Upon the advice of those Franks who were hostile to Charlemagne and had been entertained at the court of Desiderius, the Alpine passes leading into Lombardy were obstructed besides being strongly guarded. In this way Desiderius felt certain he could defy Charlemagne. Another event increased his feeling of security. Charlemagne, in consideration of the natural resentment of a father whose daughter had been humiliated, sought once more to establish friendly relations with him. He appealed to him to acquiesce in Pepin’s assignment of territory to the Church and to abstain from any assault upon his sovereignty. Unfortunately for Desiderius, he looked upon this as a proof that Charlemagne recognized the impossibility of invading Italy. Thereupon he contemptuously rejected the offer and went so far with his insolence that the latter, realizing now that war was inevitable, exclaimed: “He does not fear the barking of the German dog so long as it does not come out of its kennel.”
Charlemagne prepared for every emergency. Immediately upon the receipt of Desiderius’s reply, he began a forward movement. He led the main part of his army over Mont Cenis by a route which Desiderius had supposed to be impassable; while his uncle Bernhard with another division crossed Mount Joll. The two divisions met at the southern base of the Alps. No resistance had been offered except at one spot, and that was easily overcome. Charlemagne pressed forward without delay, defeated the Lombard forces of Adalgis and the Frankish leader Ottocar, and advanced to the siege of Pavia,[22]whither Ottocar had fled to join Desiderius. As the siege might be a long one, Charlemagne at the head of one division of his army advanced toward Rome, taking possession, on the way, of many Roman cities which had fallen into the hands of the Lombards.
There was as great rejoicing in Rome as there was consternation among the Lombards at Charlemagne’s victorious progress. Preparations were made to welcome the rescuer. Ozanam says:
“On Easter Saturday Charlemagne appeared before the gates of Rome. The clergy bearing crosses, the senators and magistrates waving banners, and the children carrying palm branches and singing hymns, went out to meet him. He ascended to the Vatican where Pope Hadrian awaited him. On the following day he donned the tunic and laticlavium and sat in the court of justice. Military authority and civil jurisdiction were exercised alike by patricians.”[23]
“On Easter Saturday Charlemagne appeared before the gates of Rome. The clergy bearing crosses, the senators and magistrates waving banners, and the children carrying palm branches and singing hymns, went out to meet him. He ascended to the Vatican where Pope Hadrian awaited him. On the following day he donned the tunic and laticlavium and sat in the court of justice. Military authority and civil jurisdiction were exercised alike by patricians.”[23]
Shortly after this Charlemagne set out for his uncle’s camp before Pavia. The chronicles of St. Gall describe his arrival. Desiderius, who was shut in there, mounted a high tower with Ottocar, from which he espied Charlemagne’s army approaching in the distance. At first they saw only the war machines.
“Is not Charlemagne there with this great expedition?” asked Desiderius.
Ottocar replied that he was not.
But when Desiderius saw the large force of warriors following, he said, “Surely Charlemagne is among that multitude.”
“No, not yet,” said Ottocar.
“But what shall we do,” said Desiderius, who was growing very anxious, “if he should come with a still greater number of soldiers?”
While he was speaking, the bodyguards appeared, at sight of whom the panic-stricken Desiderius cried out, “There comes Charlemagne.” Ottocar again assured him he was not there.
Then came bishops, abbés, the clergy of the royal chapel, and the grandees. Desiderius exclaimed with a groan, “Let us hide ourselves in the bowels of the earth, far away from the sight of this terrible enemy!”
Hardly had he uttered these words when they saw something in the west like a black cloud driven by the northeast wind. The glimmer of weapons foretold a day for the doomed city as dark as night. Then Charlemagne himself appeared—that man of iron, iron-helmeted and gauntleted, his breast and shoulders in coat of iron mail, with lance uplifted in his right hand, his left grasping his sword-hilt.
Famine and pestilence forced the surrender of the city. Desiderius was deposed and his throne declared forfeited, and he was sent first to Luttich and thence to the monastery of Corvey,[24]where he was compelled to spend his remaining days in the exercise of penance. His son, Adalgis, escaped a like fate by flight. After the surrender the Archbishop of Milan crowned Charlemagne with the Iron Crown, so called because a nail from the Cross, said to have been brought by the Empress Hélène from Jerusalem, was set among its jewels.
Immediately after the coronation, Paulus Diaconus,[25]famous as a historian, tried to incite revolt. He was arrested, brought before the military court, and sentenced to a shameful death. Charlemagne, however, did not execute the penalty. He admired the man for his patriotism and gave him his freedom. He established a constitution and laws for the Lombards, and after settling the affairs of their kingdom, received news of the Saxon uprising.
We must now consider the longest and most desperate of Charlemagne’s wars—that waged against the Saxons, which began before his campaign against Desiderius and lasted not less than thirty-three years.
A bitter race antagonism had long prevailed between the Franks and the Saxons. As already related, the latter had been subjugated by Charlemagne’s predecessors and forced to pay tribute. Saxony extended along both sides of the Weser, westerly to the vicinity of the lower Rhine, southwesterly to the Harz[26]and the Unstrut,[27]and northerly to the ocean, except the country occupied by the Frisians. Four races inhabited Saxony—the Westphalians, living between the Weser and the Issel; the Eastphalians, on the right bank of the Weser to the Elbe; the Eugen, between both these; and the Northmen, or Nordalbingi,[28]who lived on both sides of the Elbe. “Phalen” or “Falen” means a great plain, and one of these names (Westphalia) is in use to-day.
The Saxons were not far advanced in civilization. The hatred which they entertained against the Germans, who had been converted to Christianity by Boniface[29]and other missionaries, had caused them to break off friendly intercourse with their ancestral associates. They worshipped Odin and other heathen divinities in their forests, as of old. Charlemagne conducted his campaign against them, not so much in the interest of religion as to overthrow the power of a dangerous neighbor, before he went to Italy to subjugate Desiderius. He invaded Saxony and occupied Eresburg, in the vicinity of which was Irminsul, the mystic idol revered by the Saxons.[30]Its significance is still doubtful. Some maintain that it typified the world-ash tree “Ygdrasil,” whose trunk, the Germans believed, was rooted in the underworld and whose branches shadowed Odin’s palace, Walhalla. Others contend that it was a memorial of Arminius who freed Germany from the Roman yoke. The Irminsul was demolished by the Franks. The Saxons at last sued for peace, which Charlemagne granted after they had given him twelve hostages. Then he retired with his army.
After this opening success over the Saxons, Charlemagne began his campaign against Desiderius; but hardly had he deposed the Lombardian King before he received the news that the Saxons, in violation of their promise to remain peaceable, had invaded Hesse and were laying it waste. He appeared among them so suddenly and in such force that they were again easily overcome. Once more they submitted, sent him hostages, and were pardoned. It was not his good fortune, however, to enjoy the fruits of victory long. An uprising in Italy, led by Adalgis, son of Desiderius, who had previously escaped, as has been related, next confronted him. Adalgis betook himself to the court of the Greek Emperor to seek his assistance, and made an alliance with his brother-in-law Arighis, Duke of Benevento,[31]who had married the rejected Desiderata. By this alliance he secured the help of the other Italian nobles, who had been left undisturbed upon condition of remaining loyal. The landing of Adalgis with his Greek auxiliaries was the signal for an uprising. Upon receipt of the news of his enemy’s designs from the Pope, Charlemagne hastened to Italy. Only one of the nobles, however, Duke Rotgund in Friaul, had ventured to take up arms, and he was quickly defeated, taken prisoner, and made to do penance the rest of his life. The remaining nobles were stripped of their possessions and the country was divided into earldoms, governed by Frankish nobles.
As soon as the Saxons learned that Charlemagne was engaged in Italy, throwing their promises to the winds, they rose again, destroyed a number of Christian churches, and advanced to lay siege to Eresburg, which was occupied by the Franks. Failing to capture the stronghold by assault, they resorted to trickery. By a pretended retreat they induced the Franks to make a sally, then turned upon them, slaughtered them, and demolished the fortress. A few of the garrison saved themselves by flight to Siegburg on the Ruhr,[32]which was attacked by the Saxons without success. Charlemagne, in the meantime, having returned from Italy, suddenly appeared in Saxony and overcame all opposition. He once more pardoned those who implored mercy, restored Eresburg, and built the fortress of Lippestadt. To appease the King, several of the nobles, among them Bruno, son-in-law of Wittekind,[33]accepted Christian baptism and remained as hostages with the King. Charlemagne did not avenge this disloyalty upon his hostages, but continued his efforts to overcome opposition by mild measures which were not altogether satisfactory to his leaders. In his opinion the time had not yet come to undertake forcible conversions, for he was convinced that Christian belief and faith could not be imposed by violence. He was fully resolved to Christianize the Saxons, but he had other methods in view of bringing about that result. He was equally determined that the Saxons should become a political element in the great German nation, but he was cautious about taking any measures that were not absolutely necessary.
It was Charlemagne’s custom to call an annual assembly of the leaders of his people upon the Champ de Mai[34]to discuss affairs of state. He decided that year (777) to hold it in Saxony, and selected for its locality the district at the source of the Lippe near Paderborn. He hoped the Saxons would regard this gathering as a peace measure. Their leaders were invited to participate and appeared in a body, with the exception of Wittekind, who bitterly hated the Franks. He had escaped after the defeat; and as Adalgis sought assistance from the Greek Emperor, so he appealed to his brother-in-law Siegfried, King of Denmark, to aid him.
The Saxon chiefs beheld Charlemagne for the first time in the majesty of peaceful surroundings. Heroes of the sword and dignitaries of the Church were gathered around his throne. Many of these chiefs willingly acknowledged such a master. It happened also that a Moorish Embassy from Spain was in Paderborn at this time. The Saxons beheld the newcomers with astonishment, so different was their splendid attire from that of the northern peoples. The Moorish leaders had come to seek the help of Charlemagne against Abderrahman, Caliph of Cordova, and promised to transfer their allegiance to him in case he freed them from his power. Charlemagne was glad of the opportunity to interpose in Spanish affairs. He promised to help the petitioners, and in the meantime decided to demand a district in northern Spain for himself as a defence, in case of emergency, against the Moors of the southern part. The Saxons for the first time realized the wide extent of his authority and fame. How could they longer withstand him, they asked themselves. Ozanam says:
“Many of them swore allegiance and promised to surrender their country and their freedom if they violated their word. Many renounced idol worship and were baptized. A multitude of men, women, and children went down to the river in white garments, accompanied by chanting priests, and came back Christians; at their head the priests and monks, who had thus laid the foundations of the Christian Saxon Church. The world rejoiced at the conversion.”
“Many of them swore allegiance and promised to surrender their country and their freedom if they violated their word. Many renounced idol worship and were baptized. A multitude of men, women, and children went down to the river in white garments, accompanied by chanting priests, and came back Christians; at their head the priests and monks, who had thus laid the foundations of the Christian Saxon Church. The world rejoiced at the conversion.”
No one was more delighted than Charlemagne. It heightened his hope and enthusiasm when he set out upon the Spanish expedition the following year. He crossed the Pyrenees, overcame Pampeluna and Barcelona, and made Navarre, Aragon, and Catalonia subject to his authority. Saragossa was next invested, and after a short resistance its people submitted to him and gave hostages and tribute. Thereupon he made northeastern Spain, as far as the Ebro, the limit of the Frankish kingdom in Spain, and established a barrier against the Moors, intending thereby to discourage pagan invasions and prevent the disturbance of the Christian world, as his grandfather had done before him.
Unfortunate news from home forced Charlemagne to leave Spain. While crossing the Pyrenees a part of his army met with serious disaster. The rear guard, led by Roland, was ambushed in a narrow valley near Roncesvalles by the Basques and slaughtered to the last man. It was impossible to offer resistance, for the enemy occupied an impregnable position on the heights, from which they rolled down huge rocks and hurled showers of missiles. The hero Roland and his brave comrades, the paladin Anschelm and the seneschal Eckart, who were slain, were celebrated at a later period in song and romance. Charlemagne undoubtedly would have turned back to avenge them had not a new Saxon uprising forced him to return as speedily as possible. He soon defeated the Saxons and laid waste their country to the Elbe. The usual result followed. Wittekind fled, the Saxons took the oath of allegiance and gave securities.
Charlemagne well knew that the roots of the Saxon animosity were grounded in their heathen religion. He determined to eradicate it by force. His scheme was to pardon only those who consented to be baptized and to remain faithful to the Christian faith. Death should be the penalty of participation in the heathen service. Forcible measures of this kind, imposed for the purpose of changing ideas and sentiments, are improper, it is true; but under existing circumstances it seemed the only preventive of their constant uprisings. It also promised to be of great advantage, as the younger generation would be influenced by the abandonment of the heathen religion to become loyal.
Charlemagne not only determined to introduce Christianity, but Frankish laws as well. Saxony was divided into districts to which Frankish chiefs were assigned. He deemed it of the highest importance that a people who had violated their obligations so frequently should be restrained by severe measures. The immediate outcome of this, however, was the almost complete destruction of a division of the Frankish army and the massacre of four princes and twenty distinguished nobles, by the Saxons, led by Wittekind and his brother Albion. Charlemagne’s grief at their loss was as intense as his anger against the Saxons. His patience was exhausted. He determined that justice should be inexorable in dealing with these murderers and perjurers. If he overlooked their bloody deed it would only incite the Saxons to perpetrate fresh atrocities. He determined to execute a penalty severe enough to intimidate the Saxons ever after, and to protect those who might be exposed to danger if the guilty went free. Charlemagne acted upon the theory that a judge who releases a murderer is equally guilty if that murderer commits fresh crimes. He put down the uprising at once; and when the Saxons as usual implored mercy and charged Wittekind (who had again fled) with the blame, he demanded the surrender of the guilty persons. They were tried by a military court, found guilty, and beheaded. Four thousand five hundred in one day! This was the massacre at Verden![35]—a grewsome deed!
Notwithstanding their many defeats and the massacre at Verden, the Saxons were not completely subjugated. Infuriated by that dreadful event, Wittekind and the Saxon leaders incited another uprising and began a war of revenge. Charlemagne in consequence was forced to use more strenuous measures than before. Two desperate battles were fought, one at Detmold, which was not decisive, and the other at Hesse, between the Ems and the Weser, in which the Saxons, who fought with almost unexampled bravery, were completely routed. Charlemagne removed ten thousand Saxons with their women and children to Brabant and Flanders, where they found new homes, their old ones having been turned over to Frankish settlers.
The King was now fully determined to put an end to any further opposition by making an offensive campaign. Hitherto the Saxons had been the aggressors, but this year (784) he invaded Saxony and advanced as far as the Elbe. There he learned that Wittekind and Albion were on the opposite shore of the river and that they were desirous of opening negotiations with him. Accordingly he sent messengers to them promising them safe conduct if they wished to meet him. Wittekind sent back word that they were ready to tender allegiance and to be baptized, whereupon Charlemagne arranged for a meeting at his castle at Attigny.[36]When they arrived they were received so graciously that the King’s kindness offset the bitter necessity which had forced them to submit.
The reconciliation of Charlemagne and Wittekind amply justified the former’s attitude toward the Saxons. Wittekind, in the presence of the great King, whose majesty and graciousness impressed him and whose words animated him with a new spirit, felt that had he been in Charlemagne’s place he should have acted as the King had done. In view of the event at Attigny, those who criticised Charlemagne were dwarfs whose weak eyes could not see above his sword belt, much less appreciate the majestic spirit that shone in his kingly face. In their own name and in the name of their people, Wittekind and Albion vowed allegiance and were baptized, together with a great number of Saxons. Geva, the wife of Wittekind, who accompanied him, was also baptized. Charlemagne regarded that day at Attigny as the most fortunate in his career. Wittekind, his wife Geva, and Albion were loaded down with gifts and left for their homes escorted by a guard of honor. In a letter to the Pope, Charlemagne requested that a thanksgiving festival be ordered in commemoration of the event.
WITTEKIND’S Submission
WITTEKIND’S Submission
It is related in the tradition concerning Wittekind’s baptism that he subsequently came in disguise to the castle when Charlemagne was celebrating the Christmas festival, and that what he saw and heard there removed the last vestige of his heathen belief and left him a true Christian.
Charlemagne now realized that the time had come for him to deal with Thassilo, Duke of Bavaria, a somewhat difficult matter because of their near relationship, Thassilo being, as already stated, Pepin’s nephew. The Duke was not only secretly conspiring against Charlemagne in Italy, but he was also in communication with the leaders of the Slavs and Thuringians, urging them to resist Charlemagne’s authority. His most serious offence, however, was his effort to induce the Avars[37]to assist in the war against the King.
Charlemagne, learning of the intrigues in Italy, appeared there much sooner than his enemies had anticipated, and easily thwarted their designs; after which he went to Rome and attended the Easter festival (787). Fearing that Charlemagne might discover all his secret plottings, Thassilo sent messengers to the Pope asking him to take steps to bring about a reconciliation between himself and the King. The Pope, however, uncertain whether he was in earnest or simply wished to gain time, not only refused to comply with his request, but sent word to him that if he violated his solemn promises or evaded them in any way the ban would be pronounced against him.
After his return Charlemagne summoned a parliament at Worms and laid Thassilo’s case before it. His refusal to appear only aggravated his guilt. War was declared against him. Three Frankish armies invaded Bavaria, two of them led by the King’s sons, Carl and Pepin, the third by Charlemagne in person. Thassilo was taken by surprise, for he had intended to begin his operations later. Neither the discontented Thuringians, who were in league with him, nor the Slavs and Avars, came to his help. Thassilo’s wife, Luitberger, daughter of Desiderius, had persistently urged her husband to make war against Charlemagne, and when too late she realized the folly of her advice and the danger which threatened Thassilo. The Bavarians themselves were not eager to fight, and indeed expressed more confidence in Charlemagne than in their Duke. Under these discouraging circumstances Thassilo deemed it wisest to betake himself to Charlemagne’s camp and implore his pardon. He was exceedingly penitent and tendered his sceptre to the King, saying that he had forfeited any right to hold it longer. Charlemagne invested Thassilo with the dukedom in fee and took hostages from him, among them his son, Theudo.
Delighted that he had escaped this danger, Thassilo went to Regensburg and Charlemagne returned home. But Thassilo had hardly come under his wife’s influence again when he violated his promise and resumed his hostile machinations. He summoned the leaders of his people to Regensburg, denounced his royal cousin, reviled him, and openly declared he would not respect a compulsory promise even if it cost him ten sons. The foolish Duke did not realize how contemptible he made himself by his conduct in the eyes of all honest men. He renewed negotiations with the Avars and induced them to join him. One division of the barbarians was led by Thassilo through Bavarian territory into the Frankish kingdom, and a second into Italy; but both armies were defeated by Carl, who was sent against them by the King.
Justice at last overtook Thassilo. He was summoned to appear before the Parliament at Ingelheim. The defeat of the Avars had so completely demoralized him that he did not dare to disobey the summons. He failed to clear himself from the charge of treason. His own followers testified against him. The indictment against him which called for the severest penalty was based upon this article in the Frankish statutes: “Whoever shall fail to keep faith with the kingdom, whoever shall break his vows to the King, whoever shall ally himself with the enemies of the kingdom, shall forfeit his life.” The death penalty was unanimously pronounced. Charlemagne asked him what he would do if his life were spared; whereupon Thassilo, as a proof of his repentance, agreed to spend the rest of his days in a monastery, received the tonsure at St. Goar, and was sent from there to Fulda.[38]Charlemagne declared his ducal title extinguished, assigned Frankish counts to the districts of Bavaria, and incorporated it in the Frankish kingdom.
The year 790 was one long remembered by the Franks, for it was the only peaceable year in Charlemagne’s long reign. Preparations, however, had to be made to punish the Avars and prevent raids in future.
The Avars, living between the Enns[39]and the Sau,[40]were of Hunnish stock, for which reason they are sometimes called Huns in the old chronicle. They inherited not only the pillaging habits of their ancestors, who swept over Germany like a deluge in the fifth century, but the almost countless treasures, or a considerable part of the treasure, which their fathers had stolen. The defences which they built on their frontiers were of a peculiar kind. They were called “rings”; each one of them was sufficiently large to enclose a number of villages, and consisted of strong walls, ten feet high and as many wide, constructed of tree-trunks and rocks cemented together and surmounted by densely planted thorn bushes. Behind such walls, the Avars thought they were secure against any enemy; but they were soon to learn their mistake.
Charlemagne reviewed his forces at Regensburg before entering upon his campaign. Upon this occasion he buckled a sword around his third son Ludwig, then thirteen years of age, who was to take part in the expedition. He moved along both banks of the Danube in an easterly direction, while Pepin made his advance from Italy. The Khan of the Avars attacked the latter and was defeated in a bloody battle. When Charlemagne reached the Enns he heard the news and invaded the enemy’s country at once. Several rings were carried by storm, the contents of the treasure vaults removed, the villages devastated, and large numbers of prisoners were taken. A sickness which broke out among the army horses forced the King to retire sooner then he had intended. The war, however, lasted some years longer before the enemy was entirely subjugated. The decisive battle occurred in the year 796. The rings which Pepin had reconstructed, as well as those which remained in possession of the enemy after the first expedition, were taken by assault. Wien[41]was one of the principal localities occupied by the Avars. Charlemagne made the Avar country the Oestmark of the kingdom, subsequently called Oesterrichi and at a later period Oesterreich.[42]
Pope Hadrian died at the close of the year 795. Charlemagne was so overcome by the death of the venerable prelate that he shed tears when the sad news was told him. Hadrian had looked upon him as the defender of the Church; and in his relations to the King there was not a trace of that ambition which characterized later Popes, to the detriment of Christianity.
Hadrian’s successor, Leo the Third, hastened to ingratiate himself with Charlemagne. He notified the King of his election and sent him a consecrated silver key as a symbol of his recognition of Charlemagne, both as the ruler of Roman territory and as a world sovereign.
It is of importance to understand the relations existing between Charlemagne and the Popes, for they were very different from those which existed between the later Popes and the German rulers. A letter of congratulation sent to Leo by Charlemagne throws some light upon them. It begins:
“We have read the letter from Your Highness and listened to the decretals, and we heartily congratulate you upon your unanimous election, the dutiful obedience of your people, and your promises of loyalty to us.”
During the next few years there were outbreaks in Saxony and Spain. Wittekind and Albion remained faithful to their promises; but not so some of their people. The disturbances, however, were quelled without much difficulty. The Moors in Spain, also, who had gained some advantages, were speedily overcome.
In the year 799 an assault was made upon Pope Leo during a street procession. It was badly managed, however. The leaders of the mob had planned to blind the Pope and cut out his tongue, but they only succeeded in cutting him in the face. The Pope’s friends rescued him and conducted him to a safe place of concealment. The clerical officials, Paschal and Campulus, relatives of Hadrian, who were in attendance upon Leo, had been requested by the Pope not to officiate during the procession. He little dreamed of their treachery, for they were the abettors of the assault. The Duke of Spoleto, being informed of the outrage, proceeded at once to Rome with armed followers and escorted Leo to one of his castles.
As soon as his wounds healed, Leo betook himself to Germany personally to implore Charlemagne’s assistance. At Nuremberg he learned that the King was holding court at Paderborn, and thither he hastened. Before he could reach the city, news of his approach was conveyed to the King, who at once began preparations to give him an honorable reception. He sent Archbishop Hildebrand and Count Auschar to meet him, but this was only the beginning of the ceremonies he had arranged. As Leo neared the city, a troop of cavalry went out to escort him. The King’s son, Pepin, greeted him and conducted him to the plaza, where Charlemagne sat upon the throne in royal state in the midst of his dignitaries. Rising and outstretching his arms, the King stepped down, embraced the Pope, and led him by the hand as he blessed the kneeling people.
On the following day Leo related to the King the details of the murderous plot against him, of which the scars on his face bore evidence, and informed him that the conspirators had sought to justify their act by spreading base calumnies against him. He closed by asking Charlemagne’s help. The King replied that he could not personally accompany him to Rome, because of fresh disquiet in Saxony and the Spanish Mark, but he would furnish him an escort headed by Frankish chiefs, and promised to go to Rome personally as soon as possible. When the Pope’s enemies learned that Charlemagne had received him, their courage failed them. Leo was greeted with imposing ceremonies, and Paschal and Campulus were thrown into prison by the Franks.
The Saxon and Spanish affairs having been settled by the close of the next year (800), Charlemagne, mindful of his promise, went to Rome. The Pope met him at Novonte and had a private interview with him, at which a memorable event, soon to occur, doubtless was discussed. The Pope then returned to Rome to make preparations for Charlemagne’s reception, and on December sixth the King entered the city. His reception was an imposing one. The people welcomed him with their civic banners, the air was rent with loyal shouts, and the Pope, surrounded by the dignitaries of the Church, met him in front of St. Peter’s, which he entered accompanied by the music of the Papal choir. This was only the prelude to the memorable ceremony for which preparations had been quietly made.
Charlemagne began his magisterial duties in Rome by conducting an inquiry into the assault upon Leo. The calumnies were proved baseless; but as the Pope wished personally to establish his innocence, Charlemagne summoned an assembly of the clerical and secular dignitaries and called upon anyone who had accusations to make against the Pope to appear and state them. No one appeared. Thereupon, to purify himself of all offence, the Pope declared he would make purgation by oath. He rose and said:
“The all-gracious and powerful King Charlemagne came with his prelates and princes to investigate these charges. In the presence of all here, in the presence of God and His angels, who know our inmost souls, and in the presence of Saint Peter, prince of the apostles, I, Leo, head of the Holy Roman Church, declare that I am guiltless of the charges made against me.”
He then passed a death sentence upon the conspirators, but Charlemagne subsequently mitigated the penalty. Paschal and Campulus were sent to a monastery for penance and their confederates were placed under the ban.
At last the memorable event occurred which made Charlemagne the ruler of the Christian world. High mass was celebrated by the Pope in the Vatican on the first day of the Christmas season in the year 800. Charlemagne, in the elegant attire of a Roman patrician, knelt before the shrine of the apostle Peter. Suddenly the Pope descended the altar steps, placed a golden crown upon the King’s head, draped him with the royal purple, and in a loud voice proclaimed: “Long life and success to the pious Charlemagne, sublime and peace-loving Roman Emperor!”
The choirs sang and the multitude shouted, “Long live the divinely crowned Augustus Carl, great and pious Roman Emperor!”
The anointing of Charlemagne as Roman Emperor, and of his son Pepin as King of Italy, closed the ceremony.
It was an event of extraordinary significance. It was not a mere spectacle or a comedy planned by Leo for purposes of deception, as some historians have asserted. Charlemagne would never have consented to such mummery; for he was a giant not only in body but in soul, and was always swayed by lofty purpose. He regarded the ceremony performed that day in the Vatican as one of serious moment. It is not conceivable that Pope Leo conferred this extraordinary honor upon his rescuer merely for his own advantage. Charlemagne had always shown that he felt he was called upon to exert all his power for the strengthening and extension of Christianity.
It must be taken into consideration that at that period hardly a fourth of Europe had been converted; that the Christian world in the south was threatened by the Mohammedans, in the north by the heathen Normans, and in the east by the Slavs and other pagans. From the earliest times the Eastern emperors had made claims upon Italy, and the Pope had not been protected until Pepin and Charlemagne appeared. Considering these things, and the dangerous situation, can anyone blame Leo for proclaiming the Frankish King, who had saved him before all the world, as the all-powerful champion of Christendom, and for conferring upon him a title which would impress all people as the commemoration of a great deed? It was this last consideration which induced Charlemagne to accept the title. He detested all outward display. Wherever he went he wore his plain military costume, but when he represented the people upon public occasions he did not despise show. He never underestimated the effect of personal appearance upon the people, and he well knew what the effect of this title would be. It was full of meaning to the people; but its significance to him was the completion of the great mission he had contemplated. As to the motives actuating him, M. Carrière well says:
“Charlemagne made the deeds and achievements of his grandfather and father the foundation of a lofty historical work. His soul was exalted with the ideal of a Roman empire and Christian German nation. Henceforth he devoted all his energies to the work of uniting the Germans in one organic whole. He brought not only Bavaria, but Saxony under German authority. From the Eider to the Tiber, from the Ebro to the Drau, his authority was absolute. When the Pope placed the imperial crown upon his head, it was the symbol of the work of culture the Germans would carry on in Rome, and a token that the new city should be a Christian city, representing God’s Kingdom on earth.”
“Charlemagne made the deeds and achievements of his grandfather and father the foundation of a lofty historical work. His soul was exalted with the ideal of a Roman empire and Christian German nation. Henceforth he devoted all his energies to the work of uniting the Germans in one organic whole. He brought not only Bavaria, but Saxony under German authority. From the Eider to the Tiber, from the Ebro to the Drau, his authority was absolute. When the Pope placed the imperial crown upon his head, it was the symbol of the work of culture the Germans would carry on in Rome, and a token that the new city should be a Christian city, representing God’s Kingdom on earth.”
It seems almost incredible that a prince who was obliged to undertake so many and such prolonged campaigns—that against the Saxons alone requiring twenty-six expeditions—could have had any opportunity to engage in works of peace. The question must arise how he found the time, or the opportunity, or the encouragement for other operations than those of a warlike nature.
Succeeding events will supply the answer. From the point of view of his wars, the Emperor has been called a conqueror; but when we come to consider his peace achievements and his creative ability, it will be shown that he had a still clearer right to that appellation. It will also clearly reveal his ideals of sovereignty, and we shall recognize the propriety of the title history has accorded him.
First of all, let us consider the place which was the favorite resort of the Emperor during the last twenty years of his life. He lived at Aix-la-Chapelle nearly all the time when he was not in the field. Its gently sloping heights, spurs of the Eifel and Ardennes, at that time densely wooded, enclosed a fruitful valley. A royal palace stood there in Pepin’s time; and even if Charlemagne was not born there, as is sometimes asserted, yet it is certain that he spent the most of his boyhood amid these scenes.
Bathing was one of his favorite pleasures, and many a time he breasted the blue waves of the Rhine. The warm mineral baths at Aix-la-Chapelle were his especial delight. There were also thickly wooded spots in the vicinity which attracted him. He was as fond of hunting as of bathing, even in his last years; and his retainers, as well as his beautiful and buxom daughters, often joined him in the hunt, and chased the buffaloes and wild boars to the clang of horns and the baying of hounds. All great human personages excite the imagination of those who come under their influence; and the popular fancy is fond of weaving stories about them which help to reveal their true character. One of these legends concerns the baths at Aix-la-Chapelle.
At Charlemagne’s palace in Mainz there was a bell which was said to ring whenever any danger was threatened. Charlemagne heard its clang one day and sent a messenger to ascertain the cause. He found that a snake had coiled itself around the rope and was the bell-ringer. The snake led the messenger to its nest, where a noxious toad was found squatting upon the snake’s eggs. He drove the toad away and then informed the Emperor of the curious event. Charlemagne’s astonishment was further increased when the snake suddenly appeared in the hall, wriggled along to his table, ascended it, dropped a sparkling jewel which it carried in its jaws into a wine glass, and then quickly disappeared. The magic stone, upon which swan and runic symbols were engraved, had mysterious properties. Whoever received the gift became the object of the passionate adoration of the giver. Charlemagne placed the stone in a ring and sent it to his beloved wife Fastrada. Immediately he became more closely attached to her than ever before. He could not be away from her. When her death removed her from his side, he was overcome with grief. Her body was placed in an open coffin in the Cathedral, and the Emperor spent his time there and would not suffer it to be buried. The people whispered among themselves, “The Emperor’s mind is affected by his love for Fastrada. What will become of his crown and country if this grief continues?” In this emergency the pious Turpin had a dream which suggested a method of deliverance. He rose from his bed, donned his clothes, and hastened to the Cathedral. It was apparently empty. Before the altar there was a lofty sarcophagus, upon which the Empress rested. Round about it upon the floor lay a band of paladins garbed as penitents. In front of the sarcophagus stood the Emperor weeping, with his head resting upon the coffin. Turpin ascended the steps. He gently raised Fastrada’s ermine covering, seized the hand so long cold, and quietly removed the ring; whereupon the paladins, who had been kneeling in prayer, looked about in astonishment. The Emperor lifted his head and addressed them. “How long have we mourned? Too long, surely! Where is my chancellor? It seems to me my people are calling. Let the Empress be buried in the earth, never to be forgotten.”
The magic swan ring now exerted its influence in a new way. The Emperor became devotedly attached to the prelate, and the latter was troubled over its demoralizing influence. He went to Aix-la-Chapelle, followed by the Emperor, and threw the ring into a quiet forest lake made by the warm springs. From that time the place became the favorite resort of the Emperor. He erected a castle in the midst of the lake, in which he often meditated upon the frailty of earthly things. He took delight in bathing in the waters in whose depths the swan ring, taken from the hand of his beloved, rested without his knowledge.
At Aix-la-Chapelle he also built a majestic palace, surrounded by a broad columned portico, which was a marvel of architecture at that time. Rome and Ravenna furnished the columns, the marble blocks, and the mosaic work, and the best architects were sent there by the Pope. Around it were buildings for the schools, court attendants, and bodyguards; farther away, a cloister and farmhouses; and still farther off a tall structure built over the warm baths and capable of accommodating hundreds. The most majestic building of all was a minster connected with the palace by a pillared passageway, the dome of which, supported by tall columns, was adorned with a representation of Christ and the four-and-twenty elders of the Apocalypse in mosaic upon a gold background, the altars glistening with gold and silver ornaments.
Everything was carried out according to the plans of the Emperor; and even when he was in the field the work went on. He devoted himself assiduously to all sacred matters. In the early morning hours he might be seen passing along the portico to the church to meditate and strengthen himself for his official duties, and at evening he returned for the same high purpose.
Those who attended this hero of the spiritual when the times were opportune for deeds of peace often accompanied the hero of the sword upon his expeditions. During his first Lombard campaign he became acquainted with the pious and learned Anglo-Saxon prelate, Alcuin,[43]and took him with him that he might have the advantage of his counsels and teaching. Charlemagne, like all princes’ sons in those days, had enjoyed but little instruction up to the time he assumed the sovereignty. His native ability helped him over many hard places, but that same ability inspired him with a passionate desire to avail himself of the treasures of knowledge. The great Emperor sat, a willing scholar, at the feet of his teacher Alcuin, whom Guizot thus describes: