, that the term ParjÄ is not a tribal denomination, but a class denomination, and it may be fitly rendered by the familiar epithet of ryot (cultivator). I have laid stress on this, because all native officials, and every one that has written about the country (with the above exception), always talk of the term ParjÄ as if it signified a caste. There is no doubt, however, that by far the greater number of these ParjÄs are akin to the Khonds of the Ganjam MÄliahs. They are thrifty, hard-working cultivators, undisturbed by the intestine broils which their cousins in the north engage in, and they bear in their breasts an inalienable reverence for their soil, the value of which they are rapidly becoming acquainted with. The ParjÄ bhÅ«mi (land) is contained almost entirely in the upper level. Parts to the south held under PÄchipenta and MÄdugulu (MÄdgole) are not ParjÄ bhÅ«mi, nor, indeed, are some villages to the north in the possession of the Khonds. Their ancient rights to these lands are acknowledged by colonists from among the Aryans, and, when a dispute arises concerning the boundaries of a field possessed by recent arrivals, a ParjÄ is usually called in to point out the ancient land-marks.â€The name Poroja seems to be derived from the Oriya, Po, son, and RÄja,i.e., sons of RÄjas. There is a tradition that, at the time when the RÄjas of Jeypore rose into prominence at Nandapur, the country was occupied by a number of tribes, who, in return for the protectionpromised to them, surrendered their rights to the soil, which they had hitherto occupied absolutely. I am informed that the Porojas, when asked what their caste is, use ryot and Poroja as synonymous, saying we are Porojas; we are ryot people.The ParjÄ« language is stated by Mr. G. A. Grierson108to have “hitherto been considered as identical with BhatrÄ«. BhatrÄ« has now become a form of OriyÄ. ParjÄ«, on the other hand, is still a dialect of GÅndi.†The BhatrÄs are a tribe inhabiting the state of Bastar in the Central Provinces.The Porojas are not a compact caste, but rather a conglomerate, made up of several endogamous sections, and speaking a language, which varies according to locality. These sections, according to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, to whom I am indebted for much of the present note, are—(1) BÄrang Jhodia, who eat beef and speak Oriya.(2) Pengu Poroja, subdivided into those who eat the flesh of the buffalo, and those who do not. They speak a language, which is said to bear a close resemblance to Kondhs.(3) KhÅndi or KÅndi Poroja, who are a section of the Kondhs, eat beef and the flesh of buffaloes, and speak KÅdu or Kondh.(4) Parengi Poroja, who are a section of the Gadabas. They are subdivided into those who eat and do not eat the flesh of buffaloes, and speak a Gadaba dialect.(5) Bonda, BÅ«nda, or Nanga Poroja, who are likewise a section of the Gadabas, call themselves Bonda Gadaba, and speak a dialect of Gadaba.(6) Tagara Poroja, who are a section of the KÅyas or KÅyis, and speak KÅya, or, in some places, Telugu.
PatnÅ«kÄran marriage procession.PatnÅ«kÄran marriage procession.“On entering a PatnÅ«lkÄran’s house, we are led to a courtyard, spacious and neat, where all the necessary arrangements are made for weaving purposes. The PatnÅ«lkÄrans live in streets. A male PatnÅ«lkÄran resembles a Tamil Vaishnava BrÄhman in outward appearance, but the women follow the custom of the Telugu BrÄhmans alike in their costume and ornaments. Their jewels exactly resemble those of the Telugu BrÄhman women, and indicate a temporary residence of the caste in the Telugu country on the way from Gujarat to Madura. There is a Tamil proverb to the effect that, if a male PatnÅ«lkÄran is seen without his wife, he will be taken for a Vaishnava BrÄhman, whereas, in the case of the TÄtan caste, a woman without her husband will be taken for an Aiyangar. Children wear the kÄrai round the neck. Tattooing prevails on a very large scale.“The PatnÅ«lkÄrans may be divided into three classes on a religious basis, viz., (1) pure Vaishnavites, who wear the vertical Vaishnavite mark, and call themselvesVadakalas or northerners; (2) those who are mainly Smartas; (3) Sankara Vaishnavas, who wear gÅpi (sandal paste) as their sect-mark. It is to the last of these religious sects that the Travancore PatnÅ«lkÄrans belong, though, in recent times, a few Smartas have settled at Kottar. All these intermarry and interdine, and the religious difference does not create a distinction in the caste. The chief divinity of the PatnÅ«lkÄrans is VenkatÄchalapati of Tirupati. The month in which he is most worshipped is Kanni (September-October), and all the Saturdays and the Tiruvonam star of the month are particularly devoted to his adoration. One of their men becomes possessed on any of these days, and, holding a burning torch-light in his hand, touches the foreheads of the assembled devotees therewith. The PatnÅ«lkÄrans fast on those days, and take an image of Garuda in procession through the street. The DÄ«pÄvali, Pannamasi in Chittiray, and the Vaikuntha Ä’kÄdasi are other important religious days. The Dusserah is observed, as also are the festivals of SrÄ« RÄma Navami, Ashtami, Rohini, Avani Avittam, and Vara Lakshmivratam. Formal worship of deities is done by those who have obtained the requisite initiation from a spiritual preceptor. Women who have husbands fast on full-moon days, Mondays, and Fridays. The serpent and the banyan tree are specially worshipped. Women sing songs in praise of Lakshmi, and offer fruits and cocoanuts to her. The PatnÅ«lkÄrans have a temple dedicated to SrÄ« RÄma at Kottar. This temple is visited even by BrÄhmans, and the priests are Aiyangars. The AchÄrya, or supreme religious authority of the PatnÅ«lkÄrans, in Travancore is a Vaishnava BrÄhman known as Ubhaya VÄ“dÄnta KÅti KanyakÄdÄna TÄtÄchÄriyar, who lives at Aravankulam near Tinnevelly,and possesses a large number of disciples. Once a year he visits his flock in Travancore, and is highly respected by them, as also by the MahÄrajÄ, who makes a donation of money to him. Elders are appointed to decide social disputes, and manage the common property of the caste. In Travancore there are said to be only three families of PatnÅ«lkÄran priests. For the higher ceremonies, BrÄhman priests are employed.“A girl’s marriage is usually celebrated before puberty, and sometimes when she is a mere child of four or five. Great importance is attached to gÅtras or exogamous septs, and it is said that the septs of the bride and bridegroom are conspicuously inscribed on the walls of a marriage house. In the selection of an auspicious hour (muhurtam) for a marriage, two favourable planetary situations, one closely following the other, are necessary; and, as such occasions are rare, a number of marriages take place at one time. A man may claim his maternal uncle’s daughter as his wife, and polygamy is permitted. The marriage ceremonial resembles the BrÄhmanical rites in many points. On the fourth day, a ceremonial observed by Telugu BrÄhmans, called NÄgabali, is performed. The marriage badge, which is tied on the bride’s neck, is called bottu. [From a note on the marriage ceremonies among the PatnÅ«lkÄrans of Madura, I gather that, as among Telugu and Canarese castes, a number of pots are arranged, and worshipped. These pots are smaller and fewer in number than at a Telugu or Canarese wedding. A figure of a car is drawn on the wall of the house with red earth or laterite.88On it the name of the gÅtra of the bridegroom is written. On the fourth day, thenÄgavali (or offering to DÄ“vas) is performed. The contracting couple sit near the pots, and a number of lights are arranged on the floor. The pots, which represent the DÄ“vas, are worshipped.]“The nÄmakarana, or name-giving ceremony, is performed on the eleventh day after birth. An eighth child, whether male or female, is called Krishna, owing to the tradition that Krishna was born as the eighth child of VasudÄ“va. Babies are affectionately called Duddu (milk) or Pilla (child). The annaprÄsana, or first feeding of the child, is sometimes celebrated at the end of the first year, but usually as a preliminary to some subsequent ceremony. Sometimes, in performance of a vow, boys are taken to the shrine at Tirupati for the tonsure ceremony. The upanayana is performed between the seventh and twelfth years, but neither brÄhmacharya nor samÄvartana is observed.“The dead are burnt, and the remains of the bones are collected and deposited under water. Death pollution lasts only for ten days. The srÄdh, or annual ceremony, when oblations are offered to ancestors, is observed. Widows are allowed to retain their hair, but remove the bottu. Unlike BrÄhman women, they chew betel, and wear coloured cloths, even in old age.â€The PatnÅ«lkÄrans have a secret trade language, concerning which Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes as follows. “The most remarkable feature about it is the number of terms and phrases borrowed from the craft, to which special meanings are given. Thus a man of no status is stigmatised as a rikhta khandu,i.e., a spindle without the yarn. Similarly, a man of little sense is called a mhudha, the name of a thick peg which holds one side of the roller. Likewise, a talkative person is referred to as a rhetta, or roller used for winding thethread upon spindles, which makes a most unpleasant creaking noise. KapinikÄ“r, from kapini, a technical term used for cutting the loom off, means to make short work of an undesirable person. A man who is past middle age is called porkut phillias, which, in weavers’ parlance, means that half the loom is turned.â€PatnÅ«kÄran marriage wall design.PatnÅ«kÄran marriage wall design.PatrÄ.—The PatrÄs are an Oriya caste, which is divided into two sections, one of which is engaged in the manufacture of silk (pata) waist-threads, tassels, etc., and the other in weaving silk cloths. The members of the two sections do not interdine. The former have exogamous septs or bamsams, the names of which are also used as titles,e.g., SÄhu, PÄtro, and Prushti. The latter have exogamous septs, such as Tenga, Jaggali, Telaga, and MahÄnÄyako, and BÄ“hara and NÄyako as titles. The chief headman of the cloth-weaving section is called MahÄnÄyako, and there are other officers called BÄ“hara and Bhollobaya. The headman of the other section is called SÄ“nÄpati, and he is assisted by a Dhanapati. Infant marriage is the rule, and, if a girl does not secure a husband before she reaches maturity, she must, if she belongs to the cloth-weaving section, go through a form of marriage with an old man, and, if to the other section, with an arrow.The Telugu PatrÄs are summed up, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as “a Telugu caste of hunters and cultivators, found chiefly in the districts of Cuddapah and Kurnool. It has two divisions, the Doras (chiefs), and Gurikalas (marksmen), the former of which is supposed to be descended from the old Poligars (feudal chiefs), and the latter from their followers and servants. This theory is supported by the fact that, at the weddings of Gurikalas, the Doras receive the first pÄn-supÄri (betel leaf and areca nut). Widows may not remarry, noris divorce recognised. They usually employ BrÄhmans at marriages, and SÄtÄnis at funerals. Though they are Vaishnavites, they also worship village deities, such as Gangamma and Ellamma. They bury their dead, and perform annual srÄddhas (memorial services for the dead). They will eat with Gollas. Their title is Naidu.â€PÄtramÄ“la.—PÄtramÄ“la, or PÄtradÄ“va, is the name of a class of dancing girls in South Canara. PÄtramÄ“la, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,89is the name by which the Konkani KalÄvants (courtezans) are known above the ghauts.PÄtro.—The title of the head of a group of villages in Ganjam, and also recorded, at times of census, as a title of Alia, KÄlinga KÅmati, Dolai, and Jaggala. The conferring of a cloth (sÄdhi) on a PÄtro is said to be emblematic of conferring an estate. The PÄtro, among other perquisites, is entitled to a fee on occasions of marriage. I am informed that, in the Ganjam MÄliahs, if a Kondh was unable to pay the fee, he met his love at night beneath two trysting trees, and retired with her into the jungle for three days and nights.PÄtrudu.—The title, meaning those who are fit to receive a gift, of Aiyarakulu and NagarÄlu.PÄttadhikÄri.—A class of Jangams, who have settled head-quarters.Pattan.—The equivalent of the BrÄhman Bhatta. A name by which some KammÄlans, especially goldsmiths, style themselves.Pattanavada.—A synonym for the MogÄ“r fishing caste, the settlements of which are called pattana.Pattanavan.—The fishermen on the east coast, from the Kistna to the Tanjore district, are popularlycalled KaraiyÄn, or sea-shore people. Some KaraiyÄns have, at times of census, returned themselves as Taccha (carpenter) KaraiyÄns.Pattanavan means literally a dweller in a town or pattanam, which word occurs in the names of various towns on the sea-coast,e.g., NÄgapattanam (Negapatam), Chennapattanam (Madras). The Pattanavans have two main divisions, Periya (big) and Chinna (small), and, in some places, for example, at Nadukuppam in the Nellore district, exogamous septs,e.g., Gengananga, PÄ“yananga, Kathananga (children of Ganga, PÄ“yan, and Kathanar), and Kullananga (children of dwarfs). In the Telugu country, they go by the name of Pattapu or TÅ«livÄndlu.Some Pattanavans give themselves high-sounding caste titles,e.g., Ä€riyar, Ayyayiraththalaivar (the five thousand chiefs), Ä€riya NÄttu Chetti (Chettis of the Ariyar country), Acchu VellÄla, Karaiturai (sea-coast) VellÄla, Varunakula VellÄla or Varunakula Mudali after Varuna, the god of the waters, or Kurukula vamsam after Kuru, the ancestor of the Kauravas. Some Pattanavans have adopted the title Pillai.The Pattanavans are said to be inferior to the Sembadavans, who will not accept food at their hands, and discard even an earthen pot which has been touched by a Pattanavan.Concerning the origin of the caste, there is a legend that the Pattanavans were giving silk thread to Siva, and were hence called Pattanavar, a corruption of Pattanaivor, meaning knitters of silk thread. They were at the time all bachelors, and Siva suggested the following method of securing wives for them. They were told to go out fishing in the sea, and make of their catch as many heaps as there were bachelors. Each of themthen stood before a heap, and called for a wife, who was created therefrom. According to another story, some five thousand years ago, during the age of the lunar race, there was one Dasa RÄja, who was ruling near HastinÄpura, and was childless. To secure offspring, he prayed to god, and did severe penance. In answer to his prayer, God pointed out a tank full of lotus flowers, and told the king to go thither, and call for children. Thereon, five thousand children issued forth from the flowers, to the eldest of whom the king bequeathed his kingdom, and to the others money in abundance. Those who received the money travelled southward in ships, which were wrecked, and they were cast ashore. This compelled them to make friends of local sea fishermen, whose profession they adopted. At the present day, the majority of Pattanavans are sea-fishermen, and catch fish with nets from catamarans. “Fancy,†it has been written,90“a raft of only three logs of wood, tied together at each end when they go out to sea, and untied and left to dry on the beach when they come in again. Each catamaran has one, two or three men to manage it; they sit crouched on it upon their heels, throwing their paddles about very dexterously, but remarkably unlike rowing. In one of the early Indian voyager’s log-books there is an entry concerning a catamaran: ‘This morning, 6A.M., saw distinctly two black devils playing at single stick. We watched these infernal imps about an hour, when they were lost in the distance. Surely this doth portend some great tempest.’ It is very curious to watch these catamarans putting out to sea. They get through the fiercest surf, sometimes dancing at their ease on the top of the waters, sometimes hidden underthe waters; sometimes the man completely washed off his catamaran, and man floating one way and catamaran another, till they seem to catch each other again by magic.†In 1906, a fisherman was going out in his catamaran to fish outside the Madras harbour, and was washed off his craft, and dashed violently against a rock. Death was instantaneous. Of the catamaran, the following account is given by Colonel W. Campbell.91“Of all the extraordinary craft which the ingenuity of man has ever invented, a Madras catamaran is the most extraordinary, the most simple, and yet, in proper hands, the most efficient. It is merely three rough logs of wood, firmly lashed together with ropes formed from the inner bark of the cocoanut tree. Upon this one, two, or three men, according to the size of the catamaran, sit on their heels in a kneeling posture, and, defying wind and weather, make their way through the raging surf which beats upon the coast, and paddle out to sea at times when no other craft can venture to face it. At a little distance, the slight fabric on which these adventurous mariners float becomes invisible, and a fleet of them approaching the land presents the absurd appearance of a host of savage-looking natives wading out towards the ship, up to their middle in water.†“A catamaran,†Lady Dufferin writes,92in an account of a state arrival at Madras, “is two logs of wood lashed together, forming a very small and narrow raft. The rower wears a ‘fool’s cap,’ in which he carries letters (also betel and tobacco), and, when he encounters a big wave, he leaves his boat, slips through the wave himself, and picks up his catamaran on the other side of it. Some very large deep barges (masÅ«la boats), the planks of which aresewn together to give elasticity, and the interstices stuffed with straw, came out for us, with a guard of honour of the mosquito fleet, as the catamarans are called, on either side of them; two of the fool’s cap men, and a flag as big as the boat itself, on each one.†The present day masÅ«la or mussoola boat, or surf boat of the Coromandel Coast, is of the same build as several centuries ago. It is recorded,93in 1673, that “I went ashore in a Mussoola, a boat wherein ten men paddle, the two aftermost of whom are the Steers-men, using their Paddles instead of a Rudder: The Boat is not strengthened with knee-timber, as ours are; the bended Planks are sowed together with Rope-yarn of the Cocoe, and calked with Dammar so artificially that it yields to every ambitious surf. Otherwise we could not get ashore, the Bar knocking in pieces all that are inflexible.†The old records of Madras contain repeated references to Europeans being drowned from overturning ofmasÅ«laboats in the surf, through which a landing had to be effected before the harbour was built.In 1907, two Madras fishermen were invested with silver wrist bangles, bearing a suitable inscription, which were awarded by the Government in recognition of their bravery in saving the lives of a number of boatmen during a squall in the harbour.The following are the fishes, which are caught by the fishermen off Madras and eaten by Europeans:—Cybium guttatum,Bl. Schn.Seir.Cybium Commersonii, Lacep. Seir.Cybium lanceolatum,Cuv. & Val.Seir.Sillago sihama,Forsk.Whiting.Stromateus cinereus,Bloch.—Immature, silver pomfret.Adult, grey pomfret.Stromateus niger,Bloch. Black pomfret.Mugal subviridis,Cuv. & Val.Mullet.Psettodes erumei,Bl. Schn.‘Sole.’Lates calcarifer,Bloch. Cock-up; the begti of Calcutta.Lutjanus roseus,Day.Lutjanus marginatus,Cuv. & Val.Polynemus tetradactylus,Shaw.Chorinemus lysan,Forsk.‘Whitebait.’The Pattanavans are Saivites, but also worship various minor gods and GrÄma DÄ“vatas (village deities). In some places, they regard KuttiyÄndavan as their special sea god. To him animal sacrifices are not made, but goats are sacrificed to Sembu VÄ«rappan or MÄ«nnodum Pillai, an attendant on KuttiyÄndavan. In Tanjore, the names of the sea gods are PÄvadairÄyan and Padaithalaidaivam. Before setting out on a fishing expedition, the Pattanavans salute the god, the sea, and the nets. In the Tanjore district, they repair their nets once in eight days, and, before they go out fishing, pray to their gods to favour them with a big catch. On a fixed day, they make offerings to the gods on their return from fishing. The gods PÄvadairÄyan and Padaithalaidaivam are represented by large conical heaps of wet sand and mud, and Ayyanar, Ellamma, KuttiyÄndavar, MuthyÄlrouthar and KiliyÄ“ndhi by smaller heaps. At the MÄsimakam festival, the Pattanavans worship their gods on the sea-shore. The names JÄttan and JÄtti are given to children during the JÄtre or periodic festival of the village goddesses.The Pattanavans afford a good example of a caste, in which the time-honoured village council (panchÄyat) is no empty, powerless body. For every settlement or village there are one or more headmen called YejamÄnan, who are assisted by a ThandakÄran and a Paraiyan ChalavÄthi. All these offices are hereditary. Questions connected with the community, such as disrespect to elders, breach of social etiquette, insult, abuse, assault, adultery, or drinking or eating with men of lower caste, are enquired into by the council. Even when disputes are settled in courts of law, they must come before the council. Within the community, the headman is all powerful, and his decision is, in most instances, considered final. If, however, his verdict is not regarded as equitable, the case is referred to a caste headman, who holds sway over a group of villages. No ceremony may be performed without the sanction of the local headman, and the details of ceremonies, except the feasting, are arranged by the headman and the ThandakÄran. In the case of a proposed marriage, the match is broken off if the headman objects to it. He should be present at the funeral rites, and see that the details thereof are properly carried out. It is the duty of the ChalavÄthi to convey the news of a death to the relations. Should he come to the shore when the fishes are heaped up, he has the right to take a few thereof as his perquisite. The ThandakÄran, among other duties, has to summon council meetings. When the members of council have assembled, he ushers in the parties who have to appear before it, and salutes the assembly by prostrating himself on the floor. The parties take a bit of straw, or other object, and place it before the headman in token that they are willing to abide by the decision of the council. This formality is called placing the agreement (muchchilika).The consent of the maternal uncles is necessary before a pair can be united in matrimony. When the wedding day has been fixed, the bridegroom’s party distribute grÄma thÄmbÅ«lam (village pÄn-supÄri or betel) to the headman and villagers. The marriage milk-post is made ofMimusops hexandra,Erythrina indica,Casuarina equisetifolia, the green wood of some other tree, or even a pestle. In one form of the marriage ceremony, which varies in detail according to locality, the bridegroom, on the arrival of the bride at the pandal (booth), puts on the sacred thread, and the BrÄhman purÅhit makes the sacred fire, and pours ghÄ« (clarified butter) into it. The bridegroom ties the tÄli round the bride’s neck, and the maternal uncles tie flat silver or gold plates, called pattam, on the foreheads of the contracting couple. Rings are put on their second toes by the brother-in-law of the bridegroom and the maternal uncle of the bride. Towards evening, the sacred thread, the threads which have been tied to the marriage pots and the milk-post, and grain seedlings used at the ceremony, are thrown into the sea. Some Pattanavans allow a couple to live together as man and wife after the betrothal, but before the marriage ceremony. This is, however, on condition that the latter is performed as soon as it is convenient. The remarriage of widows is freely permitted. No marriage pandal is erected, and the bridegroom, or a female relation, ties the tÄli on the bride’s neck within the house. Such marriage is, therefore, called naduvÄ«ttu (interior of the house) tÄli. When a woman, who has been guilty of adultery, is remarried, a turmeric string is substituted for the golden tÄli, and is tied on the bride’s neck by a woman.Pattanavan.Pattanavan.Some Pattanavans have adopted the custom of burying their dead in a seated posture (samathi). If acorpse is cremated, fire is carried to the burning-ground by a barber. When the corpse has been laid on the pyre, rice is thrown over it. The son, accompanied by a barber and a Panisavan or washerman, and carrying a pot of water on his shoulder, goes thrice round the pyre. At the third round, the Panisavan or washerman makes holes in the pot, and it is thrown away. On the day of the funeral, all the agnates shave their heads. On the following day, they go to the burial or burning ground with tender cocoanuts, milk, cakes, etc., and Arichandra, who presides over the burial-ground, is worshipped. Milk is then poured over the grave, or the remains of the bones, which are thrown into the sea. On the night of the fifteenth day, Panisavans blow the conch and horn, and red cloths are presented to the widow of the deceased by her relations. At about 4A.M., a white cloth is thrown on her neck, and the tÄli string is cut by an old woman. The tÄli is removed therefrom, and dropped into a new pot filled with water. Hence, a form of abuse among Pattanavan women is, May your tÄli be snapped, and thrown into water. The tÄli is removed from the pot, which is thrown into the sea. The tÄli is laid on a dish containing milk, and all those who visit the widow must set eyes on it before they see her.In the city of Madras, the Pattanavans have the privilege of supplying bearers at temples, and the atmosphere surrounding them as they carry the idols on their sturdy shoulders through Triplicane is said to be “redolent of brine and the toddy shop.â€In a judgment of the High Court of Judicature, Madras, it is recorded that, in the eighteenth century, some boat-owners and boatmen belonging to the Curukula Vamsha or Varunakula Mudali caste, whowere residing at Chepauk in the city of Madras, had embraced Christianity, and worshipped in a chapel, which had been erected by voluntary contributions. In 1799 the site of their village was required for public purposes, and they obtained in lieu of it a grant of land at Royapuram, where a chapel was built. Partly by taxes levied on boatmen, and partly by tolls they were allowed to impose on persons for frequenting the Royapuram bazar, a fund was formed to provide for their spiritual wants, and this fund was administered by the Marine Board. In 1829, a portion of the fund was expended in the erection of the church of St. Peter, Royapuram, and the fund was transferred to Government. The administration of the fund has been the source of litigation in the High Court.94It is noted by Mrs. F. E. Penny that some of the fisherfolk “adopted Xavier as their special patron saint, and, as time passed, almost deified him. In the present day, they appeal to him in times of danger, crying ‘Xavier! Xavier! Xavier!’ in storm and peril. Even if they are unfortunate in their catch when fishing, they turn to their saint for succour.â€As a numismatist, I resent the practice resorted to by some fishermen of melting old lead coins, and converting them into sinkers for their nets.Pattapu.—Pattapu for TulivÄndlu is a name for Tamil Pattanavans, who have migrated to the Telugu country. Pattapu also occurs as a sub-division of Yerukala.Pattar.—The Pattars are Tamil BrÄhmans, who have settled in Malabar. The name is said to be derived from the Sanskrit bhatta. It is noted, in theMadras Census Report, 1901, that Pattar (teacher) has been recently assumed as a title by some NÅkkans in Tanjore. (SeeBrÄhman.)Pattariar.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a Tamil corruption of Pattu SÄliyan (silk-weaver). Pattariar or Pattalia is a synonym of Tamil-speaking SÄliyans.PattegÄra(headman).—An exogamous sept of Okkiliyan.Pattindla(silk house).—An exogamous sept of TÅta Balija.Pattola MÄ“nÅn.—Recorded, in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, as a sub-caste of NÄyars, who are accountants in aristocratic families.PÄttukuruppu.—Recorded in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as synonymous with VÄtti, a sub-division of NÄyar.Pattu SÄlÄ“.—A sub-division of SÄlÄ“s, who weave silk (pattu) fabrics.Pattuvitan.—Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of NÄyar.PatvÄ“gÄra.—The PatvÄ“gÄras or PattÄ“gÄras (pattu, silk) of South Canara are described by Mr. H. A. Stuart95as “a Canarese caste of silk weavers. They are Hindus, and worship both Siva and Vishnu, but their special deity is Durga ParamÄ“svari at BarkÅ«r. They wear the sacred thread, and employ BrÄhmans for ceremonial purposes. They are governed by a body called the ten men, and pay allegiance to the guru of the RÄmachandra math (religious institution). They are divided into balis (septs) and a man may not marry within his own bali. Polygamy is allowed only when awife is barren, or suffers from some incurable disease, such as leprosy. The girls are married in infancy, and the binding portion of the ceremony is called dhÄre (seeBant). Widow marriage is not permitted, and divorce is only allowed in the case of an adulterous wife. They follow the ordinary Hindu law of inheritance. The dead are cremated. The srÄdha (memorial) ceremony is in use, and the MahÄlaya ceremony for the propitiation of ancestors in general is performed annually. Female ancestors are also worshipped every year at a ceremony called vaddap, when meals are given to married women. They eat fish but not meat, and the use of alcohol is not permitted.â€In the Mysore Census Report, 1891, the PatvÄ“gÄrs are described as “silk weavers who speak a corrupt MarÄthi conglomerate of GuzarÄti and Hindi. They worship all the Hindu deities, especially the female energy under the name of SÄkti, to which a goat is sacrificed on the night of the Dasara festival, a Musalman slaughtering the animal. After the sacrifice, the family of the PatvÄ“gÄr partake of the flesh. Many of their females are naturally fair and handsome, but lose their beauty from early marriage and precocity.†A few PattÄ“gÄras, who speak a corrupt form of MarÄthi, are to be found in the Anantapur district.Pavalamkatti(wearers of corals).—A sub-division of Konga VellÄla.Pavini.—SeeVayani.PayyampÄti.—Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of NÄyar.Pedakanti.—Pedakanti or Pedaganti is the name of a sub-division of KÄpu. It is said by some to be derived from a place called Pedagallu. By others it is derived from peda, turned aside, and kamma, eye,indicating one who turns his eyes away from a person who speaks to him. Yet another suggestion is that it means stiff-necked.Pedda(big).—A sub-division of BÅya, Bagata, Konda Dora, Pattapu, and Velama.PeddammavÄndlu.—A fancy name taken by some Telugu beggars.Pedditi.—A sub-division of Golla, some members of which earn a livelihood by begging and flattery.PÄ“gula(intestines).—An exogamous sept of BÅya.Pekkan.—A division of Toda.Pendukal(women).—A name applied to DÄ“va-dÄsis in Travancore.Pengu.—A sub-division of Poroja.PennÄ“gÄra.—Konkani-speaking rice-beaters in South Canara.Pentiya.—The Pentiyas also call themselves Holuva and HalabÄ or HalbÄ. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, they are called Pantia as well as Pentiya, and described as Oriya betel-leaf (panno) sellers. Their occupation, in the Jeypore Agency tracts, is that of cultivators. According to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, to whom I am indebted for the following note, numbers of them migrated thither from Bustar, and settled at Pentikonna, and are hence called Pentikonaya or Pentiya. Their language is Halba, which is easily understood by those who speak Oriya. They are divided into two endogamous sections, called Bodo (big or genuine), and Sanno (little), of whom the latter are said to be illegitimate descendants of the former. The Bodos are further sub-divided into a series of septs,e.g., Kurum (tortoise), BhÄg (tiger), NÄg (cobra), and SÅ«rya (sun). The caste is highly organized, and the head of a local centre iscalled Bhatha NÄyako. He is assisted by a PradhÄni, an Umriya NÄyako, and DolÄyi. The caste messenger is called CholÄno, and he carries a silver baton when he summons the castemen to a meeting. An elaborate ceremony is performed when a person, who has been tried by the caste council, is to be received back into the caste. He is accompanied to the bank of a stream, where his tongue is burnt with a gold or silver wire or ornament by the Bhatha NÄyako, and some offerings from the JagannÄtha temple at PÅ«ri are given to him. He is then taken home, and provides a feast, at which the NÄyako has the privilege of eating first. He has further to make a present of cloths to the assembled elders, and the four heads of the caste receive a larger quantity than the others. The feast over, he is again taken, carrying some cooked rice, to the stream, and with it pushed therein. This ceremonial bath frees him from pollution.Girls are married either before or after puberty. A man can claim his paternal aunt’s daughter in marriage. The bridegroom’s party proceed, with the bridegroom, to the bride’s village, and take up their abode in a separate house. They then take three cloths for the bride’s mother, three rupees for her father, and a cloth and two annas for each of her brothers, and present them together with rice, liquor, and other articles. Pandals (booths) are erected in front of the quarters of the bridal couple, that of the bridegroom being made of nine, and that of the bride of five sÄl (Shorea robusta) poles, to which a pot containing myrabolams (Terminaliafruits) and rice is tied. The couple bathe, and the bridegroom proceeds to the house of the bride. The DÄ“sÄri, who officiates, dons the sacred thread, and divides the pandal into two by means of a screen or curtain. The couplego seven times round the pandal, and the screen is removed. They then enter the pandal, and the DÄ“sÄri links their little fingers together. The day’s ceremony concludes with a feast. On the following day, the bride is conducted to the house of the bridegroom, and they sprinkle each other with turmeric water. They then bathe in a stream or river. Another feast is held, with much drinking, and is followed by a wild dance. The remarriage of widows is permitted, and a younger brother may marry the widow of his elder brother. The dead are burnt, and death pollution is observed for ten days, during which the relatives of the deceased are fed by members of another sept. On the tenth day a caste feast takes place.The Pentiyas are said96to distribute rice, and other things, to BrÄhmans, once a year on the new-moon day in the month of BhÄdrapadam (September-October), and to worship a female deity named KÄmilli on Saturdays. No one, I am informed, other, I presume, than a Pentiya, would take anything from a house where she is worshipped, lest the goddess should accompany him, and require him to become her devotee.The caste title is NÄyako.Peraka(tile).—An exogamous sept of DÄ“vÄnga.Perike.—This word is defined, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as meaning literally a gunny bag, and the Perikes are summed up as being a Telugu caste of gunny bag (goni) weavers, corresponding to the Janappans of the Tamil districts. Gunny bag is the popular and trading name of the coarse sacking and sacks made from the fibre of jute, much used in Indian trade. It is noted, in the Census Report, 1891, that“the Perikes claim to be a separate caste, but they seem to be in reality a sub-division, and not a very exalted sub-division, of Balijas, being in fact identical with the Uppu (salt) Balijas. Their hereditary occupation is carrying salt, grain, etc., on bullocks and donkeys in perikes or packs. Perike is found among the sub-divisions of both Kavarai and Balija. Some of them, however, have attained considerable wealth, and now claim to be Kshatriyas, saying that they are the descendants of the Kshatriyas who ran away (piriki, a coward) from the persecution of ParasurÄma. Others again say they are Kshatriyas who went into retirement, and made hills (giri) their abode (puri).†These Perike ‘Kshatriyas’ are known as Puragiri Kshatriya and Giri RÄzu. The Periki Balijas are described, in the Vizagapatam Manual, as chiefly carrying on cultivation and trade, and some of them are said to hold a high position at ‘the Presidency’ (Madras) and in the Vizagapatam district.Perike women appear to have frequently committed sati (or suttee) on the death of their husbands in former days, and the names of those who thus sacrificed their lives are still held in reverence. A peculiar custom among the Perikes is the erection of big square structures (brindÄvanam), in which a tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) is planted, on the spot where the ashes of the dead are buried after cremation. I am informed that a fine series of these structures may be seen at ChÄ«purapalli, close to Vizianagram. As a mark of respect to the dead, passers-by usually place a lac bangle or flowers thereon. The usual titles of the Perikes are Anna and Ayya, but some style themselves Rao (= RÄya, king) or RÄyadu, in reference totheiralleged Kshatriya origin.For the following note on the Perikes of the GodÄvari district, I am indebted to Mr. F. R. Hemingway. “Like some of the Kammas, they claim to be of Kshatriya stock, and say they are of the lineage of Parasu RÄma, but were driven out by him for kidnapping his sister, while pretending to be gunny-bag weavers. They say that they were brought to this country by king Nala of the MahÄbhÄrata, in gratitude for their having taken care of his wife Damayanti when he quitted her during his misfortunes. They support the begging caste of Varugu Bhattas, who, they say, supported them during their exile, and to whom they gave a sanad (deed of grant) authorising them to demand alms. These people go round the Perike houses for their dues every year. The PÄ«su Perikes, who still weave gunny-bags, are said not to belong to the caste proper, members of which style themselves RÄcha Perikes.“The Perikes say that, like the KÅmatis, they have 101 gÅtras. Their marriage ceremonies are peculiar. On the day of the wedding, the bride and bridegroom are made to fast, as also are three male relatives, whom they call suribhaktas. At the marriage, the couple sit on a gunny-bag, and another gunny, on which a representation of the god Mailar is drawn or painted, is spread between them. The same god is drawn on two pots, and these, and also a third pot, are filled with rice and dhÄl (Cajanus indicus), which are cooked by two married women. The food is then offered to Mailar. Next, the three suribhaktas take 101 cotton threads, fasten them together, and tie seven knots in them. The bride and bridegroom are given cloths which have been partly immersed in water coloured with turmeric and chunam (lime), and the suribhaktas are fed with the rice and dhÄl cooked in the pots. The couple are then taken roundthe village in procession, and, on their return, the knotted cotton threads are tied round the bride’s neck instead of a tÄli.Some Perikes style themselves SÄthu vÄndlu, meaning a company of merchants or travellers.Perike Muggula is the name of a class of Telugu mendicants and exorcists.Periya(big).—Periya or PeriyanÄn has been recorded as a sub-division of KÄralan, Kunnuvan, ÅŒcchan, and Pattanavan. The equivalent Peru or Perum occurs as a sub-division of the MalayÄlam Kollans and VannÄns and Perim of KÄnikars. Periya illom is the name of an exogamous illom of KÄnikars in Travancore.PerugadannÄya(bandicoot rat sept).—An exogamous sept of Bant.Perum TÄli(big tÄli).—A sub-division of Idaiyan, and of KaikÅlans, whose women wear a big tÄli (marriage badge).PerumÄl.—PerumÄl is a synonym of Vishnu, and the name is taken by some Pallis who are staunch Vaishnavites. A class of mendicants, who travel about exhibiting performing bulls in the southern part of the Madras Presidency, is known as PerumÄl MÄdukkÄran or PerumÄl ErudukkÄran. Perumalathillom, meaning apparently big mountain house, is an exogamous sept or illom of the KÄnikars of Travancore.Pesala(seeds ofPhaseolus Mungo: green gram).—An exogamous sept of JÅgi.PÄ“ta(street).—A sub-division of Balija.PettigeyavÄru(box).—A sub-division of GangadikÄra Vakkaliga.Pichiga(sparrow).—An exogamous sept of BÅya and DÄ“vÄnga. The equivalent Pital occurs as a sept of MÄla.Pichigunta.—The name Pichigunta means literally an assembly of beggars, who are described97as being, in the Telugu country, a class of mendicants, who are herbalists, and physic people for fever, stomach-ache, and other ailments. They beat the village drums, relate stories and legends, and supply the place of a Herald’s Office, as they have a reputation for being learned in family histories, and manufacture pedigrees and gÅtras (house names) for KÄpus, Kammas, Gollas, and others.The Picchai or Pinchikuntar are described in the Salem Manual as “servants to the KudiÄnavars or cultivators—a name commonly assumed by VellÄlas and Pallis. The story goes that a certain VellÄla had a hundred and two children, of whom only one was a female. Of the males, one was lame, and his hundred brothers made a rule that one would provide him with one kolagam of grain and one fanam (a coin) each year. They got him married to a Telugu woman of a different caste, and the musicians who attended the ceremony were paid nothing, the brothers alleging that, as the bridegroom was a cripple, the musicians should officiate from charitable motives. The descendants of this married pair, having no caste of their own, became known as Picchi or Pinchikuntars (beggars, or lame). They are treated as kudipinnai (inferior) by VellÄlas, and to the present day receive their prescribed miras (fee) from the VellÄla descendants of the hundred brothers, to whom, on marriage and other festivals, they do service by relating the genealogies of such VellÄlas as they are acquainted with. Some serve the VellÄlas in the fields, and others live by begging.â€97The caste beggars of the Tottiyans are known as Pichiga-vÄdu.Pidakala(cow-dung cakes or bratties).—An exogamous sept of DÄ“vÄnga. Dried cow-dung cakes are largely used by natives as fuel, and may be seen stuck on to the walls of houses.PidÄran.—A section of AmbalavÄsis, who, according to Mr. Logan98“drinkliquor, exorcise devils, and are worshippers of BhadrakÄli or of Sakti. The name is also applied to snake-catchers, and it was probably conferred on the caste owing to the snake being an emblem of the human passion embodied in the deities they worship.â€Pilapalli.—The Pilapallis are a small caste or community in Travancore, concerning which Mr. S. Subramanya Aiyar writes as follows.99“The following sketch will show what trifling circumstances are sufficient in this land of ParasurÄma to call a new caste into existence. The word Pilapally is supposed to be a corruption of BelÄl Thalli, meaning forcibly ejected. It therefore contains, as though in a nutshell, the history of the origin of this little community, which it is used to designate. In the palmy days of the Chempakasseri RÄjas, about the year 858 M.E., there lived at the court of the then ruling Prince at Ambalappuzha a NambÅ«ri BrÄhman who stood high in the Prince’s favour, and who therefore became an eye-sore to all his fellow courtiers. The envy and hatred of the latter grew to such a degree that one day they put their heads together to devise a plan which should at once strip him of all influence at court, and humble him in the eyes of the public. The device hit upon was a strange one, and characteristic of that dim and distantpast. The NambÅ«ri was the custodian of all presents made to the Prince, and as such it was a part of his daily work to arrange the articles presented in their proper places. It was arranged that one day a dead fish, beautifully tied up and covered, should be placed among the presents laid before the Prince. The victim of the plot, little suspecting there was treachery in the air, removed all the presents as usual with his own hand. His enemies at court, who were but waiting for an opportunity of humbling him to the dust, thereupon caused the bundle to be examined before the Prince, when it became evident that it contained a dead fish. Now, for a NambÅ«ri to handle a dead fish was, according to custom, sufficient to make him lose caste. On the strength of this argument, the Prince, who was himself a BrÄhmin, was easily prevailed upon to put the NambÅ«ri out of the pale of caste, and the court favourite was immediately excommunicated. There is another and a slightly different version of the story, according to which the NambÅ«ri in question was the hereditary priest of the royal house, to whom fell the duty of removing and preserving the gifts. In course of time he grew so arrogant that the Prince himself wanted to get rid of him, but, the office of the priest being hereditary, he did not find an easy way of accomplishing his cherished object, and, after long deliberation with those at court in whom he could confide, came at last to the solution narrated above. It is this forcible ejection that the expression BelÄl Thalli (afterwards changed into Pilapally) is said to import.... It appears that the unfortunate NambÅ«ri had two wives, both of whom elected to share his fate. Accordingly, the family repaired to ParavÅ«r, a village near Kallarkode, where their royal patron made them a gift of land. Although they quitted Ambalapuzhafor good, they seem to have long owned there a madathummuri (a room in a series, in which BrÄhmins from abroad once lived and traded), and are said to be still entitled daily to a measure of pÄlpayasom from the temple, a sweet pudding of milk, rice and sugar, celebrated all over Malabar for its excellence. The progeny of the family now count in all about ninety members, who live in eight or nine different houses.â€Pillai.—Pillai, meaning child, is in the Tamil country primarily the title of VellÄlas, but has, at recent times of census, been returned as the title of a number of classes, which include Agamudaiyan, AmbalakÄran, Golla, Idaiyan, NÄyar, NÅkkan, Panisavan, Panikkan, Paraiyan, SaiyakkÄran, Sembadavan and SÄ“naikkudaiyÄns. Pilla is further used as the title of the male offspring of DÄ“va-dÄsis. Many Paraiyan butlers of Europeans have assumed the title Pillai as an honorific suffix to their name. So, too, have some criminal Koravas, who pose as VellÄlas.PillaikÅ«ttam.—Recorded, in the Manual of the North Arcot district, as a bastard branch of VÄniyan.Pillaiyarpatti(GanÄ“sa village).—An exogamous section or kÅvil of NÄttukÅttai Chetti.Pilli(cat).—An exogamous sept of Chembadi, MÄla, and MÄ“dara.PindÄri.—In the Madras Census Report, 1901, fifty-nine PindÄris are returned as a Bombay caste of personal servants. They are more numerous in the Mysore province, where more than two thousand were returned in the same year as being engaged in agriculture and Government service. The PindÄris were formerly celebrated as a notorious class of freebooters, who, in the seventeenth century, attached themselves to the MarÄthas in their revolt against AurangzÄ«b, and for a longtime afterwards, committed raids in all directions, extending their operations to Southern India. It is on record that “in a raid made upon the coast extending from Masulipatam northward, the PindÄris in ten days plundered 339 villages, burning many, killing and wounding 682 persons, torturing 3,600, and carrying off or destroying property to the amount of £250,000.â€100They were finally suppressed, in Central India, during the Viceroyalty of the Marquis of Hastings, in 1817.Pindi(flour).—An exogamous sept of MÄla.PinjÄri(cotton-cleaner).—A synonym for DÅ«dÄ“kula. Pinjala (cotton) occurs as an exogamous sept of DÄ“vÄnga.Pippala(pepper:Piper longum).—An exogamous sept or gÅtra of Gamalla and KÅmati.PishÄrati.—The PishÄratis or PishÄrodis are summed up in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as being a sub-caste of AmbalavÄsis, which makes flower garlands, and does menial service in the temples. As regards their origin, the legend runs to the effect that a SwÄmiyar, or BrÄhman ascetic, once had a disciple of the same caste, who wished to become a SanyÄsi or anchorite. All the ceremonies prior to shaving the head of the novice were completed, when, alarmed at the prospect of a cheerless life and the severe austerities incidental thereto, he made himself scarce. PishÄra denotes a SanyÄsi’s pupil, and as he, after running away, was called PishÄrÅdi, the children born to him of a Parasava woman by a subsequent marriage were called PishÄratis. In his ‘Early Sovereigns of Travancore,’ Mr. Sundaram Pillay says that the PishÄrati’s “puzzling position among the Malabar castes, half monk and half layman, is far from being accounted for by the silly and fanciful modern derivationof PishÄrakal plus Odi, PishÄrakal being more mysterious than PishÄrati itself.†It is suggested by him that PishÄrati is a corruption of BhattÄraka-tiruvadi. According to the Jati-nirnaya, the BhattÄrakas are a community degraded from the BrÄhmans during the TrÄ“tÄ YÅ«ga. As far as we are able to gather from mediæval Travancore inscriptions, an officer known as Pidara-tiruvadi was attached to every temple. It is known that he used to receive large perquisites for temple service, and that extensive rice-lands were given to the Bhattakara of Nelliyur. It is noted, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that “the traditional etymology of the name PishÄrodi refers it to a SanyÄsi novice, who, deterred by the prospects of the hardship of life on which he was about to enter, ran away (odi) at the last moment, after he had been divested of the pÅ«nÅ«l (thread), but before he had performed the final ceremony of plunging thrice in a tank (pond), and of plucking out, one at each plunge, the last three hairs of his kudumi (the rest of which had been shaved off). But the termination ‘Odi’ is found in other caste titles such as AdiyÅdi and VallÅdi, and the definition is obviously fanciful, while it does not explain the meaning of PishÄr.â€The houses of PishÄratis are called pishÄram. Their primary occupation is to prepare garlands of flowers for Vaishnava temples, but they frequently undertake the talikazhakam or sweeping service in temples. Being learned men, and good Sanskrit scholars, they are employed as Sanskrit and MalayÄlam tutors in the families of those of high rank, and, in consequence, make free use of the title Asan. They are strict Vaishnavites, and the ashtÄkshara, or eight letters relating to Vishnu, as opposed to the panchÄkshara or five letters relating to Siva, forms their daily hymn ofprayer. They act as their own caste priests, but for the punyÄha or purificatory ceremony and the initiation into the ashtÄkshara, which are necessary on special occasions, the services of BrÄhmans are engaged.The PishÄratis celebrate the tÄli-kettu ceremony before the girl reaches puberty. The most important item therein is the joining of the hands of the bride and bridegroom. The planting of a jasmine shoot is observed as an indispensable preliminary rite. The events between this and the joining of hands are the same as with other AmbalavÄsis. The bride and bridegroom bathe, and wear clothes touched by each other. The girl’s mother then gives her a wedding garland and a mirror, with which she sits, her face covered with a cloth. The cherutÄli, or marriage ornament, is tied by the bridegroom round the girl’s neck. If this husband dies, the tÄli has to be removed, and the widow observes pollution. Her sons have to make oblations of cooked rice, and, for all social and religious purposes, the woman is regarded as a widow, though she is not debarred from contracting a sambandham (alliance) with a man of her own caste, or a BrÄhman. If the wife dies, the husband has, in like manner, to observe pollution, and make oblations of cooked rice. There are cases in which the tÄli-kettu is performed by a PishÄrati, and sambandham contracted with a BrÄhman. If the tÄli-tier becomes the husband, no separate cloth-giving ceremony need be gone through by him after the girl has reached puberty.Inheritance is in the female line, so much so that a wife and children are not entitled to compensation for the performance of a man’s funeral rites.No particular month is fixed for the name-giving rite, as it suffices if this is performed before the annaprasanaceremony. The maternal uncle first names the child. When it is four or six months old, it is taken out to see the sun. On the occasion of the annaprasana, which usually takes place in the sixth month, the maternal uncle gives the first mouthful of cooked rice to the child by means of a golden ring. The Yatrakali serves as the night’s entertainment for the assembled guests. NambÅ«tiris are invited to perform the purificatory ceremony known as punyÄha, but the consecrated water is only sprinkled over the roof of the house. The inmates thereof protrude their heads beneath the eaves so as to get purified, as the BrÄhmans do not pour the water over them. The chaula or tonsure takes place at the third year of a child’s life. The maternal uncle first touches the boy’s head with a razor, and afterwards the MÄrÄn and barber do the same. The initiation into the ashtÄkshara takes place at the age of sixteen. On an auspicious day, a BrÄhman brings a pot of water, consecrated in a temple, to the pishÄram, and pours its contents on the head of the lad who is to be initiated. The ceremony is called kalasam-ozhuk-kua, or letting a pot of water flow. After the teaching of the ashtÄkshara, the youth, dressed in religious garb, makes a ceremonial pretence of proceeding on a pilgrimage to Benares, as a BrÄhman does at the termination of the BrÄhmacharya stage of life. It is only after this that a PishÄrati is allowed to chew betel leaf, and perform other acts, which constitute the privileges of a Grihastha.The funeral rites of the PishÄratis are very peculiar. The corpse is seated on the ground, and a nephew recites the ashtÄkshara, and prostrates himself before it. The body is bathed, and dressed. A grave, nine feet deep and three feet square, is dug in a corner of the grounds, and salt and ashes, representing all the PanchabhÅ«tas,are spread. The corpse is placed in the grave in a sitting posture. As in the case of a SanyÄsi, who is a Jivanmukta, or one liberated from the bondage of the flesh though alive in body, so a dead PishÄrati is believed to have no suitable body requiring to be entertained with any post-mortem offerings. A few memorial rites are, however, performed. On the eleventh day, a ceremony corresponding to the ekoddishta srÄdh of the BrÄhman is carried out. A knotted piece of kusa grass, representing the soul of the deceased, is taken to a neighbouring temple, where a lighted lamp, symbolical of Maha Vishnu is worshipped, and prayers are offered. This ceremony is repeated at the end of the first year.101Some PishÄratis are large land-owners of considerable wealth and influence.102PÄ«su Perike.—Perikes who weave gunny-bags.PÄ«takÄlu(dais, on which a priest sits).—An exogamous sept of OddÄ“.PittalavÄdu.—A Telugu name for KuruvikkÄrans.PodapÅtula.—A class of mendicants, who beg from Gollas.Podara VannÄn.—The Podara, Podarayan or Pothora VannÄns are washermen of inferior social status, who wash clothes for Pallans, Paraiyans, and other low classes.PodhÄno.—Recorded, at times of census, as a title of BolÄsi, Gaudo, KÄlingi, Kudumo, and SÄmantiya. The SÄmantiyas also frequently give it as the name of their caste.PoduvÄl.—Defined by Mr. Wigram103as one of the AmbalavÄsi castes, the members of which are as a rule employed as temple watchmen. Writing concerningthe MÅ«ssads or MÅ«ttatus, Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar states that they are known as MÅ«ttatus or MÅ«ssatus in Travancore and Cochin, and PotuvÄls (or PoduvÄls) or AkapotuvÄls in North Malabar. PotuvÄl means a common person,i.e., the representative of a committee, and a MÅ«ttatu’s right to this name accrues from the fact that, in the absence of the NambÅ«tiri managers of a temple, he becomes their agent, and is invested with authority to exercise all their functions. The work of an AkapotuvÄl always lies within the inner wall of the shrine, while that of the PurappotuvÄl, or PotuvÄl proper, lies outside. From Travancore, PoduvÄn or PotuvÄn is recorded as a synonym or sub-division of MÄrÄns, who are employed at funerals by various castes.It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that “Pura PothuvÄls are of two classes, Chenda PothuvÄls or drum PothuvÄls, and MÄla PothuvÄls or garland PothuvÄls, the names of course referring to the nature of the service which they have to render in the temple. The Chenda PothuvÄls would appear to be closely connected with the MÄrÄrs or MÄrayÄrs, who are also drummers. MÄla PothuvÄls follow marumakkattÄyam (inheritance in the female line), their women having sambandham (alliance) with men of their own caste or with BrÄhmans, while the men can have sambandham in their own caste, or with NÄyar women of any of the sub-divisions below Kiriyattil. Their women are called PothuvÄrassiar or PothuvÄttimar.†It is further recorded104that, in some cases, for instance among MÄla PothuvÄls and MÄrÄrs in South Malabar, a fictitious consummation is an incident of the tÄli-kettu ; the girl and manavÄlan (bridegroom)being made to lie on a bed together, and left there alone for a few moments. Amongst the MÄla Pothuvals this is done twice, once on the first and once on the last day, and they apparently also spend the three nights of the ceremony in the same bed-chamber, but not alone, an Enangatti sleeping there as chaperone. In these two castes, as in most if not all others, the ceremony also entails the pollution of the girl and her bridegroom. Amongst the MÄrÄrs, they are purified by a NambÅ«diri after they leave their quasi-nuptial couch. Amongst the MÄla Pothuvals, they are not allowed to bathe or to touch others during the wedding till the fourth day, when they are given mÄttu (change of cloths) by the Veluttedan.â€Podala occurs as a Canarese form of PoduvÄl.PÅgandan.—A synonym of PÅndan.PÅkanÄti.—PÅkanÄti or PakanÄti is a sub-division of KÄpu.Poladava.—A synonym of Gatti.Poligar(feudal chief).—A synonym of PÄlayakkÄran. According to Yule and Burnell,105the Poligars “were properly subordinate feudal chiefs, occupying tracts more or less wild, and generally of predatory habits in former days. They are now much the same as Zemindars (land-owners) in the highest use of that term. The Southern Poligars gave much trouble about a hundred years ago, and the ‘Poligar wars’ were somewhat serious affairs. In various assaults on PÄnjÄlamkurichi, one of their forts in Tinnevelly, between 1799 and 1801, there fell fifteen British officers.†The name Poligar was further used for the predatory classes, which served under the chiefs. Thus, in Munro’s ‘Narrativeof Military Operations’ (1780–84), it is stated that “the matchlock men are generally accompanied by Poligars, a set of fellows that are almost savages, and make use of no other weapon than a pointed bamboo spear, 18 or 20 feet long.â€The name Poligar is given to a South Indian breed of greyhound-like dogs in the Tinnevelly district.Pombada.—A small class of Canarese devil-dancers, who are said,106in South Canara, to resemble the Nalkes, but hold a somewhat higher position, and in devil-dances to represent a better class of demons. Unlike the Nalkes and Paravas, they follow the aliya santÄna system of inheritance. They speak Tulu, and, in their customs, follow those of the Billavas. There are two sections among the Pombadas, viz., Bailu, who are mainly cultivators, and Padarti, who are chiefly engaged in devil-dancing. The Pombadas are not, like the Nalkes and Paravas, a polluting class, and are socially a little inferior to the Billavas. They do not wear the disguises of the bhÅ«thas (devils) Nicha, Varte, and Kamberlu, who are considered low, but wear those of Jumadi, Panjurli, Jarandaya, Mahisandeya, and Kodamanithaya. Ullaya or DharmadÄ“vata is regarded as a superior bhÅ«tha, and the special bhÅ«tha of the Pombadas, who do not allow Nalkes or Paravas to assume his disguise. During the Jumadi KÅla (festival), the Pombada who represents the bhÅ«tha Jumadi is seated on a cart, and dragged in procession through the streets. (SeeNalke.)Pon Chetti(gold merchant).—A synonym of MalayÄlam KammÄlan goldsmiths.Pon(gold)Illam.—A section of Mukkuvans.PÅndan.—“There are,†Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,107“only twenty-eight persons of this caste in Malabar, and they are all in Calicut. These are the palanquin-bearers of the Zamorin. They are in dress, manners, customs, and language entirely Tamilians, and, while the Zamorin is polluted by the touch of any ordinary Tamilian, these PÅndans enjoy the privilege of bearing him in a palanquin to and from the temple every day. Now there is a sub-division of the Tamil Idaiyans by name Pogondan, and I understand that these Pogondans are the palanquin-bearers of the Idaiyan caste. It seems probable that the founder, or some early member of the Zamorin, obtained palanquin-bearers of his own (cowherd) caste and granted them privileges which no other Tamilians now enjoy.â€Pondra.—Pondra, or Ponara, is a sub-division of MÄli.PonganÄdu.—PonganÄdu and PonguvÄn have been recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division of KÄpu. A corrupt form of PakanÄti.Ponnambalaththar.—A class of mendicants, who have attached themselves to the KaikÅlans.Ponnara.—Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of NÄyar.PoruvannurkÄran.—A class of carpenters in Malabar.Poroja.—The Porojas or ParjÄs are hill cultivators found in the Agency tracts of Ganjam and Vizagapatam. Concerning them, it is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1871, that “there are held to be seven classes of these ParjÄs, which differ from each other in points of language, customs, and traditions. The term ParjÄ is, as Mr. Carmichael has pointed out, merely a corruptionof a Sanskrit term signifying a subject, and it is understood as such by the people themselves, who use it in contradistinction to a free hill-man. ‘Formerly,’ says a tradition that runs through the whole tribe, ‘RÄjas and ParjÄs were brothers, but the RÄjas took to riding horses (or, as the Barenja ParjÄs put it, sitting still) and we became carriers of burdens and ParjÄs.’ It is quite certain, in fact, that the term ParjÄ is not a tribal denomination, but a class denomination, and it may be fitly rendered by the familiar epithet of ryot (cultivator). I have laid stress on this, because all native officials, and every one that has written about the country (with the above exception), always talk of the term ParjÄ as if it signified a caste. There is no doubt, however, that by far the greater number of these ParjÄs are akin to the Khonds of the Ganjam MÄliahs. They are thrifty, hard-working cultivators, undisturbed by the intestine broils which their cousins in the north engage in, and they bear in their breasts an inalienable reverence for their soil, the value of which they are rapidly becoming acquainted with. The ParjÄ bhÅ«mi (land) is contained almost entirely in the upper level. Parts to the south held under PÄchipenta and MÄdugulu (MÄdgole) are not ParjÄ bhÅ«mi, nor, indeed, are some villages to the north in the possession of the Khonds. Their ancient rights to these lands are acknowledged by colonists from among the Aryans, and, when a dispute arises concerning the boundaries of a field possessed by recent arrivals, a ParjÄ is usually called in to point out the ancient land-marks.â€The name Poroja seems to be derived from the Oriya, Po, son, and RÄja,i.e., sons of RÄjas. There is a tradition that, at the time when the RÄjas of Jeypore rose into prominence at Nandapur, the country was occupied by a number of tribes, who, in return for the protectionpromised to them, surrendered their rights to the soil, which they had hitherto occupied absolutely. I am informed that the Porojas, when asked what their caste is, use ryot and Poroja as synonymous, saying we are Porojas; we are ryot people.The ParjÄ« language is stated by Mr. G. A. Grierson108to have “hitherto been considered as identical with BhatrÄ«. BhatrÄ« has now become a form of OriyÄ. ParjÄ«, on the other hand, is still a dialect of GÅndi.†The BhatrÄs are a tribe inhabiting the state of Bastar in the Central Provinces.The Porojas are not a compact caste, but rather a conglomerate, made up of several endogamous sections, and speaking a language, which varies according to locality. These sections, according to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, to whom I am indebted for much of the present note, are—(1) BÄrang Jhodia, who eat beef and speak Oriya.(2) Pengu Poroja, subdivided into those who eat the flesh of the buffalo, and those who do not. They speak a language, which is said to bear a close resemblance to Kondhs.(3) KhÅndi or KÅndi Poroja, who are a section of the Kondhs, eat beef and the flesh of buffaloes, and speak KÅdu or Kondh.(4) Parengi Poroja, who are a section of the Gadabas. They are subdivided into those who eat and do not eat the flesh of buffaloes, and speak a Gadaba dialect.(5) Bonda, BÅ«nda, or Nanga Poroja, who are likewise a section of the Gadabas, call themselves Bonda Gadaba, and speak a dialect of Gadaba.(6) Tagara Poroja, who are a section of the KÅyas or KÅyis, and speak KÅya, or, in some places, Telugu.
PatnÅ«kÄran marriage procession.PatnÅ«kÄran marriage procession.“On entering a PatnÅ«lkÄran’s house, we are led to a courtyard, spacious and neat, where all the necessary arrangements are made for weaving purposes. The PatnÅ«lkÄrans live in streets. A male PatnÅ«lkÄran resembles a Tamil Vaishnava BrÄhman in outward appearance, but the women follow the custom of the Telugu BrÄhmans alike in their costume and ornaments. Their jewels exactly resemble those of the Telugu BrÄhman women, and indicate a temporary residence of the caste in the Telugu country on the way from Gujarat to Madura. There is a Tamil proverb to the effect that, if a male PatnÅ«lkÄran is seen without his wife, he will be taken for a Vaishnava BrÄhman, whereas, in the case of the TÄtan caste, a woman without her husband will be taken for an Aiyangar. Children wear the kÄrai round the neck. Tattooing prevails on a very large scale.“The PatnÅ«lkÄrans may be divided into three classes on a religious basis, viz., (1) pure Vaishnavites, who wear the vertical Vaishnavite mark, and call themselvesVadakalas or northerners; (2) those who are mainly Smartas; (3) Sankara Vaishnavas, who wear gÅpi (sandal paste) as their sect-mark. It is to the last of these religious sects that the Travancore PatnÅ«lkÄrans belong, though, in recent times, a few Smartas have settled at Kottar. All these intermarry and interdine, and the religious difference does not create a distinction in the caste. The chief divinity of the PatnÅ«lkÄrans is VenkatÄchalapati of Tirupati. The month in which he is most worshipped is Kanni (September-October), and all the Saturdays and the Tiruvonam star of the month are particularly devoted to his adoration. One of their men becomes possessed on any of these days, and, holding a burning torch-light in his hand, touches the foreheads of the assembled devotees therewith. The PatnÅ«lkÄrans fast on those days, and take an image of Garuda in procession through the street. The DÄ«pÄvali, Pannamasi in Chittiray, and the Vaikuntha Ä’kÄdasi are other important religious days. The Dusserah is observed, as also are the festivals of SrÄ« RÄma Navami, Ashtami, Rohini, Avani Avittam, and Vara Lakshmivratam. Formal worship of deities is done by those who have obtained the requisite initiation from a spiritual preceptor. Women who have husbands fast on full-moon days, Mondays, and Fridays. The serpent and the banyan tree are specially worshipped. Women sing songs in praise of Lakshmi, and offer fruits and cocoanuts to her. The PatnÅ«lkÄrans have a temple dedicated to SrÄ« RÄma at Kottar. This temple is visited even by BrÄhmans, and the priests are Aiyangars. The AchÄrya, or supreme religious authority of the PatnÅ«lkÄrans, in Travancore is a Vaishnava BrÄhman known as Ubhaya VÄ“dÄnta KÅti KanyakÄdÄna TÄtÄchÄriyar, who lives at Aravankulam near Tinnevelly,and possesses a large number of disciples. Once a year he visits his flock in Travancore, and is highly respected by them, as also by the MahÄrajÄ, who makes a donation of money to him. Elders are appointed to decide social disputes, and manage the common property of the caste. In Travancore there are said to be only three families of PatnÅ«lkÄran priests. For the higher ceremonies, BrÄhman priests are employed.“A girl’s marriage is usually celebrated before puberty, and sometimes when she is a mere child of four or five. Great importance is attached to gÅtras or exogamous septs, and it is said that the septs of the bride and bridegroom are conspicuously inscribed on the walls of a marriage house. In the selection of an auspicious hour (muhurtam) for a marriage, two favourable planetary situations, one closely following the other, are necessary; and, as such occasions are rare, a number of marriages take place at one time. A man may claim his maternal uncle’s daughter as his wife, and polygamy is permitted. The marriage ceremonial resembles the BrÄhmanical rites in many points. On the fourth day, a ceremonial observed by Telugu BrÄhmans, called NÄgabali, is performed. The marriage badge, which is tied on the bride’s neck, is called bottu. [From a note on the marriage ceremonies among the PatnÅ«lkÄrans of Madura, I gather that, as among Telugu and Canarese castes, a number of pots are arranged, and worshipped. These pots are smaller and fewer in number than at a Telugu or Canarese wedding. A figure of a car is drawn on the wall of the house with red earth or laterite.88On it the name of the gÅtra of the bridegroom is written. On the fourth day, thenÄgavali (or offering to DÄ“vas) is performed. The contracting couple sit near the pots, and a number of lights are arranged on the floor. The pots, which represent the DÄ“vas, are worshipped.]“The nÄmakarana, or name-giving ceremony, is performed on the eleventh day after birth. An eighth child, whether male or female, is called Krishna, owing to the tradition that Krishna was born as the eighth child of VasudÄ“va. Babies are affectionately called Duddu (milk) or Pilla (child). The annaprÄsana, or first feeding of the child, is sometimes celebrated at the end of the first year, but usually as a preliminary to some subsequent ceremony. Sometimes, in performance of a vow, boys are taken to the shrine at Tirupati for the tonsure ceremony. The upanayana is performed between the seventh and twelfth years, but neither brÄhmacharya nor samÄvartana is observed.“The dead are burnt, and the remains of the bones are collected and deposited under water. Death pollution lasts only for ten days. The srÄdh, or annual ceremony, when oblations are offered to ancestors, is observed. Widows are allowed to retain their hair, but remove the bottu. Unlike BrÄhman women, they chew betel, and wear coloured cloths, even in old age.â€The PatnÅ«lkÄrans have a secret trade language, concerning which Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes as follows. “The most remarkable feature about it is the number of terms and phrases borrowed from the craft, to which special meanings are given. Thus a man of no status is stigmatised as a rikhta khandu,i.e., a spindle without the yarn. Similarly, a man of little sense is called a mhudha, the name of a thick peg which holds one side of the roller. Likewise, a talkative person is referred to as a rhetta, or roller used for winding thethread upon spindles, which makes a most unpleasant creaking noise. KapinikÄ“r, from kapini, a technical term used for cutting the loom off, means to make short work of an undesirable person. A man who is past middle age is called porkut phillias, which, in weavers’ parlance, means that half the loom is turned.â€PatnÅ«kÄran marriage wall design.PatnÅ«kÄran marriage wall design.PatrÄ.—The PatrÄs are an Oriya caste, which is divided into two sections, one of which is engaged in the manufacture of silk (pata) waist-threads, tassels, etc., and the other in weaving silk cloths. The members of the two sections do not interdine. The former have exogamous septs or bamsams, the names of which are also used as titles,e.g., SÄhu, PÄtro, and Prushti. The latter have exogamous septs, such as Tenga, Jaggali, Telaga, and MahÄnÄyako, and BÄ“hara and NÄyako as titles. The chief headman of the cloth-weaving section is called MahÄnÄyako, and there are other officers called BÄ“hara and Bhollobaya. The headman of the other section is called SÄ“nÄpati, and he is assisted by a Dhanapati. Infant marriage is the rule, and, if a girl does not secure a husband before she reaches maturity, she must, if she belongs to the cloth-weaving section, go through a form of marriage with an old man, and, if to the other section, with an arrow.The Telugu PatrÄs are summed up, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as “a Telugu caste of hunters and cultivators, found chiefly in the districts of Cuddapah and Kurnool. It has two divisions, the Doras (chiefs), and Gurikalas (marksmen), the former of which is supposed to be descended from the old Poligars (feudal chiefs), and the latter from their followers and servants. This theory is supported by the fact that, at the weddings of Gurikalas, the Doras receive the first pÄn-supÄri (betel leaf and areca nut). Widows may not remarry, noris divorce recognised. They usually employ BrÄhmans at marriages, and SÄtÄnis at funerals. Though they are Vaishnavites, they also worship village deities, such as Gangamma and Ellamma. They bury their dead, and perform annual srÄddhas (memorial services for the dead). They will eat with Gollas. Their title is Naidu.â€PÄtramÄ“la.—PÄtramÄ“la, or PÄtradÄ“va, is the name of a class of dancing girls in South Canara. PÄtramÄ“la, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,89is the name by which the Konkani KalÄvants (courtezans) are known above the ghauts.PÄtro.—The title of the head of a group of villages in Ganjam, and also recorded, at times of census, as a title of Alia, KÄlinga KÅmati, Dolai, and Jaggala. The conferring of a cloth (sÄdhi) on a PÄtro is said to be emblematic of conferring an estate. The PÄtro, among other perquisites, is entitled to a fee on occasions of marriage. I am informed that, in the Ganjam MÄliahs, if a Kondh was unable to pay the fee, he met his love at night beneath two trysting trees, and retired with her into the jungle for three days and nights.PÄtrudu.—The title, meaning those who are fit to receive a gift, of Aiyarakulu and NagarÄlu.PÄttadhikÄri.—A class of Jangams, who have settled head-quarters.Pattan.—The equivalent of the BrÄhman Bhatta. A name by which some KammÄlans, especially goldsmiths, style themselves.Pattanavada.—A synonym for the MogÄ“r fishing caste, the settlements of which are called pattana.Pattanavan.—The fishermen on the east coast, from the Kistna to the Tanjore district, are popularlycalled KaraiyÄn, or sea-shore people. Some KaraiyÄns have, at times of census, returned themselves as Taccha (carpenter) KaraiyÄns.Pattanavan means literally a dweller in a town or pattanam, which word occurs in the names of various towns on the sea-coast,e.g., NÄgapattanam (Negapatam), Chennapattanam (Madras). The Pattanavans have two main divisions, Periya (big) and Chinna (small), and, in some places, for example, at Nadukuppam in the Nellore district, exogamous septs,e.g., Gengananga, PÄ“yananga, Kathananga (children of Ganga, PÄ“yan, and Kathanar), and Kullananga (children of dwarfs). In the Telugu country, they go by the name of Pattapu or TÅ«livÄndlu.Some Pattanavans give themselves high-sounding caste titles,e.g., Ä€riyar, Ayyayiraththalaivar (the five thousand chiefs), Ä€riya NÄttu Chetti (Chettis of the Ariyar country), Acchu VellÄla, Karaiturai (sea-coast) VellÄla, Varunakula VellÄla or Varunakula Mudali after Varuna, the god of the waters, or Kurukula vamsam after Kuru, the ancestor of the Kauravas. Some Pattanavans have adopted the title Pillai.The Pattanavans are said to be inferior to the Sembadavans, who will not accept food at their hands, and discard even an earthen pot which has been touched by a Pattanavan.Concerning the origin of the caste, there is a legend that the Pattanavans were giving silk thread to Siva, and were hence called Pattanavar, a corruption of Pattanaivor, meaning knitters of silk thread. They were at the time all bachelors, and Siva suggested the following method of securing wives for them. They were told to go out fishing in the sea, and make of their catch as many heaps as there were bachelors. Each of themthen stood before a heap, and called for a wife, who was created therefrom. According to another story, some five thousand years ago, during the age of the lunar race, there was one Dasa RÄja, who was ruling near HastinÄpura, and was childless. To secure offspring, he prayed to god, and did severe penance. In answer to his prayer, God pointed out a tank full of lotus flowers, and told the king to go thither, and call for children. Thereon, five thousand children issued forth from the flowers, to the eldest of whom the king bequeathed his kingdom, and to the others money in abundance. Those who received the money travelled southward in ships, which were wrecked, and they were cast ashore. This compelled them to make friends of local sea fishermen, whose profession they adopted. At the present day, the majority of Pattanavans are sea-fishermen, and catch fish with nets from catamarans. “Fancy,†it has been written,90“a raft of only three logs of wood, tied together at each end when they go out to sea, and untied and left to dry on the beach when they come in again. Each catamaran has one, two or three men to manage it; they sit crouched on it upon their heels, throwing their paddles about very dexterously, but remarkably unlike rowing. In one of the early Indian voyager’s log-books there is an entry concerning a catamaran: ‘This morning, 6A.M., saw distinctly two black devils playing at single stick. We watched these infernal imps about an hour, when they were lost in the distance. Surely this doth portend some great tempest.’ It is very curious to watch these catamarans putting out to sea. They get through the fiercest surf, sometimes dancing at their ease on the top of the waters, sometimes hidden underthe waters; sometimes the man completely washed off his catamaran, and man floating one way and catamaran another, till they seem to catch each other again by magic.†In 1906, a fisherman was going out in his catamaran to fish outside the Madras harbour, and was washed off his craft, and dashed violently against a rock. Death was instantaneous. Of the catamaran, the following account is given by Colonel W. Campbell.91“Of all the extraordinary craft which the ingenuity of man has ever invented, a Madras catamaran is the most extraordinary, the most simple, and yet, in proper hands, the most efficient. It is merely three rough logs of wood, firmly lashed together with ropes formed from the inner bark of the cocoanut tree. Upon this one, two, or three men, according to the size of the catamaran, sit on their heels in a kneeling posture, and, defying wind and weather, make their way through the raging surf which beats upon the coast, and paddle out to sea at times when no other craft can venture to face it. At a little distance, the slight fabric on which these adventurous mariners float becomes invisible, and a fleet of them approaching the land presents the absurd appearance of a host of savage-looking natives wading out towards the ship, up to their middle in water.†“A catamaran,†Lady Dufferin writes,92in an account of a state arrival at Madras, “is two logs of wood lashed together, forming a very small and narrow raft. The rower wears a ‘fool’s cap,’ in which he carries letters (also betel and tobacco), and, when he encounters a big wave, he leaves his boat, slips through the wave himself, and picks up his catamaran on the other side of it. Some very large deep barges (masÅ«la boats), the planks of which aresewn together to give elasticity, and the interstices stuffed with straw, came out for us, with a guard of honour of the mosquito fleet, as the catamarans are called, on either side of them; two of the fool’s cap men, and a flag as big as the boat itself, on each one.†The present day masÅ«la or mussoola boat, or surf boat of the Coromandel Coast, is of the same build as several centuries ago. It is recorded,93in 1673, that “I went ashore in a Mussoola, a boat wherein ten men paddle, the two aftermost of whom are the Steers-men, using their Paddles instead of a Rudder: The Boat is not strengthened with knee-timber, as ours are; the bended Planks are sowed together with Rope-yarn of the Cocoe, and calked with Dammar so artificially that it yields to every ambitious surf. Otherwise we could not get ashore, the Bar knocking in pieces all that are inflexible.†The old records of Madras contain repeated references to Europeans being drowned from overturning ofmasÅ«laboats in the surf, through which a landing had to be effected before the harbour was built.In 1907, two Madras fishermen were invested with silver wrist bangles, bearing a suitable inscription, which were awarded by the Government in recognition of their bravery in saving the lives of a number of boatmen during a squall in the harbour.The following are the fishes, which are caught by the fishermen off Madras and eaten by Europeans:—Cybium guttatum,Bl. Schn.Seir.Cybium Commersonii, Lacep. Seir.Cybium lanceolatum,Cuv. & Val.Seir.Sillago sihama,Forsk.Whiting.Stromateus cinereus,Bloch.—Immature, silver pomfret.Adult, grey pomfret.Stromateus niger,Bloch. Black pomfret.Mugal subviridis,Cuv. & Val.Mullet.Psettodes erumei,Bl. Schn.‘Sole.’Lates calcarifer,Bloch. Cock-up; the begti of Calcutta.Lutjanus roseus,Day.Lutjanus marginatus,Cuv. & Val.Polynemus tetradactylus,Shaw.Chorinemus lysan,Forsk.‘Whitebait.’The Pattanavans are Saivites, but also worship various minor gods and GrÄma DÄ“vatas (village deities). In some places, they regard KuttiyÄndavan as their special sea god. To him animal sacrifices are not made, but goats are sacrificed to Sembu VÄ«rappan or MÄ«nnodum Pillai, an attendant on KuttiyÄndavan. In Tanjore, the names of the sea gods are PÄvadairÄyan and Padaithalaidaivam. Before setting out on a fishing expedition, the Pattanavans salute the god, the sea, and the nets. In the Tanjore district, they repair their nets once in eight days, and, before they go out fishing, pray to their gods to favour them with a big catch. On a fixed day, they make offerings to the gods on their return from fishing. The gods PÄvadairÄyan and Padaithalaidaivam are represented by large conical heaps of wet sand and mud, and Ayyanar, Ellamma, KuttiyÄndavar, MuthyÄlrouthar and KiliyÄ“ndhi by smaller heaps. At the MÄsimakam festival, the Pattanavans worship their gods on the sea-shore. The names JÄttan and JÄtti are given to children during the JÄtre or periodic festival of the village goddesses.The Pattanavans afford a good example of a caste, in which the time-honoured village council (panchÄyat) is no empty, powerless body. For every settlement or village there are one or more headmen called YejamÄnan, who are assisted by a ThandakÄran and a Paraiyan ChalavÄthi. All these offices are hereditary. Questions connected with the community, such as disrespect to elders, breach of social etiquette, insult, abuse, assault, adultery, or drinking or eating with men of lower caste, are enquired into by the council. Even when disputes are settled in courts of law, they must come before the council. Within the community, the headman is all powerful, and his decision is, in most instances, considered final. If, however, his verdict is not regarded as equitable, the case is referred to a caste headman, who holds sway over a group of villages. No ceremony may be performed without the sanction of the local headman, and the details of ceremonies, except the feasting, are arranged by the headman and the ThandakÄran. In the case of a proposed marriage, the match is broken off if the headman objects to it. He should be present at the funeral rites, and see that the details thereof are properly carried out. It is the duty of the ChalavÄthi to convey the news of a death to the relations. Should he come to the shore when the fishes are heaped up, he has the right to take a few thereof as his perquisite. The ThandakÄran, among other duties, has to summon council meetings. When the members of council have assembled, he ushers in the parties who have to appear before it, and salutes the assembly by prostrating himself on the floor. The parties take a bit of straw, or other object, and place it before the headman in token that they are willing to abide by the decision of the council. This formality is called placing the agreement (muchchilika).The consent of the maternal uncles is necessary before a pair can be united in matrimony. When the wedding day has been fixed, the bridegroom’s party distribute grÄma thÄmbÅ«lam (village pÄn-supÄri or betel) to the headman and villagers. The marriage milk-post is made ofMimusops hexandra,Erythrina indica,Casuarina equisetifolia, the green wood of some other tree, or even a pestle. In one form of the marriage ceremony, which varies in detail according to locality, the bridegroom, on the arrival of the bride at the pandal (booth), puts on the sacred thread, and the BrÄhman purÅhit makes the sacred fire, and pours ghÄ« (clarified butter) into it. The bridegroom ties the tÄli round the bride’s neck, and the maternal uncles tie flat silver or gold plates, called pattam, on the foreheads of the contracting couple. Rings are put on their second toes by the brother-in-law of the bridegroom and the maternal uncle of the bride. Towards evening, the sacred thread, the threads which have been tied to the marriage pots and the milk-post, and grain seedlings used at the ceremony, are thrown into the sea. Some Pattanavans allow a couple to live together as man and wife after the betrothal, but before the marriage ceremony. This is, however, on condition that the latter is performed as soon as it is convenient. The remarriage of widows is freely permitted. No marriage pandal is erected, and the bridegroom, or a female relation, ties the tÄli on the bride’s neck within the house. Such marriage is, therefore, called naduvÄ«ttu (interior of the house) tÄli. When a woman, who has been guilty of adultery, is remarried, a turmeric string is substituted for the golden tÄli, and is tied on the bride’s neck by a woman.Pattanavan.Pattanavan.Some Pattanavans have adopted the custom of burying their dead in a seated posture (samathi). If acorpse is cremated, fire is carried to the burning-ground by a barber. When the corpse has been laid on the pyre, rice is thrown over it. The son, accompanied by a barber and a Panisavan or washerman, and carrying a pot of water on his shoulder, goes thrice round the pyre. At the third round, the Panisavan or washerman makes holes in the pot, and it is thrown away. On the day of the funeral, all the agnates shave their heads. On the following day, they go to the burial or burning ground with tender cocoanuts, milk, cakes, etc., and Arichandra, who presides over the burial-ground, is worshipped. Milk is then poured over the grave, or the remains of the bones, which are thrown into the sea. On the night of the fifteenth day, Panisavans blow the conch and horn, and red cloths are presented to the widow of the deceased by her relations. At about 4A.M., a white cloth is thrown on her neck, and the tÄli string is cut by an old woman. The tÄli is removed therefrom, and dropped into a new pot filled with water. Hence, a form of abuse among Pattanavan women is, May your tÄli be snapped, and thrown into water. The tÄli is removed from the pot, which is thrown into the sea. The tÄli is laid on a dish containing milk, and all those who visit the widow must set eyes on it before they see her.In the city of Madras, the Pattanavans have the privilege of supplying bearers at temples, and the atmosphere surrounding them as they carry the idols on their sturdy shoulders through Triplicane is said to be “redolent of brine and the toddy shop.â€In a judgment of the High Court of Judicature, Madras, it is recorded that, in the eighteenth century, some boat-owners and boatmen belonging to the Curukula Vamsha or Varunakula Mudali caste, whowere residing at Chepauk in the city of Madras, had embraced Christianity, and worshipped in a chapel, which had been erected by voluntary contributions. In 1799 the site of their village was required for public purposes, and they obtained in lieu of it a grant of land at Royapuram, where a chapel was built. Partly by taxes levied on boatmen, and partly by tolls they were allowed to impose on persons for frequenting the Royapuram bazar, a fund was formed to provide for their spiritual wants, and this fund was administered by the Marine Board. In 1829, a portion of the fund was expended in the erection of the church of St. Peter, Royapuram, and the fund was transferred to Government. The administration of the fund has been the source of litigation in the High Court.94It is noted by Mrs. F. E. Penny that some of the fisherfolk “adopted Xavier as their special patron saint, and, as time passed, almost deified him. In the present day, they appeal to him in times of danger, crying ‘Xavier! Xavier! Xavier!’ in storm and peril. Even if they are unfortunate in their catch when fishing, they turn to their saint for succour.â€As a numismatist, I resent the practice resorted to by some fishermen of melting old lead coins, and converting them into sinkers for their nets.Pattapu.—Pattapu for TulivÄndlu is a name for Tamil Pattanavans, who have migrated to the Telugu country. Pattapu also occurs as a sub-division of Yerukala.Pattar.—The Pattars are Tamil BrÄhmans, who have settled in Malabar. The name is said to be derived from the Sanskrit bhatta. It is noted, in theMadras Census Report, 1901, that Pattar (teacher) has been recently assumed as a title by some NÅkkans in Tanjore. (SeeBrÄhman.)Pattariar.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a Tamil corruption of Pattu SÄliyan (silk-weaver). Pattariar or Pattalia is a synonym of Tamil-speaking SÄliyans.PattegÄra(headman).—An exogamous sept of Okkiliyan.Pattindla(silk house).—An exogamous sept of TÅta Balija.Pattola MÄ“nÅn.—Recorded, in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, as a sub-caste of NÄyars, who are accountants in aristocratic families.PÄttukuruppu.—Recorded in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as synonymous with VÄtti, a sub-division of NÄyar.Pattu SÄlÄ“.—A sub-division of SÄlÄ“s, who weave silk (pattu) fabrics.Pattuvitan.—Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of NÄyar.PatvÄ“gÄra.—The PatvÄ“gÄras or PattÄ“gÄras (pattu, silk) of South Canara are described by Mr. H. A. Stuart95as “a Canarese caste of silk weavers. They are Hindus, and worship both Siva and Vishnu, but their special deity is Durga ParamÄ“svari at BarkÅ«r. They wear the sacred thread, and employ BrÄhmans for ceremonial purposes. They are governed by a body called the ten men, and pay allegiance to the guru of the RÄmachandra math (religious institution). They are divided into balis (septs) and a man may not marry within his own bali. Polygamy is allowed only when awife is barren, or suffers from some incurable disease, such as leprosy. The girls are married in infancy, and the binding portion of the ceremony is called dhÄre (seeBant). Widow marriage is not permitted, and divorce is only allowed in the case of an adulterous wife. They follow the ordinary Hindu law of inheritance. The dead are cremated. The srÄdha (memorial) ceremony is in use, and the MahÄlaya ceremony for the propitiation of ancestors in general is performed annually. Female ancestors are also worshipped every year at a ceremony called vaddap, when meals are given to married women. They eat fish but not meat, and the use of alcohol is not permitted.â€In the Mysore Census Report, 1891, the PatvÄ“gÄrs are described as “silk weavers who speak a corrupt MarÄthi conglomerate of GuzarÄti and Hindi. They worship all the Hindu deities, especially the female energy under the name of SÄkti, to which a goat is sacrificed on the night of the Dasara festival, a Musalman slaughtering the animal. After the sacrifice, the family of the PatvÄ“gÄr partake of the flesh. Many of their females are naturally fair and handsome, but lose their beauty from early marriage and precocity.†A few PattÄ“gÄras, who speak a corrupt form of MarÄthi, are to be found in the Anantapur district.Pavalamkatti(wearers of corals).—A sub-division of Konga VellÄla.Pavini.—SeeVayani.PayyampÄti.—Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of NÄyar.Pedakanti.—Pedakanti or Pedaganti is the name of a sub-division of KÄpu. It is said by some to be derived from a place called Pedagallu. By others it is derived from peda, turned aside, and kamma, eye,indicating one who turns his eyes away from a person who speaks to him. Yet another suggestion is that it means stiff-necked.Pedda(big).—A sub-division of BÅya, Bagata, Konda Dora, Pattapu, and Velama.PeddammavÄndlu.—A fancy name taken by some Telugu beggars.Pedditi.—A sub-division of Golla, some members of which earn a livelihood by begging and flattery.PÄ“gula(intestines).—An exogamous sept of BÅya.Pekkan.—A division of Toda.Pendukal(women).—A name applied to DÄ“va-dÄsis in Travancore.Pengu.—A sub-division of Poroja.PennÄ“gÄra.—Konkani-speaking rice-beaters in South Canara.Pentiya.—The Pentiyas also call themselves Holuva and HalabÄ or HalbÄ. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, they are called Pantia as well as Pentiya, and described as Oriya betel-leaf (panno) sellers. Their occupation, in the Jeypore Agency tracts, is that of cultivators. According to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, to whom I am indebted for the following note, numbers of them migrated thither from Bustar, and settled at Pentikonna, and are hence called Pentikonaya or Pentiya. Their language is Halba, which is easily understood by those who speak Oriya. They are divided into two endogamous sections, called Bodo (big or genuine), and Sanno (little), of whom the latter are said to be illegitimate descendants of the former. The Bodos are further sub-divided into a series of septs,e.g., Kurum (tortoise), BhÄg (tiger), NÄg (cobra), and SÅ«rya (sun). The caste is highly organized, and the head of a local centre iscalled Bhatha NÄyako. He is assisted by a PradhÄni, an Umriya NÄyako, and DolÄyi. The caste messenger is called CholÄno, and he carries a silver baton when he summons the castemen to a meeting. An elaborate ceremony is performed when a person, who has been tried by the caste council, is to be received back into the caste. He is accompanied to the bank of a stream, where his tongue is burnt with a gold or silver wire or ornament by the Bhatha NÄyako, and some offerings from the JagannÄtha temple at PÅ«ri are given to him. He is then taken home, and provides a feast, at which the NÄyako has the privilege of eating first. He has further to make a present of cloths to the assembled elders, and the four heads of the caste receive a larger quantity than the others. The feast over, he is again taken, carrying some cooked rice, to the stream, and with it pushed therein. This ceremonial bath frees him from pollution.Girls are married either before or after puberty. A man can claim his paternal aunt’s daughter in marriage. The bridegroom’s party proceed, with the bridegroom, to the bride’s village, and take up their abode in a separate house. They then take three cloths for the bride’s mother, three rupees for her father, and a cloth and two annas for each of her brothers, and present them together with rice, liquor, and other articles. Pandals (booths) are erected in front of the quarters of the bridal couple, that of the bridegroom being made of nine, and that of the bride of five sÄl (Shorea robusta) poles, to which a pot containing myrabolams (Terminaliafruits) and rice is tied. The couple bathe, and the bridegroom proceeds to the house of the bride. The DÄ“sÄri, who officiates, dons the sacred thread, and divides the pandal into two by means of a screen or curtain. The couplego seven times round the pandal, and the screen is removed. They then enter the pandal, and the DÄ“sÄri links their little fingers together. The day’s ceremony concludes with a feast. On the following day, the bride is conducted to the house of the bridegroom, and they sprinkle each other with turmeric water. They then bathe in a stream or river. Another feast is held, with much drinking, and is followed by a wild dance. The remarriage of widows is permitted, and a younger brother may marry the widow of his elder brother. The dead are burnt, and death pollution is observed for ten days, during which the relatives of the deceased are fed by members of another sept. On the tenth day a caste feast takes place.The Pentiyas are said96to distribute rice, and other things, to BrÄhmans, once a year on the new-moon day in the month of BhÄdrapadam (September-October), and to worship a female deity named KÄmilli on Saturdays. No one, I am informed, other, I presume, than a Pentiya, would take anything from a house where she is worshipped, lest the goddess should accompany him, and require him to become her devotee.The caste title is NÄyako.Peraka(tile).—An exogamous sept of DÄ“vÄnga.Perike.—This word is defined, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as meaning literally a gunny bag, and the Perikes are summed up as being a Telugu caste of gunny bag (goni) weavers, corresponding to the Janappans of the Tamil districts. Gunny bag is the popular and trading name of the coarse sacking and sacks made from the fibre of jute, much used in Indian trade. It is noted, in the Census Report, 1891, that“the Perikes claim to be a separate caste, but they seem to be in reality a sub-division, and not a very exalted sub-division, of Balijas, being in fact identical with the Uppu (salt) Balijas. Their hereditary occupation is carrying salt, grain, etc., on bullocks and donkeys in perikes or packs. Perike is found among the sub-divisions of both Kavarai and Balija. Some of them, however, have attained considerable wealth, and now claim to be Kshatriyas, saying that they are the descendants of the Kshatriyas who ran away (piriki, a coward) from the persecution of ParasurÄma. Others again say they are Kshatriyas who went into retirement, and made hills (giri) their abode (puri).†These Perike ‘Kshatriyas’ are known as Puragiri Kshatriya and Giri RÄzu. The Periki Balijas are described, in the Vizagapatam Manual, as chiefly carrying on cultivation and trade, and some of them are said to hold a high position at ‘the Presidency’ (Madras) and in the Vizagapatam district.Perike women appear to have frequently committed sati (or suttee) on the death of their husbands in former days, and the names of those who thus sacrificed their lives are still held in reverence. A peculiar custom among the Perikes is the erection of big square structures (brindÄvanam), in which a tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) is planted, on the spot where the ashes of the dead are buried after cremation. I am informed that a fine series of these structures may be seen at ChÄ«purapalli, close to Vizianagram. As a mark of respect to the dead, passers-by usually place a lac bangle or flowers thereon. The usual titles of the Perikes are Anna and Ayya, but some style themselves Rao (= RÄya, king) or RÄyadu, in reference totheiralleged Kshatriya origin.For the following note on the Perikes of the GodÄvari district, I am indebted to Mr. F. R. Hemingway. “Like some of the Kammas, they claim to be of Kshatriya stock, and say they are of the lineage of Parasu RÄma, but were driven out by him for kidnapping his sister, while pretending to be gunny-bag weavers. They say that they were brought to this country by king Nala of the MahÄbhÄrata, in gratitude for their having taken care of his wife Damayanti when he quitted her during his misfortunes. They support the begging caste of Varugu Bhattas, who, they say, supported them during their exile, and to whom they gave a sanad (deed of grant) authorising them to demand alms. These people go round the Perike houses for their dues every year. The PÄ«su Perikes, who still weave gunny-bags, are said not to belong to the caste proper, members of which style themselves RÄcha Perikes.“The Perikes say that, like the KÅmatis, they have 101 gÅtras. Their marriage ceremonies are peculiar. On the day of the wedding, the bride and bridegroom are made to fast, as also are three male relatives, whom they call suribhaktas. At the marriage, the couple sit on a gunny-bag, and another gunny, on which a representation of the god Mailar is drawn or painted, is spread between them. The same god is drawn on two pots, and these, and also a third pot, are filled with rice and dhÄl (Cajanus indicus), which are cooked by two married women. The food is then offered to Mailar. Next, the three suribhaktas take 101 cotton threads, fasten them together, and tie seven knots in them. The bride and bridegroom are given cloths which have been partly immersed in water coloured with turmeric and chunam (lime), and the suribhaktas are fed with the rice and dhÄl cooked in the pots. The couple are then taken roundthe village in procession, and, on their return, the knotted cotton threads are tied round the bride’s neck instead of a tÄli.Some Perikes style themselves SÄthu vÄndlu, meaning a company of merchants or travellers.Perike Muggula is the name of a class of Telugu mendicants and exorcists.Periya(big).—Periya or PeriyanÄn has been recorded as a sub-division of KÄralan, Kunnuvan, ÅŒcchan, and Pattanavan. The equivalent Peru or Perum occurs as a sub-division of the MalayÄlam Kollans and VannÄns and Perim of KÄnikars. Periya illom is the name of an exogamous illom of KÄnikars in Travancore.PerugadannÄya(bandicoot rat sept).—An exogamous sept of Bant.Perum TÄli(big tÄli).—A sub-division of Idaiyan, and of KaikÅlans, whose women wear a big tÄli (marriage badge).PerumÄl.—PerumÄl is a synonym of Vishnu, and the name is taken by some Pallis who are staunch Vaishnavites. A class of mendicants, who travel about exhibiting performing bulls in the southern part of the Madras Presidency, is known as PerumÄl MÄdukkÄran or PerumÄl ErudukkÄran. Perumalathillom, meaning apparently big mountain house, is an exogamous sept or illom of the KÄnikars of Travancore.Pesala(seeds ofPhaseolus Mungo: green gram).—An exogamous sept of JÅgi.PÄ“ta(street).—A sub-division of Balija.PettigeyavÄru(box).—A sub-division of GangadikÄra Vakkaliga.Pichiga(sparrow).—An exogamous sept of BÅya and DÄ“vÄnga. The equivalent Pital occurs as a sept of MÄla.Pichigunta.—The name Pichigunta means literally an assembly of beggars, who are described97as being, in the Telugu country, a class of mendicants, who are herbalists, and physic people for fever, stomach-ache, and other ailments. They beat the village drums, relate stories and legends, and supply the place of a Herald’s Office, as they have a reputation for being learned in family histories, and manufacture pedigrees and gÅtras (house names) for KÄpus, Kammas, Gollas, and others.The Picchai or Pinchikuntar are described in the Salem Manual as “servants to the KudiÄnavars or cultivators—a name commonly assumed by VellÄlas and Pallis. The story goes that a certain VellÄla had a hundred and two children, of whom only one was a female. Of the males, one was lame, and his hundred brothers made a rule that one would provide him with one kolagam of grain and one fanam (a coin) each year. They got him married to a Telugu woman of a different caste, and the musicians who attended the ceremony were paid nothing, the brothers alleging that, as the bridegroom was a cripple, the musicians should officiate from charitable motives. The descendants of this married pair, having no caste of their own, became known as Picchi or Pinchikuntars (beggars, or lame). They are treated as kudipinnai (inferior) by VellÄlas, and to the present day receive their prescribed miras (fee) from the VellÄla descendants of the hundred brothers, to whom, on marriage and other festivals, they do service by relating the genealogies of such VellÄlas as they are acquainted with. Some serve the VellÄlas in the fields, and others live by begging.â€97The caste beggars of the Tottiyans are known as Pichiga-vÄdu.Pidakala(cow-dung cakes or bratties).—An exogamous sept of DÄ“vÄnga. Dried cow-dung cakes are largely used by natives as fuel, and may be seen stuck on to the walls of houses.PidÄran.—A section of AmbalavÄsis, who, according to Mr. Logan98“drinkliquor, exorcise devils, and are worshippers of BhadrakÄli or of Sakti. The name is also applied to snake-catchers, and it was probably conferred on the caste owing to the snake being an emblem of the human passion embodied in the deities they worship.â€Pilapalli.—The Pilapallis are a small caste or community in Travancore, concerning which Mr. S. Subramanya Aiyar writes as follows.99“The following sketch will show what trifling circumstances are sufficient in this land of ParasurÄma to call a new caste into existence. The word Pilapally is supposed to be a corruption of BelÄl Thalli, meaning forcibly ejected. It therefore contains, as though in a nutshell, the history of the origin of this little community, which it is used to designate. In the palmy days of the Chempakasseri RÄjas, about the year 858 M.E., there lived at the court of the then ruling Prince at Ambalappuzha a NambÅ«ri BrÄhman who stood high in the Prince’s favour, and who therefore became an eye-sore to all his fellow courtiers. The envy and hatred of the latter grew to such a degree that one day they put their heads together to devise a plan which should at once strip him of all influence at court, and humble him in the eyes of the public. The device hit upon was a strange one, and characteristic of that dim and distantpast. The NambÅ«ri was the custodian of all presents made to the Prince, and as such it was a part of his daily work to arrange the articles presented in their proper places. It was arranged that one day a dead fish, beautifully tied up and covered, should be placed among the presents laid before the Prince. The victim of the plot, little suspecting there was treachery in the air, removed all the presents as usual with his own hand. His enemies at court, who were but waiting for an opportunity of humbling him to the dust, thereupon caused the bundle to be examined before the Prince, when it became evident that it contained a dead fish. Now, for a NambÅ«ri to handle a dead fish was, according to custom, sufficient to make him lose caste. On the strength of this argument, the Prince, who was himself a BrÄhmin, was easily prevailed upon to put the NambÅ«ri out of the pale of caste, and the court favourite was immediately excommunicated. There is another and a slightly different version of the story, according to which the NambÅ«ri in question was the hereditary priest of the royal house, to whom fell the duty of removing and preserving the gifts. In course of time he grew so arrogant that the Prince himself wanted to get rid of him, but, the office of the priest being hereditary, he did not find an easy way of accomplishing his cherished object, and, after long deliberation with those at court in whom he could confide, came at last to the solution narrated above. It is this forcible ejection that the expression BelÄl Thalli (afterwards changed into Pilapally) is said to import.... It appears that the unfortunate NambÅ«ri had two wives, both of whom elected to share his fate. Accordingly, the family repaired to ParavÅ«r, a village near Kallarkode, where their royal patron made them a gift of land. Although they quitted Ambalapuzhafor good, they seem to have long owned there a madathummuri (a room in a series, in which BrÄhmins from abroad once lived and traded), and are said to be still entitled daily to a measure of pÄlpayasom from the temple, a sweet pudding of milk, rice and sugar, celebrated all over Malabar for its excellence. The progeny of the family now count in all about ninety members, who live in eight or nine different houses.â€Pillai.—Pillai, meaning child, is in the Tamil country primarily the title of VellÄlas, but has, at recent times of census, been returned as the title of a number of classes, which include Agamudaiyan, AmbalakÄran, Golla, Idaiyan, NÄyar, NÅkkan, Panisavan, Panikkan, Paraiyan, SaiyakkÄran, Sembadavan and SÄ“naikkudaiyÄns. Pilla is further used as the title of the male offspring of DÄ“va-dÄsis. Many Paraiyan butlers of Europeans have assumed the title Pillai as an honorific suffix to their name. So, too, have some criminal Koravas, who pose as VellÄlas.PillaikÅ«ttam.—Recorded, in the Manual of the North Arcot district, as a bastard branch of VÄniyan.Pillaiyarpatti(GanÄ“sa village).—An exogamous section or kÅvil of NÄttukÅttai Chetti.Pilli(cat).—An exogamous sept of Chembadi, MÄla, and MÄ“dara.PindÄri.—In the Madras Census Report, 1901, fifty-nine PindÄris are returned as a Bombay caste of personal servants. They are more numerous in the Mysore province, where more than two thousand were returned in the same year as being engaged in agriculture and Government service. The PindÄris were formerly celebrated as a notorious class of freebooters, who, in the seventeenth century, attached themselves to the MarÄthas in their revolt against AurangzÄ«b, and for a longtime afterwards, committed raids in all directions, extending their operations to Southern India. It is on record that “in a raid made upon the coast extending from Masulipatam northward, the PindÄris in ten days plundered 339 villages, burning many, killing and wounding 682 persons, torturing 3,600, and carrying off or destroying property to the amount of £250,000.â€100They were finally suppressed, in Central India, during the Viceroyalty of the Marquis of Hastings, in 1817.Pindi(flour).—An exogamous sept of MÄla.PinjÄri(cotton-cleaner).—A synonym for DÅ«dÄ“kula. Pinjala (cotton) occurs as an exogamous sept of DÄ“vÄnga.Pippala(pepper:Piper longum).—An exogamous sept or gÅtra of Gamalla and KÅmati.PishÄrati.—The PishÄratis or PishÄrodis are summed up in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as being a sub-caste of AmbalavÄsis, which makes flower garlands, and does menial service in the temples. As regards their origin, the legend runs to the effect that a SwÄmiyar, or BrÄhman ascetic, once had a disciple of the same caste, who wished to become a SanyÄsi or anchorite. All the ceremonies prior to shaving the head of the novice were completed, when, alarmed at the prospect of a cheerless life and the severe austerities incidental thereto, he made himself scarce. PishÄra denotes a SanyÄsi’s pupil, and as he, after running away, was called PishÄrÅdi, the children born to him of a Parasava woman by a subsequent marriage were called PishÄratis. In his ‘Early Sovereigns of Travancore,’ Mr. Sundaram Pillay says that the PishÄrati’s “puzzling position among the Malabar castes, half monk and half layman, is far from being accounted for by the silly and fanciful modern derivationof PishÄrakal plus Odi, PishÄrakal being more mysterious than PishÄrati itself.†It is suggested by him that PishÄrati is a corruption of BhattÄraka-tiruvadi. According to the Jati-nirnaya, the BhattÄrakas are a community degraded from the BrÄhmans during the TrÄ“tÄ YÅ«ga. As far as we are able to gather from mediæval Travancore inscriptions, an officer known as Pidara-tiruvadi was attached to every temple. It is known that he used to receive large perquisites for temple service, and that extensive rice-lands were given to the Bhattakara of Nelliyur. It is noted, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that “the traditional etymology of the name PishÄrodi refers it to a SanyÄsi novice, who, deterred by the prospects of the hardship of life on which he was about to enter, ran away (odi) at the last moment, after he had been divested of the pÅ«nÅ«l (thread), but before he had performed the final ceremony of plunging thrice in a tank (pond), and of plucking out, one at each plunge, the last three hairs of his kudumi (the rest of which had been shaved off). But the termination ‘Odi’ is found in other caste titles such as AdiyÅdi and VallÅdi, and the definition is obviously fanciful, while it does not explain the meaning of PishÄr.â€The houses of PishÄratis are called pishÄram. Their primary occupation is to prepare garlands of flowers for Vaishnava temples, but they frequently undertake the talikazhakam or sweeping service in temples. Being learned men, and good Sanskrit scholars, they are employed as Sanskrit and MalayÄlam tutors in the families of those of high rank, and, in consequence, make free use of the title Asan. They are strict Vaishnavites, and the ashtÄkshara, or eight letters relating to Vishnu, as opposed to the panchÄkshara or five letters relating to Siva, forms their daily hymn ofprayer. They act as their own caste priests, but for the punyÄha or purificatory ceremony and the initiation into the ashtÄkshara, which are necessary on special occasions, the services of BrÄhmans are engaged.The PishÄratis celebrate the tÄli-kettu ceremony before the girl reaches puberty. The most important item therein is the joining of the hands of the bride and bridegroom. The planting of a jasmine shoot is observed as an indispensable preliminary rite. The events between this and the joining of hands are the same as with other AmbalavÄsis. The bride and bridegroom bathe, and wear clothes touched by each other. The girl’s mother then gives her a wedding garland and a mirror, with which she sits, her face covered with a cloth. The cherutÄli, or marriage ornament, is tied by the bridegroom round the girl’s neck. If this husband dies, the tÄli has to be removed, and the widow observes pollution. Her sons have to make oblations of cooked rice, and, for all social and religious purposes, the woman is regarded as a widow, though she is not debarred from contracting a sambandham (alliance) with a man of her own caste, or a BrÄhman. If the wife dies, the husband has, in like manner, to observe pollution, and make oblations of cooked rice. There are cases in which the tÄli-kettu is performed by a PishÄrati, and sambandham contracted with a BrÄhman. If the tÄli-tier becomes the husband, no separate cloth-giving ceremony need be gone through by him after the girl has reached puberty.Inheritance is in the female line, so much so that a wife and children are not entitled to compensation for the performance of a man’s funeral rites.No particular month is fixed for the name-giving rite, as it suffices if this is performed before the annaprasanaceremony. The maternal uncle first names the child. When it is four or six months old, it is taken out to see the sun. On the occasion of the annaprasana, which usually takes place in the sixth month, the maternal uncle gives the first mouthful of cooked rice to the child by means of a golden ring. The Yatrakali serves as the night’s entertainment for the assembled guests. NambÅ«tiris are invited to perform the purificatory ceremony known as punyÄha, but the consecrated water is only sprinkled over the roof of the house. The inmates thereof protrude their heads beneath the eaves so as to get purified, as the BrÄhmans do not pour the water over them. The chaula or tonsure takes place at the third year of a child’s life. The maternal uncle first touches the boy’s head with a razor, and afterwards the MÄrÄn and barber do the same. The initiation into the ashtÄkshara takes place at the age of sixteen. On an auspicious day, a BrÄhman brings a pot of water, consecrated in a temple, to the pishÄram, and pours its contents on the head of the lad who is to be initiated. The ceremony is called kalasam-ozhuk-kua, or letting a pot of water flow. After the teaching of the ashtÄkshara, the youth, dressed in religious garb, makes a ceremonial pretence of proceeding on a pilgrimage to Benares, as a BrÄhman does at the termination of the BrÄhmacharya stage of life. It is only after this that a PishÄrati is allowed to chew betel leaf, and perform other acts, which constitute the privileges of a Grihastha.The funeral rites of the PishÄratis are very peculiar. The corpse is seated on the ground, and a nephew recites the ashtÄkshara, and prostrates himself before it. The body is bathed, and dressed. A grave, nine feet deep and three feet square, is dug in a corner of the grounds, and salt and ashes, representing all the PanchabhÅ«tas,are spread. The corpse is placed in the grave in a sitting posture. As in the case of a SanyÄsi, who is a Jivanmukta, or one liberated from the bondage of the flesh though alive in body, so a dead PishÄrati is believed to have no suitable body requiring to be entertained with any post-mortem offerings. A few memorial rites are, however, performed. On the eleventh day, a ceremony corresponding to the ekoddishta srÄdh of the BrÄhman is carried out. A knotted piece of kusa grass, representing the soul of the deceased, is taken to a neighbouring temple, where a lighted lamp, symbolical of Maha Vishnu is worshipped, and prayers are offered. This ceremony is repeated at the end of the first year.101Some PishÄratis are large land-owners of considerable wealth and influence.102PÄ«su Perike.—Perikes who weave gunny-bags.PÄ«takÄlu(dais, on which a priest sits).—An exogamous sept of OddÄ“.PittalavÄdu.—A Telugu name for KuruvikkÄrans.PodapÅtula.—A class of mendicants, who beg from Gollas.Podara VannÄn.—The Podara, Podarayan or Pothora VannÄns are washermen of inferior social status, who wash clothes for Pallans, Paraiyans, and other low classes.PodhÄno.—Recorded, at times of census, as a title of BolÄsi, Gaudo, KÄlingi, Kudumo, and SÄmantiya. The SÄmantiyas also frequently give it as the name of their caste.PoduvÄl.—Defined by Mr. Wigram103as one of the AmbalavÄsi castes, the members of which are as a rule employed as temple watchmen. Writing concerningthe MÅ«ssads or MÅ«ttatus, Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar states that they are known as MÅ«ttatus or MÅ«ssatus in Travancore and Cochin, and PotuvÄls (or PoduvÄls) or AkapotuvÄls in North Malabar. PotuvÄl means a common person,i.e., the representative of a committee, and a MÅ«ttatu’s right to this name accrues from the fact that, in the absence of the NambÅ«tiri managers of a temple, he becomes their agent, and is invested with authority to exercise all their functions. The work of an AkapotuvÄl always lies within the inner wall of the shrine, while that of the PurappotuvÄl, or PotuvÄl proper, lies outside. From Travancore, PoduvÄn or PotuvÄn is recorded as a synonym or sub-division of MÄrÄns, who are employed at funerals by various castes.It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that “Pura PothuvÄls are of two classes, Chenda PothuvÄls or drum PothuvÄls, and MÄla PothuvÄls or garland PothuvÄls, the names of course referring to the nature of the service which they have to render in the temple. The Chenda PothuvÄls would appear to be closely connected with the MÄrÄrs or MÄrayÄrs, who are also drummers. MÄla PothuvÄls follow marumakkattÄyam (inheritance in the female line), their women having sambandham (alliance) with men of their own caste or with BrÄhmans, while the men can have sambandham in their own caste, or with NÄyar women of any of the sub-divisions below Kiriyattil. Their women are called PothuvÄrassiar or PothuvÄttimar.†It is further recorded104that, in some cases, for instance among MÄla PothuvÄls and MÄrÄrs in South Malabar, a fictitious consummation is an incident of the tÄli-kettu ; the girl and manavÄlan (bridegroom)being made to lie on a bed together, and left there alone for a few moments. Amongst the MÄla Pothuvals this is done twice, once on the first and once on the last day, and they apparently also spend the three nights of the ceremony in the same bed-chamber, but not alone, an Enangatti sleeping there as chaperone. In these two castes, as in most if not all others, the ceremony also entails the pollution of the girl and her bridegroom. Amongst the MÄrÄrs, they are purified by a NambÅ«diri after they leave their quasi-nuptial couch. Amongst the MÄla Pothuvals, they are not allowed to bathe or to touch others during the wedding till the fourth day, when they are given mÄttu (change of cloths) by the Veluttedan.â€Podala occurs as a Canarese form of PoduvÄl.PÅgandan.—A synonym of PÅndan.PÅkanÄti.—PÅkanÄti or PakanÄti is a sub-division of KÄpu.Poladava.—A synonym of Gatti.Poligar(feudal chief).—A synonym of PÄlayakkÄran. According to Yule and Burnell,105the Poligars “were properly subordinate feudal chiefs, occupying tracts more or less wild, and generally of predatory habits in former days. They are now much the same as Zemindars (land-owners) in the highest use of that term. The Southern Poligars gave much trouble about a hundred years ago, and the ‘Poligar wars’ were somewhat serious affairs. In various assaults on PÄnjÄlamkurichi, one of their forts in Tinnevelly, between 1799 and 1801, there fell fifteen British officers.†The name Poligar was further used for the predatory classes, which served under the chiefs. Thus, in Munro’s ‘Narrativeof Military Operations’ (1780–84), it is stated that “the matchlock men are generally accompanied by Poligars, a set of fellows that are almost savages, and make use of no other weapon than a pointed bamboo spear, 18 or 20 feet long.â€The name Poligar is given to a South Indian breed of greyhound-like dogs in the Tinnevelly district.Pombada.—A small class of Canarese devil-dancers, who are said,106in South Canara, to resemble the Nalkes, but hold a somewhat higher position, and in devil-dances to represent a better class of demons. Unlike the Nalkes and Paravas, they follow the aliya santÄna system of inheritance. They speak Tulu, and, in their customs, follow those of the Billavas. There are two sections among the Pombadas, viz., Bailu, who are mainly cultivators, and Padarti, who are chiefly engaged in devil-dancing. The Pombadas are not, like the Nalkes and Paravas, a polluting class, and are socially a little inferior to the Billavas. They do not wear the disguises of the bhÅ«thas (devils) Nicha, Varte, and Kamberlu, who are considered low, but wear those of Jumadi, Panjurli, Jarandaya, Mahisandeya, and Kodamanithaya. Ullaya or DharmadÄ“vata is regarded as a superior bhÅ«tha, and the special bhÅ«tha of the Pombadas, who do not allow Nalkes or Paravas to assume his disguise. During the Jumadi KÅla (festival), the Pombada who represents the bhÅ«tha Jumadi is seated on a cart, and dragged in procession through the streets. (SeeNalke.)Pon Chetti(gold merchant).—A synonym of MalayÄlam KammÄlan goldsmiths.Pon(gold)Illam.—A section of Mukkuvans.PÅndan.—“There are,†Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,107“only twenty-eight persons of this caste in Malabar, and they are all in Calicut. These are the palanquin-bearers of the Zamorin. They are in dress, manners, customs, and language entirely Tamilians, and, while the Zamorin is polluted by the touch of any ordinary Tamilian, these PÅndans enjoy the privilege of bearing him in a palanquin to and from the temple every day. Now there is a sub-division of the Tamil Idaiyans by name Pogondan, and I understand that these Pogondans are the palanquin-bearers of the Idaiyan caste. It seems probable that the founder, or some early member of the Zamorin, obtained palanquin-bearers of his own (cowherd) caste and granted them privileges which no other Tamilians now enjoy.â€Pondra.—Pondra, or Ponara, is a sub-division of MÄli.PonganÄdu.—PonganÄdu and PonguvÄn have been recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division of KÄpu. A corrupt form of PakanÄti.Ponnambalaththar.—A class of mendicants, who have attached themselves to the KaikÅlans.Ponnara.—Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of NÄyar.PoruvannurkÄran.—A class of carpenters in Malabar.Poroja.—The Porojas or ParjÄs are hill cultivators found in the Agency tracts of Ganjam and Vizagapatam. Concerning them, it is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1871, that “there are held to be seven classes of these ParjÄs, which differ from each other in points of language, customs, and traditions. The term ParjÄ is, as Mr. Carmichael has pointed out, merely a corruptionof a Sanskrit term signifying a subject, and it is understood as such by the people themselves, who use it in contradistinction to a free hill-man. ‘Formerly,’ says a tradition that runs through the whole tribe, ‘RÄjas and ParjÄs were brothers, but the RÄjas took to riding horses (or, as the Barenja ParjÄs put it, sitting still) and we became carriers of burdens and ParjÄs.’ It is quite certain, in fact, that the term ParjÄ is not a tribal denomination, but a class denomination, and it may be fitly rendered by the familiar epithet of ryot (cultivator). I have laid stress on this, because all native officials, and every one that has written about the country (with the above exception), always talk of the term ParjÄ as if it signified a caste. There is no doubt, however, that by far the greater number of these ParjÄs are akin to the Khonds of the Ganjam MÄliahs. They are thrifty, hard-working cultivators, undisturbed by the intestine broils which their cousins in the north engage in, and they bear in their breasts an inalienable reverence for their soil, the value of which they are rapidly becoming acquainted with. The ParjÄ bhÅ«mi (land) is contained almost entirely in the upper level. Parts to the south held under PÄchipenta and MÄdugulu (MÄdgole) are not ParjÄ bhÅ«mi, nor, indeed, are some villages to the north in the possession of the Khonds. Their ancient rights to these lands are acknowledged by colonists from among the Aryans, and, when a dispute arises concerning the boundaries of a field possessed by recent arrivals, a ParjÄ is usually called in to point out the ancient land-marks.â€The name Poroja seems to be derived from the Oriya, Po, son, and RÄja,i.e., sons of RÄjas. There is a tradition that, at the time when the RÄjas of Jeypore rose into prominence at Nandapur, the country was occupied by a number of tribes, who, in return for the protectionpromised to them, surrendered their rights to the soil, which they had hitherto occupied absolutely. I am informed that the Porojas, when asked what their caste is, use ryot and Poroja as synonymous, saying we are Porojas; we are ryot people.The ParjÄ« language is stated by Mr. G. A. Grierson108to have “hitherto been considered as identical with BhatrÄ«. BhatrÄ« has now become a form of OriyÄ. ParjÄ«, on the other hand, is still a dialect of GÅndi.†The BhatrÄs are a tribe inhabiting the state of Bastar in the Central Provinces.The Porojas are not a compact caste, but rather a conglomerate, made up of several endogamous sections, and speaking a language, which varies according to locality. These sections, according to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, to whom I am indebted for much of the present note, are—(1) BÄrang Jhodia, who eat beef and speak Oriya.(2) Pengu Poroja, subdivided into those who eat the flesh of the buffalo, and those who do not. They speak a language, which is said to bear a close resemblance to Kondhs.(3) KhÅndi or KÅndi Poroja, who are a section of the Kondhs, eat beef and the flesh of buffaloes, and speak KÅdu or Kondh.(4) Parengi Poroja, who are a section of the Gadabas. They are subdivided into those who eat and do not eat the flesh of buffaloes, and speak a Gadaba dialect.(5) Bonda, BÅ«nda, or Nanga Poroja, who are likewise a section of the Gadabas, call themselves Bonda Gadaba, and speak a dialect of Gadaba.(6) Tagara Poroja, who are a section of the KÅyas or KÅyis, and speak KÅya, or, in some places, Telugu.
PatnÅ«kÄran marriage procession.PatnÅ«kÄran marriage procession.
PatnÅ«kÄran marriage procession.
“On entering a PatnÅ«lkÄran’s house, we are led to a courtyard, spacious and neat, where all the necessary arrangements are made for weaving purposes. The PatnÅ«lkÄrans live in streets. A male PatnÅ«lkÄran resembles a Tamil Vaishnava BrÄhman in outward appearance, but the women follow the custom of the Telugu BrÄhmans alike in their costume and ornaments. Their jewels exactly resemble those of the Telugu BrÄhman women, and indicate a temporary residence of the caste in the Telugu country on the way from Gujarat to Madura. There is a Tamil proverb to the effect that, if a male PatnÅ«lkÄran is seen without his wife, he will be taken for a Vaishnava BrÄhman, whereas, in the case of the TÄtan caste, a woman without her husband will be taken for an Aiyangar. Children wear the kÄrai round the neck. Tattooing prevails on a very large scale.
“The PatnÅ«lkÄrans may be divided into three classes on a religious basis, viz., (1) pure Vaishnavites, who wear the vertical Vaishnavite mark, and call themselvesVadakalas or northerners; (2) those who are mainly Smartas; (3) Sankara Vaishnavas, who wear gÅpi (sandal paste) as their sect-mark. It is to the last of these religious sects that the Travancore PatnÅ«lkÄrans belong, though, in recent times, a few Smartas have settled at Kottar. All these intermarry and interdine, and the religious difference does not create a distinction in the caste. The chief divinity of the PatnÅ«lkÄrans is VenkatÄchalapati of Tirupati. The month in which he is most worshipped is Kanni (September-October), and all the Saturdays and the Tiruvonam star of the month are particularly devoted to his adoration. One of their men becomes possessed on any of these days, and, holding a burning torch-light in his hand, touches the foreheads of the assembled devotees therewith. The PatnÅ«lkÄrans fast on those days, and take an image of Garuda in procession through the street. The DÄ«pÄvali, Pannamasi in Chittiray, and the Vaikuntha Ä’kÄdasi are other important religious days. The Dusserah is observed, as also are the festivals of SrÄ« RÄma Navami, Ashtami, Rohini, Avani Avittam, and Vara Lakshmivratam. Formal worship of deities is done by those who have obtained the requisite initiation from a spiritual preceptor. Women who have husbands fast on full-moon days, Mondays, and Fridays. The serpent and the banyan tree are specially worshipped. Women sing songs in praise of Lakshmi, and offer fruits and cocoanuts to her. The PatnÅ«lkÄrans have a temple dedicated to SrÄ« RÄma at Kottar. This temple is visited even by BrÄhmans, and the priests are Aiyangars. The AchÄrya, or supreme religious authority of the PatnÅ«lkÄrans, in Travancore is a Vaishnava BrÄhman known as Ubhaya VÄ“dÄnta KÅti KanyakÄdÄna TÄtÄchÄriyar, who lives at Aravankulam near Tinnevelly,and possesses a large number of disciples. Once a year he visits his flock in Travancore, and is highly respected by them, as also by the MahÄrajÄ, who makes a donation of money to him. Elders are appointed to decide social disputes, and manage the common property of the caste. In Travancore there are said to be only three families of PatnÅ«lkÄran priests. For the higher ceremonies, BrÄhman priests are employed.
“A girl’s marriage is usually celebrated before puberty, and sometimes when she is a mere child of four or five. Great importance is attached to gÅtras or exogamous septs, and it is said that the septs of the bride and bridegroom are conspicuously inscribed on the walls of a marriage house. In the selection of an auspicious hour (muhurtam) for a marriage, two favourable planetary situations, one closely following the other, are necessary; and, as such occasions are rare, a number of marriages take place at one time. A man may claim his maternal uncle’s daughter as his wife, and polygamy is permitted. The marriage ceremonial resembles the BrÄhmanical rites in many points. On the fourth day, a ceremonial observed by Telugu BrÄhmans, called NÄgabali, is performed. The marriage badge, which is tied on the bride’s neck, is called bottu. [From a note on the marriage ceremonies among the PatnÅ«lkÄrans of Madura, I gather that, as among Telugu and Canarese castes, a number of pots are arranged, and worshipped. These pots are smaller and fewer in number than at a Telugu or Canarese wedding. A figure of a car is drawn on the wall of the house with red earth or laterite.88On it the name of the gÅtra of the bridegroom is written. On the fourth day, thenÄgavali (or offering to DÄ“vas) is performed. The contracting couple sit near the pots, and a number of lights are arranged on the floor. The pots, which represent the DÄ“vas, are worshipped.]
“The nÄmakarana, or name-giving ceremony, is performed on the eleventh day after birth. An eighth child, whether male or female, is called Krishna, owing to the tradition that Krishna was born as the eighth child of VasudÄ“va. Babies are affectionately called Duddu (milk) or Pilla (child). The annaprÄsana, or first feeding of the child, is sometimes celebrated at the end of the first year, but usually as a preliminary to some subsequent ceremony. Sometimes, in performance of a vow, boys are taken to the shrine at Tirupati for the tonsure ceremony. The upanayana is performed between the seventh and twelfth years, but neither brÄhmacharya nor samÄvartana is observed.
“The dead are burnt, and the remains of the bones are collected and deposited under water. Death pollution lasts only for ten days. The srÄdh, or annual ceremony, when oblations are offered to ancestors, is observed. Widows are allowed to retain their hair, but remove the bottu. Unlike BrÄhman women, they chew betel, and wear coloured cloths, even in old age.â€
The PatnÅ«lkÄrans have a secret trade language, concerning which Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes as follows. “The most remarkable feature about it is the number of terms and phrases borrowed from the craft, to which special meanings are given. Thus a man of no status is stigmatised as a rikhta khandu,i.e., a spindle without the yarn. Similarly, a man of little sense is called a mhudha, the name of a thick peg which holds one side of the roller. Likewise, a talkative person is referred to as a rhetta, or roller used for winding thethread upon spindles, which makes a most unpleasant creaking noise. KapinikÄ“r, from kapini, a technical term used for cutting the loom off, means to make short work of an undesirable person. A man who is past middle age is called porkut phillias, which, in weavers’ parlance, means that half the loom is turned.â€
PatnÅ«kÄran marriage wall design.PatnÅ«kÄran marriage wall design.
PatnÅ«kÄran marriage wall design.
PatrÄ.—The PatrÄs are an Oriya caste, which is divided into two sections, one of which is engaged in the manufacture of silk (pata) waist-threads, tassels, etc., and the other in weaving silk cloths. The members of the two sections do not interdine. The former have exogamous septs or bamsams, the names of which are also used as titles,e.g., SÄhu, PÄtro, and Prushti. The latter have exogamous septs, such as Tenga, Jaggali, Telaga, and MahÄnÄyako, and BÄ“hara and NÄyako as titles. The chief headman of the cloth-weaving section is called MahÄnÄyako, and there are other officers called BÄ“hara and Bhollobaya. The headman of the other section is called SÄ“nÄpati, and he is assisted by a Dhanapati. Infant marriage is the rule, and, if a girl does not secure a husband before she reaches maturity, she must, if she belongs to the cloth-weaving section, go through a form of marriage with an old man, and, if to the other section, with an arrow.
The Telugu PatrÄs are summed up, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as “a Telugu caste of hunters and cultivators, found chiefly in the districts of Cuddapah and Kurnool. It has two divisions, the Doras (chiefs), and Gurikalas (marksmen), the former of which is supposed to be descended from the old Poligars (feudal chiefs), and the latter from their followers and servants. This theory is supported by the fact that, at the weddings of Gurikalas, the Doras receive the first pÄn-supÄri (betel leaf and areca nut). Widows may not remarry, noris divorce recognised. They usually employ BrÄhmans at marriages, and SÄtÄnis at funerals. Though they are Vaishnavites, they also worship village deities, such as Gangamma and Ellamma. They bury their dead, and perform annual srÄddhas (memorial services for the dead). They will eat with Gollas. Their title is Naidu.â€
PÄtramÄ“la.—PÄtramÄ“la, or PÄtradÄ“va, is the name of a class of dancing girls in South Canara. PÄtramÄ“la, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,89is the name by which the Konkani KalÄvants (courtezans) are known above the ghauts.
PÄtro.—The title of the head of a group of villages in Ganjam, and also recorded, at times of census, as a title of Alia, KÄlinga KÅmati, Dolai, and Jaggala. The conferring of a cloth (sÄdhi) on a PÄtro is said to be emblematic of conferring an estate. The PÄtro, among other perquisites, is entitled to a fee on occasions of marriage. I am informed that, in the Ganjam MÄliahs, if a Kondh was unable to pay the fee, he met his love at night beneath two trysting trees, and retired with her into the jungle for three days and nights.
PÄtrudu.—The title, meaning those who are fit to receive a gift, of Aiyarakulu and NagarÄlu.
PÄttadhikÄri.—A class of Jangams, who have settled head-quarters.
Pattan.—The equivalent of the BrÄhman Bhatta. A name by which some KammÄlans, especially goldsmiths, style themselves.
Pattanavada.—A synonym for the Mogēr fishing caste, the settlements of which are called pattana.
Pattanavan.—The fishermen on the east coast, from the Kistna to the Tanjore district, are popularlycalled KaraiyÄn, or sea-shore people. Some KaraiyÄns have, at times of census, returned themselves as Taccha (carpenter) KaraiyÄns.
Pattanavan means literally a dweller in a town or pattanam, which word occurs in the names of various towns on the sea-coast,e.g., NÄgapattanam (Negapatam), Chennapattanam (Madras). The Pattanavans have two main divisions, Periya (big) and Chinna (small), and, in some places, for example, at Nadukuppam in the Nellore district, exogamous septs,e.g., Gengananga, PÄ“yananga, Kathananga (children of Ganga, PÄ“yan, and Kathanar), and Kullananga (children of dwarfs). In the Telugu country, they go by the name of Pattapu or TÅ«livÄndlu.
Some Pattanavans give themselves high-sounding caste titles,e.g., Ä€riyar, Ayyayiraththalaivar (the five thousand chiefs), Ä€riya NÄttu Chetti (Chettis of the Ariyar country), Acchu VellÄla, Karaiturai (sea-coast) VellÄla, Varunakula VellÄla or Varunakula Mudali after Varuna, the god of the waters, or Kurukula vamsam after Kuru, the ancestor of the Kauravas. Some Pattanavans have adopted the title Pillai.
The Pattanavans are said to be inferior to the Sembadavans, who will not accept food at their hands, and discard even an earthen pot which has been touched by a Pattanavan.
Concerning the origin of the caste, there is a legend that the Pattanavans were giving silk thread to Siva, and were hence called Pattanavar, a corruption of Pattanaivor, meaning knitters of silk thread. They were at the time all bachelors, and Siva suggested the following method of securing wives for them. They were told to go out fishing in the sea, and make of their catch as many heaps as there were bachelors. Each of themthen stood before a heap, and called for a wife, who was created therefrom. According to another story, some five thousand years ago, during the age of the lunar race, there was one Dasa RÄja, who was ruling near HastinÄpura, and was childless. To secure offspring, he prayed to god, and did severe penance. In answer to his prayer, God pointed out a tank full of lotus flowers, and told the king to go thither, and call for children. Thereon, five thousand children issued forth from the flowers, to the eldest of whom the king bequeathed his kingdom, and to the others money in abundance. Those who received the money travelled southward in ships, which were wrecked, and they were cast ashore. This compelled them to make friends of local sea fishermen, whose profession they adopted. At the present day, the majority of Pattanavans are sea-fishermen, and catch fish with nets from catamarans. “Fancy,†it has been written,90“a raft of only three logs of wood, tied together at each end when they go out to sea, and untied and left to dry on the beach when they come in again. Each catamaran has one, two or three men to manage it; they sit crouched on it upon their heels, throwing their paddles about very dexterously, but remarkably unlike rowing. In one of the early Indian voyager’s log-books there is an entry concerning a catamaran: ‘This morning, 6A.M., saw distinctly two black devils playing at single stick. We watched these infernal imps about an hour, when they were lost in the distance. Surely this doth portend some great tempest.’ It is very curious to watch these catamarans putting out to sea. They get through the fiercest surf, sometimes dancing at their ease on the top of the waters, sometimes hidden underthe waters; sometimes the man completely washed off his catamaran, and man floating one way and catamaran another, till they seem to catch each other again by magic.†In 1906, a fisherman was going out in his catamaran to fish outside the Madras harbour, and was washed off his craft, and dashed violently against a rock. Death was instantaneous. Of the catamaran, the following account is given by Colonel W. Campbell.91“Of all the extraordinary craft which the ingenuity of man has ever invented, a Madras catamaran is the most extraordinary, the most simple, and yet, in proper hands, the most efficient. It is merely three rough logs of wood, firmly lashed together with ropes formed from the inner bark of the cocoanut tree. Upon this one, two, or three men, according to the size of the catamaran, sit on their heels in a kneeling posture, and, defying wind and weather, make their way through the raging surf which beats upon the coast, and paddle out to sea at times when no other craft can venture to face it. At a little distance, the slight fabric on which these adventurous mariners float becomes invisible, and a fleet of them approaching the land presents the absurd appearance of a host of savage-looking natives wading out towards the ship, up to their middle in water.†“A catamaran,†Lady Dufferin writes,92in an account of a state arrival at Madras, “is two logs of wood lashed together, forming a very small and narrow raft. The rower wears a ‘fool’s cap,’ in which he carries letters (also betel and tobacco), and, when he encounters a big wave, he leaves his boat, slips through the wave himself, and picks up his catamaran on the other side of it. Some very large deep barges (masÅ«la boats), the planks of which aresewn together to give elasticity, and the interstices stuffed with straw, came out for us, with a guard of honour of the mosquito fleet, as the catamarans are called, on either side of them; two of the fool’s cap men, and a flag as big as the boat itself, on each one.†The present day masÅ«la or mussoola boat, or surf boat of the Coromandel Coast, is of the same build as several centuries ago. It is recorded,93in 1673, that “I went ashore in a Mussoola, a boat wherein ten men paddle, the two aftermost of whom are the Steers-men, using their Paddles instead of a Rudder: The Boat is not strengthened with knee-timber, as ours are; the bended Planks are sowed together with Rope-yarn of the Cocoe, and calked with Dammar so artificially that it yields to every ambitious surf. Otherwise we could not get ashore, the Bar knocking in pieces all that are inflexible.†The old records of Madras contain repeated references to Europeans being drowned from overturning ofmasÅ«laboats in the surf, through which a landing had to be effected before the harbour was built.
In 1907, two Madras fishermen were invested with silver wrist bangles, bearing a suitable inscription, which were awarded by the Government in recognition of their bravery in saving the lives of a number of boatmen during a squall in the harbour.
The following are the fishes, which are caught by the fishermen off Madras and eaten by Europeans:—
The Pattanavans are Saivites, but also worship various minor gods and GrÄma DÄ“vatas (village deities). In some places, they regard KuttiyÄndavan as their special sea god. To him animal sacrifices are not made, but goats are sacrificed to Sembu VÄ«rappan or MÄ«nnodum Pillai, an attendant on KuttiyÄndavan. In Tanjore, the names of the sea gods are PÄvadairÄyan and Padaithalaidaivam. Before setting out on a fishing expedition, the Pattanavans salute the god, the sea, and the nets. In the Tanjore district, they repair their nets once in eight days, and, before they go out fishing, pray to their gods to favour them with a big catch. On a fixed day, they make offerings to the gods on their return from fishing. The gods PÄvadairÄyan and Padaithalaidaivam are represented by large conical heaps of wet sand and mud, and Ayyanar, Ellamma, KuttiyÄndavar, MuthyÄlrouthar and KiliyÄ“ndhi by smaller heaps. At the MÄsimakam festival, the Pattanavans worship their gods on the sea-shore. The names JÄttan and JÄtti are given to children during the JÄtre or periodic festival of the village goddesses.
The Pattanavans afford a good example of a caste, in which the time-honoured village council (panchÄyat) is no empty, powerless body. For every settlement or village there are one or more headmen called YejamÄnan, who are assisted by a ThandakÄran and a Paraiyan ChalavÄthi. All these offices are hereditary. Questions connected with the community, such as disrespect to elders, breach of social etiquette, insult, abuse, assault, adultery, or drinking or eating with men of lower caste, are enquired into by the council. Even when disputes are settled in courts of law, they must come before the council. Within the community, the headman is all powerful, and his decision is, in most instances, considered final. If, however, his verdict is not regarded as equitable, the case is referred to a caste headman, who holds sway over a group of villages. No ceremony may be performed without the sanction of the local headman, and the details of ceremonies, except the feasting, are arranged by the headman and the ThandakÄran. In the case of a proposed marriage, the match is broken off if the headman objects to it. He should be present at the funeral rites, and see that the details thereof are properly carried out. It is the duty of the ChalavÄthi to convey the news of a death to the relations. Should he come to the shore when the fishes are heaped up, he has the right to take a few thereof as his perquisite. The ThandakÄran, among other duties, has to summon council meetings. When the members of council have assembled, he ushers in the parties who have to appear before it, and salutes the assembly by prostrating himself on the floor. The parties take a bit of straw, or other object, and place it before the headman in token that they are willing to abide by the decision of the council. This formality is called placing the agreement (muchchilika).
The consent of the maternal uncles is necessary before a pair can be united in matrimony. When the wedding day has been fixed, the bridegroom’s party distribute grÄma thÄmbÅ«lam (village pÄn-supÄri or betel) to the headman and villagers. The marriage milk-post is made ofMimusops hexandra,Erythrina indica,Casuarina equisetifolia, the green wood of some other tree, or even a pestle. In one form of the marriage ceremony, which varies in detail according to locality, the bridegroom, on the arrival of the bride at the pandal (booth), puts on the sacred thread, and the BrÄhman purÅhit makes the sacred fire, and pours ghÄ« (clarified butter) into it. The bridegroom ties the tÄli round the bride’s neck, and the maternal uncles tie flat silver or gold plates, called pattam, on the foreheads of the contracting couple. Rings are put on their second toes by the brother-in-law of the bridegroom and the maternal uncle of the bride. Towards evening, the sacred thread, the threads which have been tied to the marriage pots and the milk-post, and grain seedlings used at the ceremony, are thrown into the sea. Some Pattanavans allow a couple to live together as man and wife after the betrothal, but before the marriage ceremony. This is, however, on condition that the latter is performed as soon as it is convenient. The remarriage of widows is freely permitted. No marriage pandal is erected, and the bridegroom, or a female relation, ties the tÄli on the bride’s neck within the house. Such marriage is, therefore, called naduvÄ«ttu (interior of the house) tÄli. When a woman, who has been guilty of adultery, is remarried, a turmeric string is substituted for the golden tÄli, and is tied on the bride’s neck by a woman.
Pattanavan.Pattanavan.
Pattanavan.
Some Pattanavans have adopted the custom of burying their dead in a seated posture (samathi). If acorpse is cremated, fire is carried to the burning-ground by a barber. When the corpse has been laid on the pyre, rice is thrown over it. The son, accompanied by a barber and a Panisavan or washerman, and carrying a pot of water on his shoulder, goes thrice round the pyre. At the third round, the Panisavan or washerman makes holes in the pot, and it is thrown away. On the day of the funeral, all the agnates shave their heads. On the following day, they go to the burial or burning ground with tender cocoanuts, milk, cakes, etc., and Arichandra, who presides over the burial-ground, is worshipped. Milk is then poured over the grave, or the remains of the bones, which are thrown into the sea. On the night of the fifteenth day, Panisavans blow the conch and horn, and red cloths are presented to the widow of the deceased by her relations. At about 4A.M., a white cloth is thrown on her neck, and the tÄli string is cut by an old woman. The tÄli is removed therefrom, and dropped into a new pot filled with water. Hence, a form of abuse among Pattanavan women is, May your tÄli be snapped, and thrown into water. The tÄli is removed from the pot, which is thrown into the sea. The tÄli is laid on a dish containing milk, and all those who visit the widow must set eyes on it before they see her.
In the city of Madras, the Pattanavans have the privilege of supplying bearers at temples, and the atmosphere surrounding them as they carry the idols on their sturdy shoulders through Triplicane is said to be “redolent of brine and the toddy shop.â€
In a judgment of the High Court of Judicature, Madras, it is recorded that, in the eighteenth century, some boat-owners and boatmen belonging to the Curukula Vamsha or Varunakula Mudali caste, whowere residing at Chepauk in the city of Madras, had embraced Christianity, and worshipped in a chapel, which had been erected by voluntary contributions. In 1799 the site of their village was required for public purposes, and they obtained in lieu of it a grant of land at Royapuram, where a chapel was built. Partly by taxes levied on boatmen, and partly by tolls they were allowed to impose on persons for frequenting the Royapuram bazar, a fund was formed to provide for their spiritual wants, and this fund was administered by the Marine Board. In 1829, a portion of the fund was expended in the erection of the church of St. Peter, Royapuram, and the fund was transferred to Government. The administration of the fund has been the source of litigation in the High Court.94
It is noted by Mrs. F. E. Penny that some of the fisherfolk “adopted Xavier as their special patron saint, and, as time passed, almost deified him. In the present day, they appeal to him in times of danger, crying ‘Xavier! Xavier! Xavier!’ in storm and peril. Even if they are unfortunate in their catch when fishing, they turn to their saint for succour.â€
As a numismatist, I resent the practice resorted to by some fishermen of melting old lead coins, and converting them into sinkers for their nets.
Pattapu.—Pattapu for TulivÄndlu is a name for Tamil Pattanavans, who have migrated to the Telugu country. Pattapu also occurs as a sub-division of Yerukala.
Pattar.—The Pattars are Tamil BrÄhmans, who have settled in Malabar. The name is said to be derived from the Sanskrit bhatta. It is noted, in theMadras Census Report, 1901, that Pattar (teacher) has been recently assumed as a title by some NÅkkans in Tanjore. (SeeBrÄhman.)
Pattariar.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a Tamil corruption of Pattu SÄliyan (silk-weaver). Pattariar or Pattalia is a synonym of Tamil-speaking SÄliyans.
PattegÄra(headman).—An exogamous sept of Okkiliyan.
Pattindla(silk house).—An exogamous sept of TÅta Balija.
Pattola MÄ“nÅn.—Recorded, in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, as a sub-caste of NÄyars, who are accountants in aristocratic families.
PÄttukuruppu.—Recorded in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as synonymous with VÄtti, a sub-division of NÄyar.
Pattu SÄlÄ“.—A sub-division of SÄlÄ“s, who weave silk (pattu) fabrics.
Pattuvitan.—Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of NÄyar.
PatvÄ“gÄra.—The PatvÄ“gÄras or PattÄ“gÄras (pattu, silk) of South Canara are described by Mr. H. A. Stuart95as “a Canarese caste of silk weavers. They are Hindus, and worship both Siva and Vishnu, but their special deity is Durga ParamÄ“svari at BarkÅ«r. They wear the sacred thread, and employ BrÄhmans for ceremonial purposes. They are governed by a body called the ten men, and pay allegiance to the guru of the RÄmachandra math (religious institution). They are divided into balis (septs) and a man may not marry within his own bali. Polygamy is allowed only when awife is barren, or suffers from some incurable disease, such as leprosy. The girls are married in infancy, and the binding portion of the ceremony is called dhÄre (seeBant). Widow marriage is not permitted, and divorce is only allowed in the case of an adulterous wife. They follow the ordinary Hindu law of inheritance. The dead are cremated. The srÄdha (memorial) ceremony is in use, and the MahÄlaya ceremony for the propitiation of ancestors in general is performed annually. Female ancestors are also worshipped every year at a ceremony called vaddap, when meals are given to married women. They eat fish but not meat, and the use of alcohol is not permitted.â€
In the Mysore Census Report, 1891, the PatvÄ“gÄrs are described as “silk weavers who speak a corrupt MarÄthi conglomerate of GuzarÄti and Hindi. They worship all the Hindu deities, especially the female energy under the name of SÄkti, to which a goat is sacrificed on the night of the Dasara festival, a Musalman slaughtering the animal. After the sacrifice, the family of the PatvÄ“gÄr partake of the flesh. Many of their females are naturally fair and handsome, but lose their beauty from early marriage and precocity.†A few PattÄ“gÄras, who speak a corrupt form of MarÄthi, are to be found in the Anantapur district.
Pavalamkatti(wearers of corals).—A sub-division of Konga VellÄla.
Pavini.—SeeVayani.
PayyampÄti.—Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of NÄyar.
Pedakanti.—Pedakanti or Pedaganti is the name of a sub-division of KÄpu. It is said by some to be derived from a place called Pedagallu. By others it is derived from peda, turned aside, and kamma, eye,indicating one who turns his eyes away from a person who speaks to him. Yet another suggestion is that it means stiff-necked.
Pedda(big).—A sub-division of BÅya, Bagata, Konda Dora, Pattapu, and Velama.
PeddammavÄndlu.—A fancy name taken by some Telugu beggars.
Pedditi.—A sub-division of Golla, some members of which earn a livelihood by begging and flattery.
PÄ“gula(intestines).—An exogamous sept of BÅya.
Pekkan.—A division of Toda.
Pendukal(women).—A name applied to DÄ“va-dÄsis in Travancore.
Pengu.—A sub-division of Poroja.
PennÄ“gÄra.—Konkani-speaking rice-beaters in South Canara.
Pentiya.—The Pentiyas also call themselves Holuva and HalabÄ or HalbÄ. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, they are called Pantia as well as Pentiya, and described as Oriya betel-leaf (panno) sellers. Their occupation, in the Jeypore Agency tracts, is that of cultivators. According to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, to whom I am indebted for the following note, numbers of them migrated thither from Bustar, and settled at Pentikonna, and are hence called Pentikonaya or Pentiya. Their language is Halba, which is easily understood by those who speak Oriya. They are divided into two endogamous sections, called Bodo (big or genuine), and Sanno (little), of whom the latter are said to be illegitimate descendants of the former. The Bodos are further sub-divided into a series of septs,e.g., Kurum (tortoise), BhÄg (tiger), NÄg (cobra), and SÅ«rya (sun). The caste is highly organized, and the head of a local centre iscalled Bhatha NÄyako. He is assisted by a PradhÄni, an Umriya NÄyako, and DolÄyi. The caste messenger is called CholÄno, and he carries a silver baton when he summons the castemen to a meeting. An elaborate ceremony is performed when a person, who has been tried by the caste council, is to be received back into the caste. He is accompanied to the bank of a stream, where his tongue is burnt with a gold or silver wire or ornament by the Bhatha NÄyako, and some offerings from the JagannÄtha temple at PÅ«ri are given to him. He is then taken home, and provides a feast, at which the NÄyako has the privilege of eating first. He has further to make a present of cloths to the assembled elders, and the four heads of the caste receive a larger quantity than the others. The feast over, he is again taken, carrying some cooked rice, to the stream, and with it pushed therein. This ceremonial bath frees him from pollution.
Girls are married either before or after puberty. A man can claim his paternal aunt’s daughter in marriage. The bridegroom’s party proceed, with the bridegroom, to the bride’s village, and take up their abode in a separate house. They then take three cloths for the bride’s mother, three rupees for her father, and a cloth and two annas for each of her brothers, and present them together with rice, liquor, and other articles. Pandals (booths) are erected in front of the quarters of the bridal couple, that of the bridegroom being made of nine, and that of the bride of five sÄl (Shorea robusta) poles, to which a pot containing myrabolams (Terminaliafruits) and rice is tied. The couple bathe, and the bridegroom proceeds to the house of the bride. The DÄ“sÄri, who officiates, dons the sacred thread, and divides the pandal into two by means of a screen or curtain. The couplego seven times round the pandal, and the screen is removed. They then enter the pandal, and the DÄ“sÄri links their little fingers together. The day’s ceremony concludes with a feast. On the following day, the bride is conducted to the house of the bridegroom, and they sprinkle each other with turmeric water. They then bathe in a stream or river. Another feast is held, with much drinking, and is followed by a wild dance. The remarriage of widows is permitted, and a younger brother may marry the widow of his elder brother. The dead are burnt, and death pollution is observed for ten days, during which the relatives of the deceased are fed by members of another sept. On the tenth day a caste feast takes place.
The Pentiyas are said96to distribute rice, and other things, to BrÄhmans, once a year on the new-moon day in the month of BhÄdrapadam (September-October), and to worship a female deity named KÄmilli on Saturdays. No one, I am informed, other, I presume, than a Pentiya, would take anything from a house where she is worshipped, lest the goddess should accompany him, and require him to become her devotee.
The caste title is NÄyako.
Peraka(tile).—An exogamous sept of DÄ“vÄnga.
Perike.—This word is defined, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as meaning literally a gunny bag, and the Perikes are summed up as being a Telugu caste of gunny bag (goni) weavers, corresponding to the Janappans of the Tamil districts. Gunny bag is the popular and trading name of the coarse sacking and sacks made from the fibre of jute, much used in Indian trade. It is noted, in the Census Report, 1891, that“the Perikes claim to be a separate caste, but they seem to be in reality a sub-division, and not a very exalted sub-division, of Balijas, being in fact identical with the Uppu (salt) Balijas. Their hereditary occupation is carrying salt, grain, etc., on bullocks and donkeys in perikes or packs. Perike is found among the sub-divisions of both Kavarai and Balija. Some of them, however, have attained considerable wealth, and now claim to be Kshatriyas, saying that they are the descendants of the Kshatriyas who ran away (piriki, a coward) from the persecution of ParasurÄma. Others again say they are Kshatriyas who went into retirement, and made hills (giri) their abode (puri).†These Perike ‘Kshatriyas’ are known as Puragiri Kshatriya and Giri RÄzu. The Periki Balijas are described, in the Vizagapatam Manual, as chiefly carrying on cultivation and trade, and some of them are said to hold a high position at ‘the Presidency’ (Madras) and in the Vizagapatam district.
Perike women appear to have frequently committed sati (or suttee) on the death of their husbands in former days, and the names of those who thus sacrificed their lives are still held in reverence. A peculiar custom among the Perikes is the erection of big square structures (brindÄvanam), in which a tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) is planted, on the spot where the ashes of the dead are buried after cremation. I am informed that a fine series of these structures may be seen at ChÄ«purapalli, close to Vizianagram. As a mark of respect to the dead, passers-by usually place a lac bangle or flowers thereon. The usual titles of the Perikes are Anna and Ayya, but some style themselves Rao (= RÄya, king) or RÄyadu, in reference totheiralleged Kshatriya origin.
For the following note on the Perikes of the GodÄvari district, I am indebted to Mr. F. R. Hemingway. “Like some of the Kammas, they claim to be of Kshatriya stock, and say they are of the lineage of Parasu RÄma, but were driven out by him for kidnapping his sister, while pretending to be gunny-bag weavers. They say that they were brought to this country by king Nala of the MahÄbhÄrata, in gratitude for their having taken care of his wife Damayanti when he quitted her during his misfortunes. They support the begging caste of Varugu Bhattas, who, they say, supported them during their exile, and to whom they gave a sanad (deed of grant) authorising them to demand alms. These people go round the Perike houses for their dues every year. The PÄ«su Perikes, who still weave gunny-bags, are said not to belong to the caste proper, members of which style themselves RÄcha Perikes.
“The Perikes say that, like the KÅmatis, they have 101 gÅtras. Their marriage ceremonies are peculiar. On the day of the wedding, the bride and bridegroom are made to fast, as also are three male relatives, whom they call suribhaktas. At the marriage, the couple sit on a gunny-bag, and another gunny, on which a representation of the god Mailar is drawn or painted, is spread between them. The same god is drawn on two pots, and these, and also a third pot, are filled with rice and dhÄl (Cajanus indicus), which are cooked by two married women. The food is then offered to Mailar. Next, the three suribhaktas take 101 cotton threads, fasten them together, and tie seven knots in them. The bride and bridegroom are given cloths which have been partly immersed in water coloured with turmeric and chunam (lime), and the suribhaktas are fed with the rice and dhÄl cooked in the pots. The couple are then taken roundthe village in procession, and, on their return, the knotted cotton threads are tied round the bride’s neck instead of a tÄli.
Some Perikes style themselves SÄthu vÄndlu, meaning a company of merchants or travellers.
Perike Muggula is the name of a class of Telugu mendicants and exorcists.
Periya(big).—Periya or PeriyanÄn has been recorded as a sub-division of KÄralan, Kunnuvan, ÅŒcchan, and Pattanavan. The equivalent Peru or Perum occurs as a sub-division of the MalayÄlam Kollans and VannÄns and Perim of KÄnikars. Periya illom is the name of an exogamous illom of KÄnikars in Travancore.
PerugadannÄya(bandicoot rat sept).—An exogamous sept of Bant.
Perum TÄli(big tÄli).—A sub-division of Idaiyan, and of KaikÅlans, whose women wear a big tÄli (marriage badge).
PerumÄl.—PerumÄl is a synonym of Vishnu, and the name is taken by some Pallis who are staunch Vaishnavites. A class of mendicants, who travel about exhibiting performing bulls in the southern part of the Madras Presidency, is known as PerumÄl MÄdukkÄran or PerumÄl ErudukkÄran. Perumalathillom, meaning apparently big mountain house, is an exogamous sept or illom of the KÄnikars of Travancore.
Pesala(seeds ofPhaseolus Mungo: green gram).—An exogamous sept of JÅgi.
Pēta(street).—A sub-division of Balija.
PettigeyavÄru(box).—A sub-division of GangadikÄra Vakkaliga.
Pichiga(sparrow).—An exogamous sept of BÅya and DÄ“vÄnga. The equivalent Pital occurs as a sept of MÄla.
Pichigunta.—The name Pichigunta means literally an assembly of beggars, who are described97as being, in the Telugu country, a class of mendicants, who are herbalists, and physic people for fever, stomach-ache, and other ailments. They beat the village drums, relate stories and legends, and supply the place of a Herald’s Office, as they have a reputation for being learned in family histories, and manufacture pedigrees and gÅtras (house names) for KÄpus, Kammas, Gollas, and others.
The Picchai or Pinchikuntar are described in the Salem Manual as “servants to the KudiÄnavars or cultivators—a name commonly assumed by VellÄlas and Pallis. The story goes that a certain VellÄla had a hundred and two children, of whom only one was a female. Of the males, one was lame, and his hundred brothers made a rule that one would provide him with one kolagam of grain and one fanam (a coin) each year. They got him married to a Telugu woman of a different caste, and the musicians who attended the ceremony were paid nothing, the brothers alleging that, as the bridegroom was a cripple, the musicians should officiate from charitable motives. The descendants of this married pair, having no caste of their own, became known as Picchi or Pinchikuntars (beggars, or lame). They are treated as kudipinnai (inferior) by VellÄlas, and to the present day receive their prescribed miras (fee) from the VellÄla descendants of the hundred brothers, to whom, on marriage and other festivals, they do service by relating the genealogies of such VellÄlas as they are acquainted with. Some serve the VellÄlas in the fields, and others live by begging.â€97
The caste beggars of the Tottiyans are known as Pichiga-vÄdu.
Pidakala(cow-dung cakes or bratties).—An exogamous sept of DÄ“vÄnga. Dried cow-dung cakes are largely used by natives as fuel, and may be seen stuck on to the walls of houses.
PidÄran.—A section of AmbalavÄsis, who, according to Mr. Logan98“drinkliquor, exorcise devils, and are worshippers of BhadrakÄli or of Sakti. The name is also applied to snake-catchers, and it was probably conferred on the caste owing to the snake being an emblem of the human passion embodied in the deities they worship.â€
Pilapalli.—The Pilapallis are a small caste or community in Travancore, concerning which Mr. S. Subramanya Aiyar writes as follows.99“The following sketch will show what trifling circumstances are sufficient in this land of ParasurÄma to call a new caste into existence. The word Pilapally is supposed to be a corruption of BelÄl Thalli, meaning forcibly ejected. It therefore contains, as though in a nutshell, the history of the origin of this little community, which it is used to designate. In the palmy days of the Chempakasseri RÄjas, about the year 858 M.E., there lived at the court of the then ruling Prince at Ambalappuzha a NambÅ«ri BrÄhman who stood high in the Prince’s favour, and who therefore became an eye-sore to all his fellow courtiers. The envy and hatred of the latter grew to such a degree that one day they put their heads together to devise a plan which should at once strip him of all influence at court, and humble him in the eyes of the public. The device hit upon was a strange one, and characteristic of that dim and distantpast. The NambÅ«ri was the custodian of all presents made to the Prince, and as such it was a part of his daily work to arrange the articles presented in their proper places. It was arranged that one day a dead fish, beautifully tied up and covered, should be placed among the presents laid before the Prince. The victim of the plot, little suspecting there was treachery in the air, removed all the presents as usual with his own hand. His enemies at court, who were but waiting for an opportunity of humbling him to the dust, thereupon caused the bundle to be examined before the Prince, when it became evident that it contained a dead fish. Now, for a NambÅ«ri to handle a dead fish was, according to custom, sufficient to make him lose caste. On the strength of this argument, the Prince, who was himself a BrÄhmin, was easily prevailed upon to put the NambÅ«ri out of the pale of caste, and the court favourite was immediately excommunicated. There is another and a slightly different version of the story, according to which the NambÅ«ri in question was the hereditary priest of the royal house, to whom fell the duty of removing and preserving the gifts. In course of time he grew so arrogant that the Prince himself wanted to get rid of him, but, the office of the priest being hereditary, he did not find an easy way of accomplishing his cherished object, and, after long deliberation with those at court in whom he could confide, came at last to the solution narrated above. It is this forcible ejection that the expression BelÄl Thalli (afterwards changed into Pilapally) is said to import.... It appears that the unfortunate NambÅ«ri had two wives, both of whom elected to share his fate. Accordingly, the family repaired to ParavÅ«r, a village near Kallarkode, where their royal patron made them a gift of land. Although they quitted Ambalapuzhafor good, they seem to have long owned there a madathummuri (a room in a series, in which BrÄhmins from abroad once lived and traded), and are said to be still entitled daily to a measure of pÄlpayasom from the temple, a sweet pudding of milk, rice and sugar, celebrated all over Malabar for its excellence. The progeny of the family now count in all about ninety members, who live in eight or nine different houses.â€
Pillai.—Pillai, meaning child, is in the Tamil country primarily the title of VellÄlas, but has, at recent times of census, been returned as the title of a number of classes, which include Agamudaiyan, AmbalakÄran, Golla, Idaiyan, NÄyar, NÅkkan, Panisavan, Panikkan, Paraiyan, SaiyakkÄran, Sembadavan and SÄ“naikkudaiyÄns. Pilla is further used as the title of the male offspring of DÄ“va-dÄsis. Many Paraiyan butlers of Europeans have assumed the title Pillai as an honorific suffix to their name. So, too, have some criminal Koravas, who pose as VellÄlas.
PillaikÅ«ttam.—Recorded, in the Manual of the North Arcot district, as a bastard branch of VÄniyan.
Pillaiyarpatti(GanÄ“sa village).—An exogamous section or kÅvil of NÄttukÅttai Chetti.
Pilli(cat).—An exogamous sept of Chembadi, MÄla, and MÄ“dara.
PindÄri.—In the Madras Census Report, 1901, fifty-nine PindÄris are returned as a Bombay caste of personal servants. They are more numerous in the Mysore province, where more than two thousand were returned in the same year as being engaged in agriculture and Government service. The PindÄris were formerly celebrated as a notorious class of freebooters, who, in the seventeenth century, attached themselves to the MarÄthas in their revolt against AurangzÄ«b, and for a longtime afterwards, committed raids in all directions, extending their operations to Southern India. It is on record that “in a raid made upon the coast extending from Masulipatam northward, the PindÄris in ten days plundered 339 villages, burning many, killing and wounding 682 persons, torturing 3,600, and carrying off or destroying property to the amount of £250,000.â€100They were finally suppressed, in Central India, during the Viceroyalty of the Marquis of Hastings, in 1817.
Pindi(flour).—An exogamous sept of MÄla.
PinjÄri(cotton-cleaner).—A synonym for DÅ«dÄ“kula. Pinjala (cotton) occurs as an exogamous sept of DÄ“vÄnga.
Pippala(pepper:Piper longum).—An exogamous sept or gÅtra of Gamalla and KÅmati.
PishÄrati.—The PishÄratis or PishÄrodis are summed up in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as being a sub-caste of AmbalavÄsis, which makes flower garlands, and does menial service in the temples. As regards their origin, the legend runs to the effect that a SwÄmiyar, or BrÄhman ascetic, once had a disciple of the same caste, who wished to become a SanyÄsi or anchorite. All the ceremonies prior to shaving the head of the novice were completed, when, alarmed at the prospect of a cheerless life and the severe austerities incidental thereto, he made himself scarce. PishÄra denotes a SanyÄsi’s pupil, and as he, after running away, was called PishÄrÅdi, the children born to him of a Parasava woman by a subsequent marriage were called PishÄratis. In his ‘Early Sovereigns of Travancore,’ Mr. Sundaram Pillay says that the PishÄrati’s “puzzling position among the Malabar castes, half monk and half layman, is far from being accounted for by the silly and fanciful modern derivationof PishÄrakal plus Odi, PishÄrakal being more mysterious than PishÄrati itself.†It is suggested by him that PishÄrati is a corruption of BhattÄraka-tiruvadi. According to the Jati-nirnaya, the BhattÄrakas are a community degraded from the BrÄhmans during the TrÄ“tÄ YÅ«ga. As far as we are able to gather from mediæval Travancore inscriptions, an officer known as Pidara-tiruvadi was attached to every temple. It is known that he used to receive large perquisites for temple service, and that extensive rice-lands were given to the Bhattakara of Nelliyur. It is noted, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that “the traditional etymology of the name PishÄrodi refers it to a SanyÄsi novice, who, deterred by the prospects of the hardship of life on which he was about to enter, ran away (odi) at the last moment, after he had been divested of the pÅ«nÅ«l (thread), but before he had performed the final ceremony of plunging thrice in a tank (pond), and of plucking out, one at each plunge, the last three hairs of his kudumi (the rest of which had been shaved off). But the termination ‘Odi’ is found in other caste titles such as AdiyÅdi and VallÅdi, and the definition is obviously fanciful, while it does not explain the meaning of PishÄr.â€
The houses of PishÄratis are called pishÄram. Their primary occupation is to prepare garlands of flowers for Vaishnava temples, but they frequently undertake the talikazhakam or sweeping service in temples. Being learned men, and good Sanskrit scholars, they are employed as Sanskrit and MalayÄlam tutors in the families of those of high rank, and, in consequence, make free use of the title Asan. They are strict Vaishnavites, and the ashtÄkshara, or eight letters relating to Vishnu, as opposed to the panchÄkshara or five letters relating to Siva, forms their daily hymn ofprayer. They act as their own caste priests, but for the punyÄha or purificatory ceremony and the initiation into the ashtÄkshara, which are necessary on special occasions, the services of BrÄhmans are engaged.
The PishÄratis celebrate the tÄli-kettu ceremony before the girl reaches puberty. The most important item therein is the joining of the hands of the bride and bridegroom. The planting of a jasmine shoot is observed as an indispensable preliminary rite. The events between this and the joining of hands are the same as with other AmbalavÄsis. The bride and bridegroom bathe, and wear clothes touched by each other. The girl’s mother then gives her a wedding garland and a mirror, with which she sits, her face covered with a cloth. The cherutÄli, or marriage ornament, is tied by the bridegroom round the girl’s neck. If this husband dies, the tÄli has to be removed, and the widow observes pollution. Her sons have to make oblations of cooked rice, and, for all social and religious purposes, the woman is regarded as a widow, though she is not debarred from contracting a sambandham (alliance) with a man of her own caste, or a BrÄhman. If the wife dies, the husband has, in like manner, to observe pollution, and make oblations of cooked rice. There are cases in which the tÄli-kettu is performed by a PishÄrati, and sambandham contracted with a BrÄhman. If the tÄli-tier becomes the husband, no separate cloth-giving ceremony need be gone through by him after the girl has reached puberty.
Inheritance is in the female line, so much so that a wife and children are not entitled to compensation for the performance of a man’s funeral rites.
No particular month is fixed for the name-giving rite, as it suffices if this is performed before the annaprasanaceremony. The maternal uncle first names the child. When it is four or six months old, it is taken out to see the sun. On the occasion of the annaprasana, which usually takes place in the sixth month, the maternal uncle gives the first mouthful of cooked rice to the child by means of a golden ring. The Yatrakali serves as the night’s entertainment for the assembled guests. NambÅ«tiris are invited to perform the purificatory ceremony known as punyÄha, but the consecrated water is only sprinkled over the roof of the house. The inmates thereof protrude their heads beneath the eaves so as to get purified, as the BrÄhmans do not pour the water over them. The chaula or tonsure takes place at the third year of a child’s life. The maternal uncle first touches the boy’s head with a razor, and afterwards the MÄrÄn and barber do the same. The initiation into the ashtÄkshara takes place at the age of sixteen. On an auspicious day, a BrÄhman brings a pot of water, consecrated in a temple, to the pishÄram, and pours its contents on the head of the lad who is to be initiated. The ceremony is called kalasam-ozhuk-kua, or letting a pot of water flow. After the teaching of the ashtÄkshara, the youth, dressed in religious garb, makes a ceremonial pretence of proceeding on a pilgrimage to Benares, as a BrÄhman does at the termination of the BrÄhmacharya stage of life. It is only after this that a PishÄrati is allowed to chew betel leaf, and perform other acts, which constitute the privileges of a Grihastha.
The funeral rites of the PishÄratis are very peculiar. The corpse is seated on the ground, and a nephew recites the ashtÄkshara, and prostrates himself before it. The body is bathed, and dressed. A grave, nine feet deep and three feet square, is dug in a corner of the grounds, and salt and ashes, representing all the PanchabhÅ«tas,are spread. The corpse is placed in the grave in a sitting posture. As in the case of a SanyÄsi, who is a Jivanmukta, or one liberated from the bondage of the flesh though alive in body, so a dead PishÄrati is believed to have no suitable body requiring to be entertained with any post-mortem offerings. A few memorial rites are, however, performed. On the eleventh day, a ceremony corresponding to the ekoddishta srÄdh of the BrÄhman is carried out. A knotted piece of kusa grass, representing the soul of the deceased, is taken to a neighbouring temple, where a lighted lamp, symbolical of Maha Vishnu is worshipped, and prayers are offered. This ceremony is repeated at the end of the first year.101
Some PishÄratis are large land-owners of considerable wealth and influence.102
Pīsu Perike.—Perikes who weave gunny-bags.
PÄ«takÄlu(dais, on which a priest sits).—An exogamous sept of OddÄ“.
PittalavÄdu.—A Telugu name for KuruvikkÄrans.
PodapÅtula.—A class of mendicants, who beg from Gollas.
Podara VannÄn.—The Podara, Podarayan or Pothora VannÄns are washermen of inferior social status, who wash clothes for Pallans, Paraiyans, and other low classes.
PodhÄno.—Recorded, at times of census, as a title of BolÄsi, Gaudo, KÄlingi, Kudumo, and SÄmantiya. The SÄmantiyas also frequently give it as the name of their caste.
PoduvÄl.—Defined by Mr. Wigram103as one of the AmbalavÄsi castes, the members of which are as a rule employed as temple watchmen. Writing concerningthe MÅ«ssads or MÅ«ttatus, Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar states that they are known as MÅ«ttatus or MÅ«ssatus in Travancore and Cochin, and PotuvÄls (or PoduvÄls) or AkapotuvÄls in North Malabar. PotuvÄl means a common person,i.e., the representative of a committee, and a MÅ«ttatu’s right to this name accrues from the fact that, in the absence of the NambÅ«tiri managers of a temple, he becomes their agent, and is invested with authority to exercise all their functions. The work of an AkapotuvÄl always lies within the inner wall of the shrine, while that of the PurappotuvÄl, or PotuvÄl proper, lies outside. From Travancore, PoduvÄn or PotuvÄn is recorded as a synonym or sub-division of MÄrÄns, who are employed at funerals by various castes.
It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that “Pura PothuvÄls are of two classes, Chenda PothuvÄls or drum PothuvÄls, and MÄla PothuvÄls or garland PothuvÄls, the names of course referring to the nature of the service which they have to render in the temple. The Chenda PothuvÄls would appear to be closely connected with the MÄrÄrs or MÄrayÄrs, who are also drummers. MÄla PothuvÄls follow marumakkattÄyam (inheritance in the female line), their women having sambandham (alliance) with men of their own caste or with BrÄhmans, while the men can have sambandham in their own caste, or with NÄyar women of any of the sub-divisions below Kiriyattil. Their women are called PothuvÄrassiar or PothuvÄttimar.†It is further recorded104that, in some cases, for instance among MÄla PothuvÄls and MÄrÄrs in South Malabar, a fictitious consummation is an incident of the tÄli-kettu ; the girl and manavÄlan (bridegroom)being made to lie on a bed together, and left there alone for a few moments. Amongst the MÄla Pothuvals this is done twice, once on the first and once on the last day, and they apparently also spend the three nights of the ceremony in the same bed-chamber, but not alone, an Enangatti sleeping there as chaperone. In these two castes, as in most if not all others, the ceremony also entails the pollution of the girl and her bridegroom. Amongst the MÄrÄrs, they are purified by a NambÅ«diri after they leave their quasi-nuptial couch. Amongst the MÄla Pothuvals, they are not allowed to bathe or to touch others during the wedding till the fourth day, when they are given mÄttu (change of cloths) by the Veluttedan.â€
Podala occurs as a Canarese form of PoduvÄl.
PÅgandan.—A synonym of PÅndan.
PÅkanÄti.—PÅkanÄti or PakanÄti is a sub-division of KÄpu.
Poladava.—A synonym of Gatti.
Poligar(feudal chief).—A synonym of PÄlayakkÄran. According to Yule and Burnell,105the Poligars “were properly subordinate feudal chiefs, occupying tracts more or less wild, and generally of predatory habits in former days. They are now much the same as Zemindars (land-owners) in the highest use of that term. The Southern Poligars gave much trouble about a hundred years ago, and the ‘Poligar wars’ were somewhat serious affairs. In various assaults on PÄnjÄlamkurichi, one of their forts in Tinnevelly, between 1799 and 1801, there fell fifteen British officers.†The name Poligar was further used for the predatory classes, which served under the chiefs. Thus, in Munro’s ‘Narrativeof Military Operations’ (1780–84), it is stated that “the matchlock men are generally accompanied by Poligars, a set of fellows that are almost savages, and make use of no other weapon than a pointed bamboo spear, 18 or 20 feet long.â€
The name Poligar is given to a South Indian breed of greyhound-like dogs in the Tinnevelly district.
Pombada.—A small class of Canarese devil-dancers, who are said,106in South Canara, to resemble the Nalkes, but hold a somewhat higher position, and in devil-dances to represent a better class of demons. Unlike the Nalkes and Paravas, they follow the aliya santÄna system of inheritance. They speak Tulu, and, in their customs, follow those of the Billavas. There are two sections among the Pombadas, viz., Bailu, who are mainly cultivators, and Padarti, who are chiefly engaged in devil-dancing. The Pombadas are not, like the Nalkes and Paravas, a polluting class, and are socially a little inferior to the Billavas. They do not wear the disguises of the bhÅ«thas (devils) Nicha, Varte, and Kamberlu, who are considered low, but wear those of Jumadi, Panjurli, Jarandaya, Mahisandeya, and Kodamanithaya. Ullaya or DharmadÄ“vata is regarded as a superior bhÅ«tha, and the special bhÅ«tha of the Pombadas, who do not allow Nalkes or Paravas to assume his disguise. During the Jumadi KÅla (festival), the Pombada who represents the bhÅ«tha Jumadi is seated on a cart, and dragged in procession through the streets. (SeeNalke.)
Pon Chetti(gold merchant).—A synonym of MalayÄlam KammÄlan goldsmiths.
Pon(gold)Illam.—A section of Mukkuvans.
PÅndan.—“There are,†Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,107“only twenty-eight persons of this caste in Malabar, and they are all in Calicut. These are the palanquin-bearers of the Zamorin. They are in dress, manners, customs, and language entirely Tamilians, and, while the Zamorin is polluted by the touch of any ordinary Tamilian, these PÅndans enjoy the privilege of bearing him in a palanquin to and from the temple every day. Now there is a sub-division of the Tamil Idaiyans by name Pogondan, and I understand that these Pogondans are the palanquin-bearers of the Idaiyan caste. It seems probable that the founder, or some early member of the Zamorin, obtained palanquin-bearers of his own (cowherd) caste and granted them privileges which no other Tamilians now enjoy.â€
Pondra.—Pondra, or Ponara, is a sub-division of MÄli.
PonganÄdu.—PonganÄdu and PonguvÄn have been recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division of KÄpu. A corrupt form of PakanÄti.
Ponnambalaththar.—A class of mendicants, who have attached themselves to the KaikÅlans.
Ponnara.—Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of NÄyar.
PoruvannurkÄran.—A class of carpenters in Malabar.
Poroja.—The Porojas or ParjÄs are hill cultivators found in the Agency tracts of Ganjam and Vizagapatam. Concerning them, it is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1871, that “there are held to be seven classes of these ParjÄs, which differ from each other in points of language, customs, and traditions. The term ParjÄ is, as Mr. Carmichael has pointed out, merely a corruptionof a Sanskrit term signifying a subject, and it is understood as such by the people themselves, who use it in contradistinction to a free hill-man. ‘Formerly,’ says a tradition that runs through the whole tribe, ‘RÄjas and ParjÄs were brothers, but the RÄjas took to riding horses (or, as the Barenja ParjÄs put it, sitting still) and we became carriers of burdens and ParjÄs.’ It is quite certain, in fact, that the term ParjÄ is not a tribal denomination, but a class denomination, and it may be fitly rendered by the familiar epithet of ryot (cultivator). I have laid stress on this, because all native officials, and every one that has written about the country (with the above exception), always talk of the term ParjÄ as if it signified a caste. There is no doubt, however, that by far the greater number of these ParjÄs are akin to the Khonds of the Ganjam MÄliahs. They are thrifty, hard-working cultivators, undisturbed by the intestine broils which their cousins in the north engage in, and they bear in their breasts an inalienable reverence for their soil, the value of which they are rapidly becoming acquainted with. The ParjÄ bhÅ«mi (land) is contained almost entirely in the upper level. Parts to the south held under PÄchipenta and MÄdugulu (MÄdgole) are not ParjÄ bhÅ«mi, nor, indeed, are some villages to the north in the possession of the Khonds. Their ancient rights to these lands are acknowledged by colonists from among the Aryans, and, when a dispute arises concerning the boundaries of a field possessed by recent arrivals, a ParjÄ is usually called in to point out the ancient land-marks.â€
The name Poroja seems to be derived from the Oriya, Po, son, and RÄja,i.e., sons of RÄjas. There is a tradition that, at the time when the RÄjas of Jeypore rose into prominence at Nandapur, the country was occupied by a number of tribes, who, in return for the protectionpromised to them, surrendered their rights to the soil, which they had hitherto occupied absolutely. I am informed that the Porojas, when asked what their caste is, use ryot and Poroja as synonymous, saying we are Porojas; we are ryot people.
The ParjÄ« language is stated by Mr. G. A. Grierson108to have “hitherto been considered as identical with BhatrÄ«. BhatrÄ« has now become a form of OriyÄ. ParjÄ«, on the other hand, is still a dialect of GÅndi.†The BhatrÄs are a tribe inhabiting the state of Bastar in the Central Provinces.
The Porojas are not a compact caste, but rather a conglomerate, made up of several endogamous sections, and speaking a language, which varies according to locality. These sections, according to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, to whom I am indebted for much of the present note, are—
(1) BÄrang Jhodia, who eat beef and speak Oriya.
(2) Pengu Poroja, subdivided into those who eat the flesh of the buffalo, and those who do not. They speak a language, which is said to bear a close resemblance to Kondhs.
(3) KhÅndi or KÅndi Poroja, who are a section of the Kondhs, eat beef and the flesh of buffaloes, and speak KÅdu or Kondh.
(4) Parengi Poroja, who are a section of the Gadabas. They are subdivided into those who eat and do not eat the flesh of buffaloes, and speak a Gadaba dialect.
(5) Bonda, BÅ«nda, or Nanga Poroja, who are likewise a section of the Gadabas, call themselves Bonda Gadaba, and speak a dialect of Gadaba.
(6) Tagara Poroja, who are a section of the KÅyas or KÅyis, and speak KÅya, or, in some places, Telugu.