FIRE EATING

Fig. 3—Course of each ghost-dancer entering dance-house.

The chief ghost-dancer entered the house backwards and started towards the drum, passing, however, on the west or wrong side of the fire. Before he had gone very far, he stopped and groped around with one foot, as if to find his way, and finally inquired which way he should go. Ghost-dancers used the same words in speaking that ordinary people did, except that they inverted their statements and reversed the meanings of words. In this case the spectators replied, "You must go on the west side,"[16]meaning, of course, that the dancer was expected actually to go down the east side of the dance-house. He then reversed his direction, as is shown infigure 3, and circled four times about the fire, finally passing to a position in front of thecenter pole. The spectators meanwhile constantly called out to each dancer to pass down the "east" side of the house.

When the dancer entered through the tunnel, the spectators all cried, "ye´-ye." He at first advanced very slowly backwards until he reached the point at which he inquired his way. As soon as he received this direction he sprang up and ran the prescribed four times around the fire and finally reached the foot of the center pole, making meanwhile the same "bū ..." noise which he had made upon entering the village. He here awaited the arrival of the other dancers, who went through the same succession of movements.

The chief ghost-dancer, upon arriving in front of the center pole, said, "mamūle´" (E), to which the spectators replied, "hehē´...." Then he made a short speech in a more or less archaic language. Its purport was: "I do not come to do any one harm, but rather to take all sickness away and to make everybody strong."

habadūtkīya-gahnū-kūdī´goodpūtsa´lwal-gakba-ga´kalikchiefsgaba-da´kalikchieftainessesgaba,richka´lnīnepeoplegaba-bēkal-sīma-bexba-gahnū-cama-īhīwala-

He next marked off, according to one informant, two or three places on the east side of the floor, saying that he and his followers would dance there. This was contrary to the usual procedure in dances, for the regular dancing area in front of the center pole was always used. As a matter of fact, the ghost dance itself was actually performed in the usual area also, but this indicating of another area, and this announcement, are only other evidences that the spirits must always do things differently from mortals. In fact, the whole dress and conduct of these dancers, their reversal of terms of direction, their groping their way, etc., typify the conduct of the spirits of the departed, who find everything strange when they return to the realm of mortals.

Throughout the entire ceremony, and especially during the time that the ghost-dancers were entering, the spectators were obliged to use great care not to obstruct their passage in any way, or otherwise to interfere with them, else they were likely to be very roughly handled by the dancers.

As the last ghost-dancer entered the tunnel leading into the dance-house, the men in the two lines outside cried "yūhē´" four times, after which they entered and took up their positions.

The above described entry of the dancers was according to the regular procedure. However, these dancers, especially the ash-devils, were privileged to perform many comical antics, and it not infrequently happened that one or more of them would run up on to the roof of the dance-house and dive through the smoke-hole. In fact, this was one of the usual modes of deception practiced in this ceremony. A special net, cko´l tabiū käle hai (N), was stretched about two feet below the smoke-hole to catch the dancer. A special post was set in the ground beside this net for the dancer to slide down. He would then go through the usual series of movements, running four times around the fire. After this he usually took up a position at one of the posts near the door, there to levy tribute upon the spectators. This tribute might be in the form of firewood, tobacco, or other commodities.

The music for this ceremony was provided by a drummer, two chief singers, and a number of burden-singers. The ghost-dancers sometimes sang a kind of burden of their own while dancing. This was simply "hī, hī, hī, hī," etc., in a very high key. The chief singers were provided with cocoon rattles. These and the drum were the only instruments used. The dancers carried no whistles, although these were ordinarily used by performers in other dances. The burden-singers also used no split-stick rattles, but clapped their hands instead in time to their singing.

After the performers had in this way entered the dance-house, the chief ghost-dancer called to the singers to start. The drummer then jumped upon the drum, crying "hūtsaiya´hīī" (E).[17]With the first cry of the drummer, the chief singers sounded their rattles. After an interval of perhaps a minute, the drummer repeated his jump and call. The song started and the dance began.

The song as given by one of the informants is as follows:

yōhīya´ yōhīya´, yōhīya´ yōhīya´,kūlī kūlē kūlē ....kūlī kūlē kūlē ....hūtsaiya´ hūtsaiya´hīī ....(Repeat indefinitely.)

yōhīya´ yōhīya´, yōhīya´ yōhīya´,

kūlī kūlē kūlē ....

hūtsaiya´ hūtsaiya´

hīī ....

(Repeat indefinitely.)

The two masters of ceremonies took up their respective positions at A and C (fig. 3) and danced back and forth along the lines ABand CD. In starting the movement, they stood with hands outstretched and bent their bodies sidewise toward the drum as they shouted "hūtsaiya´hīī." They then ran rapidly sidewise to the opposite ends of their respective courses, where they repeated the same bending, this time in the opposite direction. When they had gone back and forth over these courses and had returned to their original positions for the fourth time, they again shouted as at first. This particular set of the dance was repeated four times, thus completing this part. After any such part had ended, it occasionally happened that one dancer would continue his steps just as though the music were in full swing. Ultimately one of his fellow-dancers would strike him lightly to call his attention to the fact that the dance was over, and he also would stop.

Four such parts completed the first division of the dance. After this the masters of ceremonies advanced toward the ghost-dancers, motioning them back toward the center pole with the palms of their hands turned outward and held in front of them, while they said "hahyū´, hahyū´" (repeated indefinitely).

The singers, masters of ceremonies, and the drummer then seated themselves or stood a short distance away from the drum, and the ghost-dancers proceeded with their ceremonial disrobing.

The chief ghost-dancer proceeded from the foot of the center pole by a path, as is indicated infigure 4, leading around the center pole and fire and back to the east side of the drum, which the ghost-dancers term cūna´ bilat (E), literally "canoe worn out." Upon his arrival at the drum the chief ghost-dancer made a speech in which he said that he and his fellows "had come from the hollow stems of the grass, crawling like snakes," to visit the people.

katsa´ mūtō´laigrass hollowwaha badūt´kiū (E)travel like a snake

He told them that he had come for their good and with no evil motives, that he had come to bring them good health and happiness, not sickness and misfortune. With a cry of "mē ..." he then jumped across the drum to its west side. The spectators cried "mī´bax bō´wōwa" (E), literally "go on your west side," indicating the west side of the drum, according to the ghost-dancers' inverted method of speech. In compliance with this instruction, the chief ghost-dancer jumped across the drum, after which he sometimes felt around with his foot as if in search of something. Thus he jumped back andforth four times across the drum. He had really been in search of the drum all the time and had feigned his inability to find it. He finally, however, jumped upon it and stamped rapidly for a minute or so to indicate his satisfaction. Throughout this whole performance the singers and others near the drum continually cried "hō ... hō ..." etc. While standing on the drum, the chief ghost-dancer faced toward the wall, thus bringing his back toward the fire. Frequently he made some comic observation to those near by,[18]and from time to time turned his head toward the right so as almost to face the fire, the while he made the peculiar noise, "bū ..." characteristic of this dance. Meanwhile he turned his head slowly, first to the right and then to the left, until he had done this four times in each direction.

Fig. 4—Ghost-dancer's course in disrobing.

He next took the brush or grass, which he had throughout the ceremony been carrying in his hands, first in his left hand and passed it downward over the right side of his body until he had passed it down and up four times. He then took it in his right hand and passed it in the same manner over his left side. He next took part of it again in each hand and passed both hands back and forth sidewise over his legs while standing in a bent posture, until he had done this also four times. The brush or grass was then placed upon the ground.

He next took off the girdle of twigs about his waist and dropped it to the ground, usually without ceremony, though if he chose he might pass this through the same series of motions as the twigs carried in his hand. He next took off his entire head-gear at once. This he held in his left hand and passed from his right shoulder up over his head four times, repeating the same motions with the right hand on the left side. He then placed this with the other paraphernalia on the ground.

He next left the drum and went directly back to the foot of the center pole, where he rejoined the rest of the ghost-dancers. The remaining dancers went, one by one, or in small groups, and performed exactly the same ceremony as that just described. When all had disrobed, each took his costume and retired to the woods or brush, redressed himself, endeavoring to change his painting to one as different as possible from that which he wore before. Later the same performance was repeated: the calling by the crier, entry of the dancers, series of dances, and ceremonial disrobing.

On the first day this entire series of dances was repeated four times in all—at about 5 a.m., 10 a.m., 2 p.m., and 5 p.m., respectively. After the ceremonial disrobing at the end of the fourth series, the ghost-dancers left their suits in the dance-house and repaired to the river or lake to swim, after which they returned to the dance-house. During the other three days of the ceremony they might appear any desired number of times during the day.

The dancers were forbidden to eat or drink on any particular day as long as the dance continued, but as soon as they had gone down to swim this restriction was removed.

As a rule, fire-eating and fire-handling were only incidental to the ghost dance proper. However, if occasion arose, the ghost-dancers themselves might handle fire, though they could not eat it. This privilege was especially reserved to the ash-devils, nō' xahlūīgak (E). In case something was done to offend the ghost-dancers, such as an inadequate provision of wood or some inattention on the part of the officials, they might attempt to show their displeasure by throwing fire about the dance-house. It then became the duty of the two fire-tenders to hold sticks of wood across the fire. This operated as a taboo to the ghost-dancers, who were prevented from touching the fire. If there were any of the ash-devils present, even though not regularly participating in this particular ceremony, they at once brought their special bird-shaped staffs, which served as their badges of authority,[19]and gave them absolute control over the entire assemblage, including even the head captain. This caused the fire-tenders to remove their restriction, and the ghost-dancers were then privileged to do as they wished as long as they were under the patronage of the ash-devils.

While serving, during the regular ghost dance, as messengers, sergeants-at-arms, and collectors of fines, the ash-devils were called katsa´tala (E), and were the special clowns who performed all manner of antics in their endeavors to provoke an outward expression of mirth from some unfortunate spectator. Should he so forget himself as to laugh or even smile at the antics, one of these katsa´tala ran at him with his wand and levied tribute in the form of a payment of beads or some other commodity, or imposed a penalty requiring the offender to bring wood or water for the dancers. Furthermore, if some one of the dancers should see a spectator in possession of something desirable, he sent one of these katsa´tala with his wand to this spectator to demand the desired article. The spectator must then bring it to the foot of the center pole and deposit it for the dancers.

In order to provoke the spectators to mirth, these katsa´tala did many odd things and made themselves as grotesque as possible. For instance, one of them would prop his eyelids open with small wooden pegs (an action called ū´ībatak (E)), or he would hold his mouth open and stretch it out of shape (an action called katsī´da batak (E)), or he would fill his cheeks very full and puff them out with grass (called kawe´ts kale (E)).

These ash-devils never actually danced in the ghost dance proper, but accompanied the regular ghost-dancers when they appeared. The intervals between dances were filled and greatly enlivened by their antics, and it was during these intervals that they made good their name by rolling in the ashes of the fire, and by sometimes throwing live coals about, and "eating" them.

From time to time during the "rests," or ceremonial pauses, one of these katsa´tala would seize a cocoon rattle, run four times about the fire and center pole, and throw the rattle at the chief singer, calling upon him for a song. This must be at once forthcoming, and the ghost dance itself was then resumed. If some one in the audience wished to have the singing and dancing resumed, he threw a cocoon rattle at one of the fire-tenders, who passed it to one of the katsa´tala, who then ran about the fire and presented it to the chief singer as just described.

Songs were sometimes sung independently and unaccompanied bydancing. This was especially the case in what may be termed singing contests. Upon receiving the rattle, a singer was obliged at once to sing some song. He then passed the rattle to another singer, who did likewise. Thus each of the renowned singers was given an opportunity to prove his merit. Each man's song was accompanied by a parade of the performers, which carried the party, including the singer, four times around the dancing area.

Fire-eating was restricted, as above stated, to the ash-devils, and, while sometimes practiced during intermissions in the regular ghost dance, it was usually held as a separate ceremony in the evening and was preceded by a short dance.

The dress of the ash-devils consisted of a coat of paint and a very simple headdress.[20]In addition, however, they carried special ceremonial staffs called tōa bīla´t (E), kasa´ūsaūa (E), and kasa´Isala (E). To one end of this ceremonial staff was fixed the head of a crane. Grass was used to stuff the neck part, bits of abalone (Haliotis) shell made the eyes, and bluejay feathers were made into a topknot. It was permissible to use wands of slightly different forms, but all were crooked in some way, and the crane-headed staff was the recognized variety.

When this special ceremony commenced, the ash-devils became supreme and took precedence over everybody. A guard was posted at the foot of the side post to the east of the door, and no one was permitted to leave the dance-house after the ceremony had begun except upon payment of a certain sum of what was termed upon this occasion "bead money" (cata´ne (E)). As a matter of fact, two or three stems of rush, from four to six feet in length, were bound together and were given to the guard as payment. He took this "money" and hung it on the wall near the drum, after having danced a few quick steps upon the drum with it in his hands. These rushes were legal tender during this ceremony; and if the dancers asked a favor of any one else in the dance-house they paid him for the service in this same legal tender. Their authority was especially shown by their use of the crane-head wands, which no one else was permitted to touch. They could be handled only after a long fast involving complete abstinence from water and from meat or grease in any form.

As soon as the ash-devils entered the dance-house absolute silence fell upon all. Except the ash-devils, no one, not excepting the head captain, was permitted to speak during the ceremony. The rule was that the ash-devils themselves must consult one another in low tones.

Immediately upon entering the dance-house the main group of ash-devils took up a position at the foot of the center pole and, in case some one of the spectators did not almost immediately start a song for their dance, they might jump into the fire and begin to throw brands and live coals about among the spectators. This drastic action quickly called forth a protest, and some one volunteered to sing.

The actual dancing lasted for perhaps half an hour, after which the ash-devils sat down and began to "eat fire," jump into it, and perform other miraculous feats with it. They, to all appearances, actually picked up live coals, which they called bū (E), and devoured them, preferring the coals of manzanita wood, as these were the strongest and hottest. This term bū is translated by the Pomo as "potatoes," a term applied to the many species of bulbs and corms formerly an important part of their food supply. The word for coals is masi´k (E).

During the progress of the dancing a fire-tender had been preparing the fire for the special benefit of the ash-devils, and had selected a considerable quantity of live coals, which he had piled at one side of the main fire. Suddenly one of the fire-dancers put his hand into these coals and scattered them out over the dancing floor. Then he pretended to be burned and danced about as if in pain. Finally, however, he struck the center pole with his hand and evinced great satisfaction, for to him the center pole was as cold water. During this fire-eating ceremony many other feats were performed, such as catching with the mouth a live coal which had been thrown into the air, then running back to the drum and dancing upon it. The dancer usually turned toward the audience, opened his mouth, and exhaled his breath in such a way as to cause the coal to glow between his teeth or farther back in his mouth.Such comical antics would in ordinary life provoke an outburst of merriment, but the rules of the ceremony absolutely forbade a sound of any kind, mirthful or otherwise, from the audience, and if the rule were violated a fine was exacted.

During this ceremony, and apparently as an initiation of novices, little boys were thrown by the ash-devils back and forth a number of times through the blaze of a large fire.

Finally, after about half an hour of this eating and handling offire, the ash-devils formed at the drum and danced over a course such as that shown infigure 5. This was repeated four times, and as each dancer stepped upon the drum he danced a few short, quick steps, as did the regular drummer in producing music for an ordinary dance. Upon completing this cycle of four, the dancers reversed their direction and traveled over the same course four times. They next passed over the course represented infigure 6, stopping at the four points marked I, where each dancer waved his wand, which he held with both hands, above and in front of his head in such a manner as to describe with it a semicircle, while the spectators cried "hee´...."

Fig. 5—Course in first part of final fire dance.Fig. 6—Course in second part of final fire dance.

Fig. 5—Course in first part of final fire dance.

Fig. 6—Course in second part of final fire dance.

The dancers then returned to the drum, removed their head-dresses and nets, and danced back and forth four times along the line indicated infigure 7. At the end of each journey along this line, the dancers blew their breath forcibly through their lips and waved their hands from their mouths. At the end of this cycle they sat down and became ordinary persons[21]once more. The spectators were then permittedto do as they wished. They could resume their normal ways, including smoking, which had been prohibited because the fire and everything pertaining to it belonged exclusively to the fire-dancers during this ceremony.

During the first three days and nights of the ghost ceremony, either the ghost dance itself or some other dance associated with it might be held. On the fourth night it was necessary that the entire night be spent in dancing, and near dawn there occurred a purification rite accompanied by special songs. Every ceremonial object about the dance-house, whether it had been used during the preceding days or not, had to undergo this purification, and in case the owner of such a ceremonial object was not present, some near relative performed the ceremony with it.

Fig. 7—Course in third part of final fire dance.

Just before sunrise each dancer, holding up his personal ceremonial paraphernalia in his right hand, danced back and forth in time to the songs. He danced four times looking toward each of the six cardinal directions in the following order: east, north, west, south, up, down.All the ceremonial objects were then hung up in the dance-house and later stored away secretly by the chief Gū´ksū doctor.

The ceremony ended during the following forenoon with a grand feast, which differed materially from other feasts held at times during the ceremony, in that each separate class of individuals dined by itself in the order of rank—captains, fire-tenders, singers, drummers, masters of ceremonies, ash-devils, ghost-dancers, and spectators. The food served to each class was, however, of the same kind and quality.

Certain restrictions were imposed upon the dancers after the ceremony was over. The regular ghost-dancers were not allowed to eat meat for eight days. Those who wore the chaplet of twigs upon the head were obliged to abstain from meat for four days. The Gū´ksū doctor who assisted a dancer in dressing might ask him for some article, such as a powerful poison. This had to be given the Gū´ksū and, in that case, the dancer was forced to abstain from meat for eight days. A dancer who wore certain kinds of feather ornaments abstained from meat for a month. The chief Gū´ksū doctor, who knew all about the ghost dance and who was called yō´mta bate (E), was compelled to abstain from meat for several months. It was his duty to care for the ceremonial paraphernalia between dances. This had to be carefully hidden away in some lonely spot where no one could find it except this chief Gū´ksū doctor and his two or three assistants.

Whenever any one of these individuals ate meat or fish for the first time after this period of restriction had expired he was enjoined to say a short prayer over it.

The following are the most characteristic features of the ghost or devil ceremony:

The ceremony is supposed to have had its origin in mythical times and to have been instituted as an atonement for an offense against the dead.It lasted four days, ending with an all-night dance, and, on the morning of the fifth day, a purification rite followed by a feast in which each class of individuals dined by itself.The participants were several ghost-or devil-dancers personating the spirits of the departed and accompanied frequently, though not always, by one or more ash-devils or ash-ghosts, who filled the double office of clown and sergeant-at-arms, and who usually performed their special fire dance and fire-eating ceremony.The officials particularly concerned with the ceremony were two head singers, an indefinite number of burden-singers, a drummer, two fire-tenders, and two masters of ceremonies. The village captains retained their full authority in this ceremony except when the ash-devils were performing.The audience consisted of initiated men only, and silence was the rule. Any exhibition of mirth was absolutely prohibited under penalty.The attire of the ghost-dancer consisted of several pieces of headgear, supplemented in some cases by a chaplet of leaves, a girdle, and sometimes a neck-ring of leaves. The body was otherwise nude except for very elaborate painting in black, white, and red. The dancers dressed secretly in the woods and came to the village carrying bunches of grass or twigs in their hands, behind which they at times pretended to hide.The ash-devils wore only a simple head-dress and a coat of paint.The special crane-head shaped wand of the ash-devil gave him absolute authority.The dancers entered the village at the call of a crier stationed on top of the dance-house, performed an elaborate ceremony in front of the dance-house, and finally entered it backwards, groping their way, using an inverted style of speech, and in every other manner showing that the spirits of the departed were unaccustomed to the ways of mortals.The dancing was elaborate and was characterized by the occurrence of movements in cycles of four, followed by an elaborate ceremonial disrobing at the drum, and then by swimming.During the fire dance the ash-devils initiated novices.The dancers were subject to certain restrictions for varying periods of time following the ceremony.

FOOTNOTES:[7]Contr. N.A. Ethn.,III, 158-160, 1877.[8]Loc. cit.[9]Op. cit., pp. 193-194.[10]See below, p. 414.[11]The exact identity of this supernatural being could not be determined from informants.[12]According to one informant, two feathers instead of one were worn by these dancers. These were placed so that they projected laterally from the forehead.[13]One informant stated that each dancer was ablaze on his back, head, and arms, and that smoke issued from his mouth. This accords with Power's statements,quoted above.[14]According to one informant, some of these dancers carried stones, long sticks, or even snakes with which to frighten the spectators. Note also Power's reference to the use of the rattlesnake in the ghost dance,quoted above.[15]Two or three dancers sometimes came together.[16]Mibax bōl malīdai (E).[17]This expression was said by informants to be untranslatable, simply an expression used to start the song. This jumping upon the drum and calling by the drummer were called tehe´sba (E).[18]Compare below, p. 419.[19]See below, p. 418.[20]See below, p. 420.[21]According to the above information, which was obtained from an Eastern Pomo informant, the fire-dancers evidently did not make an attempt to hide their identity. However, a Central Pomo informant was very specific in his statements that the dancers of his locality were more particular in this respect, and instead of remaining in the dance-house after the ceremony they ran out and returned to their respective places of seclusion, there to dress in daily attire and return to the village.

[7]Contr. N.A. Ethn.,III, 158-160, 1877.

[8]Loc. cit.

[9]Op. cit., pp. 193-194.

[10]See below, p. 414.

[11]The exact identity of this supernatural being could not be determined from informants.

[12]According to one informant, two feathers instead of one were worn by these dancers. These were placed so that they projected laterally from the forehead.

[13]One informant stated that each dancer was ablaze on his back, head, and arms, and that smoke issued from his mouth. This accords with Power's statements,quoted above.

[14]According to one informant, some of these dancers carried stones, long sticks, or even snakes with which to frighten the spectators. Note also Power's reference to the use of the rattlesnake in the ghost dance,quoted above.

[15]Two or three dancers sometimes came together.

[16]Mibax bōl malīdai (E).

[17]This expression was said by informants to be untranslatable, simply an expression used to start the song. This jumping upon the drum and calling by the drummer were called tehe´sba (E).

[18]Compare below, p. 419.

[19]See below, p. 418.

[20]See below, p. 420.

[21]According to the above information, which was obtained from an Eastern Pomo informant, the fire-dancers evidently did not make an attempt to hide their identity. However, a Central Pomo informant was very specific in his statements that the dancers of his locality were more particular in this respect, and instead of remaining in the dance-house after the ceremony they ran out and returned to their respective places of seclusion, there to dress in daily attire and return to the village.

Gū´ksū or kū´ksū, as he is called in the different Pomo dialects, was a supernatural being living at the end of the world toward the south, one of six supernatural beings living at the ends of the world in the six cardinal directions. The term is also applied to a large mosquito-like insect, called locally "gallinipper."

Toward the east lived Ca´lnis, the only one of these deities who was associated especially with Gū´ksū in the ceremonies of the Pomo.

Toward the north lived Sū´ūpadax (whirlwind).

Toward the west lived Xa´-matū´tsī (water-occupation). The connection is here very readily seen when we know that the territory of the Pomo reached to the Pacific Ocean, and that this great body of water formed an important element in certain phases of their mythology. It was only toward the west that the world was supposed by the Pomo to be bounded by water.

Above lived Kalī´-matūtsī (sky-occupation).

Below lived Ka´i-matū´tsī (earth-occupation).

Some of these terms really referred to groups of several deities each. The deities of all six quarters were particularly concerned with medicine practices. Healing was, however, especially the province of the Gū´ksūs, and the Pomo medicine-men, or "doctors," made their prayers particularly to them, although all the remaining deities of the cardinal points were invoked.

Nothing very definite seems to be known concerning the places of abode or manners of living of most of these deities. Each was supposed to dwell, at his own "end of the world," in a sweat-house or dance-house of one kind or another. Each was also supposed to be distinctly malevolent at times and to be a man-killer unless properly placated. Under the proper circumstances they were regarded as benevolent, as was indicated by the prayers of the medicine-men invoking the aid of these deities in curing the sick.

Concerning the personal appearance of Gū´ksū and Ca´lnis, more was known than of the others. Gū´ksū himself was said to be of about normal human size and his most characteristic feature was a very long, large, sharp, red nose. He was usually very good natured. Ca´lnis, on the other hand, while resembling Gū´ksū in most respects except that of the abnormal nose, was at all times a testy individual, and in the Gū´ksū ceremony his impersonator pursued people and tripped them up.

Gū´ksū was impersonated by a number of dancers, while only a single one represented Ca´lnis. Those personating Gū´ksū were dressed as follows: They painted their entire bodies black, according to some informants; according to others, with horizontal red, white, and black stripes. The feet were painted black and the under side of the chin and the sides of the face were painted white. On their heads they wore either a "big-head" headdress (a very bulky type of featherbonnet) or a large feather tuft on top of the head, and a yellow-hammer feather forehead-band. The large nose of Gū´ksū was represented by one made of feathers and of such a size as completely to cover the nose and mouth of the dancer. When painted red, this was said to represent very well this characteristic of the deity as he existed in the imagination of the Indians. The connection with the proboscis of the gallinipper is especially apt. Each Gū´ksū-dancer carried a cakō´ik (E), or staff, about two inches in diameter and from six to eight feet in length, on the top of which was a feather tuft. The Gū´ksū-dancer, being supposedly a supernatural being, never spoke. The only sound made by him throughout this ceremony was produced by his whistle.

The Ca´lnis-dancer was painted entirely black and carried a black staff very much like that of the Gū´ksū, except that it was somewhat shorter and bore no feathers. On his head he wore an ordinary feather cape so drawn together that it formed an immense feather topknot which normally fell in all directions over his head. This was held in place by means of skewers passing through a headnet. Another point in which these two dancers differed was that while the Gū´ksū-dancer was provided with a double bone whistle the Ca´lnis-dancer had none.

The Gū´ksū ceremony itself, called gū´ksū xaikilga (E), gaxa´gaxaū xaixilga (E), kūksū haitcilaū (C), and djaka´djakaū (N), lasted for six days, during the first and the last two of which there was celebrated the special ceremony called gaxa´gaxa (E), in which the children of the village were scarified.

Two or three days before the time appointed for the scarifying ceremony the men of the village went into the woods and cut a pole, perhaps from thirty to forty feet in length, which they trimmed and peeled preparatory to its erection. A hole a foot or two deep and large enough to receive the pole was dug directly in front of, and a short distance from, the dance-house.

On the morning of the first ceremonial day a considerable number of men went out from the village dressed in a special ceremonial attire. This consisted of a body-painting either of black stripes or spots (no particular number being prescribed), and of a head decoration composed of a headnet, a down headnet, two trembler plumes, a yellow-hammer, feather forehead-band, and a small feather tuft.

They brought in the pole to the area directly in front of the dance-house, and here the following ceremony was performed: To the upper end of the pole a streamer was attached. The fastest runner among the participants took the end of this streamer, and the other men, arranged usually in the order of their ability as runners, grasped the pole at different points down to its butt. Behind this line certain women who participated formed a second line. The pole was then carried, at the top speed of the runners, four times around in a contra-clockwise direction, the pivotal point being the hole in which the pole was to rest, and over which its base was held. As they ran the runners swayed the pole up and down, and the women threw upon the men handfuls of a small, parched, black seed called gēhe´ (E).

Upon the completion of the fourth round some one of the runners shouted loudly "ha ... ū ..." and at this signal all lifted the pole vertically into place in the hole. The call was repeated as the pole was about half way up. When in place, the pole was fixed by tramping earth and stones about it.

Within a few minutes after the erection of the pole the Gū´ksū-dancers appeared and stopped about two or three hundred yards away from the dance-house. Some of the men had been attempting to climb the pole, both men and women meanwhile throwing at them balls, gala´l (E), of uncooked meal made of a certain grass seed.

As the Gū´ksū-dancers appeared in the distance the climbing ceased, and the children who were to be initiated were collected about the base of the pole. Boys who were to be thus initiated were called yō´mta (E), while girls were called masa´nta (E). They ranged in age from perhaps five to ten years. The dancers proceeded to the foot of the pole, took the children in hand, and performed the following ceremony, the object of which was to secure for the children good health and to make them grow rapidly. The children were first made to lie down upon the ground and were covered with blankets. Then, under the supervision of the dancers, each child had two cuts made with a broken shell across the small of its back and about an inch apart. The cutting was done by the gaxa´ xale (E), an old man selected for the purpose by the people of the village on account of his long life, good health, and particularly his good heartedness. This was one of the most important phases of the initiation, and upon it depended the effect upon the life of the child. The children were in each case covered completely with the blanket and were not permitted, under any consideration, to look up during this part of theceremony. They might make any outcry they pleased, but if they attempted to look up from the ground they were threatened and even beaten with the staffs of the dancers. The cutting was done quite deeply, so that blood was always drawn. The children were also prohibited from looking up into a tree from under its branches until after these scarifications had completely healed, else the tree would bear no fruit.

The entire assemblage next entered the dance-house, the dancers going directly to their positions in the rear without the preliminary ceremony of entry which was required in most other ceremonies. The children were made to lie on the floor and were again covered with their blankets. The dancers then performed for their benefit, making agreat deal of fun both of the children and of the scarification ceremony. They danced thus for a short time, then went on the west side of the fire, where they turned their heads slowly to the left four times, after which the people cried "ya...." The dancers then ran out and into the brush, where they took off and left their dancing paraphernalia. This ceremonial leaving of the dance-house was supposed to remove all illness from the village, the dancers taking it with them as they went out. The spirits which they represented supposedly returned at that time to their supernatural home at the south end of the world.

Another feature of the initiation in the Gū´ksū ceremony is described by a Central Pomo informant, who says that young men were initiated by being ceremonially shot with the bow and arrow.

Powers describes what he terms a "spear dance" among the Gallinomero (which evidently refers to this same ceremony), as follows:[22]

First they all unite, men and squaws together, in a pleasant dance, accompanied by a chant, while a chorister keeps time by beating on his hand with a split stick. In addition to their finest deerskin chemises and strings of beads, the squaws wear large puffs of yellowhammers' down over their eyes. The men have mantles of buzzards', hawks', or eagles' tail-feathers, reaching from the armpits down to the thighs, and circular headdresses of the same material, besides their usual breech-clouts of rawhide, and are painted in front with terrific splendor. They dance in two circles, the squaws in the outside one; the men leaping up and down as usual, and the squaws simply swaying their bodies and waving their handkerchiefs in a lackadaisical manner. Occasionally an Indian will shoot away through the interior of the circle and caper like aharlequin for a considerable space of time, but he always returns to his place in front of his partner.After this is over, the coward or clown is provided with a long, sharp stick, and he and his prompter take their places in the ring ready for performances. A woman as nearly nude as barbaric modesty will permit is placed in the center, squatting on the ground. Then some Indian intones a chant, which he sings alone, and the sport, such as it is, begins. At the bidding of the prompter, the coward makes a furious sally in one direction, and with his spear stabs the empty air. Then he dashes back in the opposite direction and slashes into the air again. Next he runs some other way and stabs again. Now perhaps he makes a feint to pierce the woman. Thus the prompter keeps him chasing backward and forward, spearing the thin air toward every point of the compass, or making passes at the woman, until nearly tired out, and the patience of the American spectators is exhausted, and they begin to think the whole affair will terminate in "mere dumb show." But finally, at a word from the prompter, the spearman makes a tremendous run at the woman and stabs her in the umbilicus. She falls over on the ground, quivering in every limb, and the blood jets forth in a purple stream. The Indians all rush around her quickly and hustle her away to another place, where they commence laying her out for the funeral pyre, but huddle around her so thickly all the while that the Americans cannot approach to see what is done. Thus they mystify matters and hold some powwow over her for a considerable space of time, when shesomehow mysteriously revives, recovers her feet, goes away to her wigwam, encircled by a bevy of her companions, dons her robe, and appears in the circle as well as ever, despite that terrible spear-thrust.Men who have witnessed this performance tell me the first time they saw it they would have taken their oaths that the woman was stabbed unto death, so perfect was the illusion. Although this travesty of gladiatorial combat is intended merely for amusement, yet all the Indians, these stoics of the woods, gaze upon it with profound and passionless gravity. If they laugh at all it is only after it is all over, and at the mystification of the Americans.

After this is over, the coward or clown is provided with a long, sharp stick, and he and his prompter take their places in the ring ready for performances. A woman as nearly nude as barbaric modesty will permit is placed in the center, squatting on the ground. Then some Indian intones a chant, which he sings alone, and the sport, such as it is, begins. At the bidding of the prompter, the coward makes a furious sally in one direction, and with his spear stabs the empty air. Then he dashes back in the opposite direction and slashes into the air again. Next he runs some other way and stabs again. Now perhaps he makes a feint to pierce the woman. Thus the prompter keeps him chasing backward and forward, spearing the thin air toward every point of the compass, or making passes at the woman, until nearly tired out, and the patience of the American spectators is exhausted, and they begin to think the whole affair will terminate in "mere dumb show." But finally, at a word from the prompter, the spearman makes a tremendous run at the woman and stabs her in the umbilicus. She falls over on the ground, quivering in every limb, and the blood jets forth in a purple stream. The Indians all rush around her quickly and hustle her away to another place, where they commence laying her out for the funeral pyre, but huddle around her so thickly all the while that the Americans cannot approach to see what is done. Thus they mystify matters and hold some powwow over her for a considerable space of time, when shesomehow mysteriously revives, recovers her feet, goes away to her wigwam, encircled by a bevy of her companions, dons her robe, and appears in the circle as well as ever, despite that terrible spear-thrust.

Men who have witnessed this performance tell me the first time they saw it they would have taken their oaths that the woman was stabbed unto death, so perfect was the illusion. Although this travesty of gladiatorial combat is intended merely for amusement, yet all the Indians, these stoics of the woods, gaze upon it with profound and passionless gravity. If they laugh at all it is only after it is all over, and at the mystification of the Americans.

Referring to another phase of the same dance, as practiced in another division of the Pomo, Powers says:

Their fashion of the spear dance is different from the Gallinomero. The man who is to be slain stands behind a screen of hazel boughs with his face visible through an aperture; and the spearman, after the usual protracted dashing about and making of feints, strikes him in the face through the hole in the screen. He is then carried off, revives, etc.[23]

The novices who were thus shot were called tcō´ktcōk (C) [plural tcō´ktcōkau], and the person who did the shooting, at the direction of the head captain, was called yo´mta (C). The informant did not state just where the shooting was performed and was not explicit as to its exact nature, but it appears probable that it occurred in the dance-house. These novices were forbidden to eat fresh manzanita berries and the flesh of the fawn, the gray squirrel, and the red-headed woodpecker. After the shooting ceremony the novices were taken out into the area directly in front of the dance-house, and here a ceremonyof healing was performed over them by the one who shot them. He told them that they would have long life and health, and that a feast would be held for them in the course of a few days.

The Gū´ksū-dancers appeared only once each day in this Gū´ksū ceremony, though various other dances might be held during the day, and it was only upon the first morning that the ceremony about the pole and the scarification above described were held. The ceremony lasted, all told, six days. The ceremonies of the first day have just been described. Those of the following three days consisted of one appearance of the Gū´ksūs each day, accompanied by a simple dance.

On the morning of the fifth day, however, the children who underwent the scarification on the first day were again assembled and driven by the dancers as rapidly as possible about the village and out into the valley. The children held one another's hands as they were driven, making a continuous line. When they had become quite fatigued, they were made to lie down and the dancers covered them with branches. They remained here throughout the day and were again driven about in the same manner just after sundown, being again covered with branches, under which they stayed until morning. They were then brought in by the dancers and made to perform a short dance in a brush inclosure, called ma´le (E), which was built just outside the dance-house for this special purpose. After this, an old man, probably the same who performed the scarification, sang over the children. During this dance each child carried a small willow twig, which he threw onto a pile at the end of the dance, after which he was free to go his way, and the entire ceremony was ended. The fire-tender bore these twigs away and deposited them at some distance from the village.

A Gū´ksū-dancer appeared at other ceremonies, but only for the purpose of removing sickness from the village. He was sometimes called in, as were other dancers, but often he appeared unannounced. He, however, always notified at least one individual, whose duty it was to assist him and direct his movements. Apparently this individual was not a particular official, but might be any friend of the Gū´ksū-dancer. The ceremony was a very short one. The Gū´ksū ran rapidly in and passed in a contra-clockwise direction four times around the fire. He then hurried to a position directly in front of the center pole and here ran swiftly back and forth four times over ashort, straight course. He then ran around back of the center pole and stopped on its west side. Here he turned his head slowly to the left; then ran a short distance toward the door, stopping and repeating this motion, making in all four such stops. After this he ran swiftly out through the tunnel and back to the woods, where he undressed and returned as an ordinary civilian to the village. As he started to run out of the tunnel, the people said, "ya ... s ... pūtsa´l kam" (E), that is, "ya...s... healthy make us." The prolonged "s" was simply a hissing expulsion of breath, and as it was blown out in this fashion any disease which might possibly have found lodgment in the body of the individual was supposed to depart with it and to be taken by Gū´ksū to his home in the south.

Before dressing, the Gū´ksū-dancers always chewed up and rubbed upon their bodies the very sweet-scented seed of a certain species of conifer, kawa´cap (E), growing plentifully in the region of Clear Lake. A Gū´ksū-dancer was forbidden to eat meat or drink anything before the ceremony or before doctoring a patient, as described below. The Gū´ksū-dancer might, however, eat vegetable foods and drink water after the ceremonial swim, which always occurred directly after his dance. He could not eat meat or greasy food of any kind for four days after a ceremony.

In addition to their part in the scarifying ceremony just described, the Gū´ksū-dancers formed a class of medicine-men, and were often called in to minister to the sick. These "doctors," when curing the sick, dressed themselves in the costume of the regular Gū´ksū ceremony. As in the ceremony also, the Gū´ksū doctor had to be ceremonially summoned, and he came in from the woods impersonating the supernatural Gū´ksū. The latter was pictured, to all intents and purposes, as coming from his home in the south to perform the "medicine" rite and carry away with him the disease from the sick person. A special call was used in this case as follows: "hyō ... hyō´ ..." repeated four times.

The Gū´ksū doctor never spoke and never sang over his patients, but constantly blew a double bone whistle in a characteristic way, a very short blast followed by a very long one. Upon reaching the patient, who might be either in or out of doors, he ran around him several times. He then inserted the point of his staff under the neck of the patient and made motions four times as if prying upwards.He next inserted the staff under the shoulder and repeated this prying motion four times. He did the same at the hips, and finally at the knees.

He next tapped and pressed down with his staff; first upon the forehead, then upon the chest, then upon the belly, and finally upon the knees of the patient. After this he ran rapidly out of the village and into the hills, where he stopped and turned his head toward the left four times. He then disappeared and was supposed to have returned to his supernatural abode in the south, carrying with him the ailment of the patient.

While the above was the typical procedure of one of these doctors in curing a patient, he had great latitude, and might, at his own option, omit altogether certain of the above mentioned movements or use others in their places. For instance, he might pry as above, or he might press and pat the body of the patient. On the other hand, he might simply pass his staff down over the body of the patient a number of times, usually four or some multiple of four, or he might omit the use of the staff entirely and "doctor" with his whistle only, in which case he bent over or knelt beside the patient and blew his whistle over the various parts of his body, particularly those recognized by the patient as the seats of pain.

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