The sequel of this speech, which occupied two days in the delivery, will appear,first, in the Debate and Votes that ensued, and,secondly, in its reception by the country, as illustrated by the Press and Correspondence.DEBATE AND VOTES.The speech of Mr. Sumner was followed by a succession of speeches extending over a month, with considerable variation by a concurrent resolution from the House of Representatives involving the same questions.Mr. Fessenden, of Maine, on the day after Mr. Sumner, spoke at length. In the course of his remarks he said:—“I take it no one contends, I think the honorable Senator from Massachusetts himself, who is the great champion of Universal Suffrage, would hardly contend, that now, at this time, the whole mass of the population of the recent Slave States is fit to be admitted to the exercise of the right of suffrage.”Then again:—“While the honorable Senator from Massachusetts argued, and argued with great force, that every man should have that right, and that he should only be subject to disabilities which he could overcome, his argument, connected with the other principle that he laid down, and the application of it that he made, that taxation and representation should go together, would just as well apply to women as to men; but I noticed that the honorable Senator dodged that part of the proposition very carefully.”He criticized the substitute offered by Mr. Sumner, when the latter remarked:—“Last Friday this Senate solemnly declared, that, under the Constitutional Amendment abolishing Slavery, it had power to decree the equalrights of all persons everywhere throughout the United States, without distinction of color. The moment that was declared, I said to friends about me that the duty of Congress was fixed with regard to political rights also. If Congress can decree equality in civil rights, by the same reason, if nota fortiori, it can decree equality in political rights; and as the preamble to my proposition recited two reasons or moving causes, one the guaranty clause, and the other the Constitutional Amendment, I felt it my duty, acting upon the vote of the Senate, to insist that the declaration of equality for all should be coextensive with the Republic, claiming as I do under the guaranty clause that it operates within all the States where there has been a lapse of government, and that under the Constitutional Amendment it operates everywhere within the limits of the Republic.”In confining the guaranty clause to States that had “lapsed,” Mr. Sumner was cautious not to make his proposition too broad, although his judgment was that it was applicable to all the States, and authorized a prohibition by Congress of unrepublican provisions in any State.Mr. Fessenden said: “The Senator says we may secure it in the States which have lapsed. That is a new phrase, but perhaps it is as good as any other.” But he was unwilling to accept this power.Mr. Lane, of Indiana, said, in answer to Mr. Sumner:—“If Congress had the undoubted and unquestionable authority to pass such a law, it gets at the result more readily than does the Constitutional Amendment; but it is doubtful to my mind whether Congress has this power. I believe, under the Constitution, the right to determine the qualifications of electors is left with the several States.”Then of the counter proposition he said:—“It is a noble declaration, but a simple declaration,—a paper bullet, that kills no one, and fixes and maintains the rights of no one.”Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, Mr. Henderson, of Missouri, Mr. Clark, of New Hampshire, Mr. Williams, of Oregon, Mr. Hendricks, of Indiana, Mr. Yates, of Illinois, Mr. Buckalew, of Pennsylvania, Mr. Pomeroy, of Kansas, Mr. Saulsbury, of Delaware, Mr. Morrill, of Maine, and Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts, all spoke at length. Of these, Mr. Henderson, Mr. Yates, and Mr. Pomeroy sustained Mr. Sumner, in opposition to the House expedient, although the first preferred to assure suffrage by a Constitutional Amendment ordaining it: while insisting upon the ballot for the colored citizen, he doubted the power of Congress. Mr. Johnson thought the claim of our fathers, in their cry against Taxation without Representation, was for communities, and not for individuals. Mr. Sumner afterwards replied atlength to this opinion.[197]In the course of Mr. Henderson’s speech, occupying two days, the following colloquy occurred.Mr. Sumner.Do I understand my friend as insisting that the denial of the franchise is consistent with a republican government? Take the State of South Carolina, which denies the franchise to more than half its population.Mr. Henderson.In theory it is not. Under the Constitution it was regarded as a republican State at the time of the adoption of the instrument.Mr. Sumner.It did not deny the franchise to half its citizens and more. I say citizens. Most excluded were slaves.Mr. Henderson.It then had only one hundred and forty thousand whites, and had one hundred and seven thousand slaves. It also had eighteen hundred free negroes. I think it more nearly a republican State now than then. Practically, the question of suffrage was left to the States——Mr. Sumner.But that is the question, whether they were left to deny suffrage to any freeman on account of color.Mr. Henderson.If that be the question, then the point is against my friend; for both South Carolina and Virginia did deny the suffrage to the free negroes on account of color only, at the time when the Constitution was made, and when it was adopted. Virginia had upward of twelve thousand free negroes thus denied.Mr. Sumner.But the question is—I cannot anticipate my friend’s conclusion on that point——Mr. Henderson.My conclusion is, that a mistake was made in recognizing a Constitution as republican that permitted Slavery. I know of no way to get rid of it except by Constitutional Amendment. I think another mistake was committed in leaving each State to so far abridge the right of suffrage as to change, in theory, the republican form. But such is the Constitution, and you cannot change it by Act of Congress. That is my conclusion.Mr. Sumner.You are wrong. It is a question of theory with regard to republican government, and I say that the Constitution must be interpreted according to this theory.Mr. Henderson.But our fathers did not deal with it in the Constitution as a question of theory, but as a question of fact. Whatever may have been their theories, I mean only to say that the text of the Constitution does not carry them out——Mr. Sumner.The practical point is, Did our fathers concede to any State the power of disfranchising citizens on account of color? I utterly deny it, and I challenge my friend to show any authority for it.Mr. Henderson.Why, Mr. President, if I have already failed to show it, I must fail in the future. I have shown that the suffrage was left to the States, and that they did exclude their negroes,—that they held in slavery in Virginia almost half of their population,[198]and that Virginia was calleda republican State. Indeed, she was most prominent in making the very provisions we are discussing. She excluded the slaves and——Mr. Sumner.Ah! slaves. That is another thing. The question is, whether you are allowed to disfranchise freemen on account of color,—whether you are allowed to deny freemen rights as citizens. That I deny. The exception was slaves, who were not regarded as members of the “body politic.” They were treated as minors, or as women, represented by their masters. But every freeman, no matter what his color, was recognized as entitled to all the privileges of citizenship; he was one of the sovereigns. The proposition cannot be met, if my friend will consult the history of his country.Mr. Henderson.It was not slaves only that were disfranchised, but I have shown that free negroes were also disfranchised. But I have no controversy with the Senator in what we mutually aim at.Mr. Sumner.I know that, and I concede to my excellent friend all that I claim for myself. We are in search of the best. I applaud his zeal, and thank him for his courtesy.Mr. Henderson.I am certainly very much obliged to the Senator from Massachusetts. I feel now ten times better than I did before. [Laughter.]—I cannot longer detain the Senate in presenting objections to the exercise of legislative power under the guaranty clause. It is sufficient to control my own action, that I believe by the letter, and even spirit of the Constitution, the suffrage was placed exclusively under the control of State action. I think that the error of so placing it is as clear as the error made in tolerating Slavery. To rid ourselves of the evil, however, we must amend the Constitution.Mr. Sumner.Do I understand my friend that a State might adopt a rule founded on the color of the hair, so that all men with light hair should be excluded from suffrage? I insist that a State is not authorized, under the Constitution, to make any exclusion on account of color.Mr. Henderson.It ought not to be, you mean.Mr. Sumner.No,—it cannot be. Color cannot be a qualification. There may be a qualification founded on age, or residence, or knowledge, or crime.Mr. Henderson.You are now coming in conflict with the Committee of Fifteen, who declare by their resolution that the States now have the power, and may yet exclude everybody of a particular race or color.Mr. Sumner.The Committee propose to place that in the Constitution, which is one reason why I object to their report. I say that they propose to do what our fathers never did.Mr. Henderson.The Senator from Massachusetts is in theory, perhaps, correct. He is speaking, however, of an ideal Constitution.The following colloquy also occurred.Mr. Henderson.The Senator from Massachusetts proposes to do by an Act of Congress what I think can only be done by a Constitutional Amendment. That is the difference now between the Senator from Illinois [Mr.Yates] and myself. I think the Amendment can be adopted. Indeed, I feel confident of it.Mr. Sumner.What Amendment?Mr. Henderson.An Amendment to the Constitution preventing any discrimination against the negro in the right of suffrage because of color.Mr. Sumner.It cannot.Mr. Henderson.I thought in the bright lexicon of the Senator from Massachusetts there was no such word as “fail.”Mr. Sumner.I thought the Senator meant that this proposition of the Reconstruction Committee could be adopted.Mr. Henderson.Oh, no! I never thought that.Mr. Sumner.I believe that the Senator’s proposition can be adopted—gratefully adopted—by the country; but the other cannot be.Mr. Williams, of Oregon, hesitated with regard to Mr. Sumner’s substitute, although he seemed to sympathize with the speech.“Sir, I listened with profound admiration to the speech which the Senator delivered in favor of the proposed substitute. It was worthy of the subject, worthy of the occasion, worthy of the author; and when those who heard it shall be forgotten, the echoes of its lofty and majestic periods will linger and repeat themselves among the corridors of History. I cordially indorse the prevailing sentiment of that speech. I believe that the founders of this Republic intended that all freemen should participate in the political and civil rights of the country. I think the distinction which they made was not between white men and black men: that distinction is of modern origin: but the distinction which they made was between freemen and slaves.”He took objection to the substitute.“Pass that law at this session, and it becomes an issue in the next political campaign; and those who sustain it and pass it here will be committed to its support, and those who oppose it will strive to elect men in favor of its repeal. A majority of this Congress may believe in the constitutionality and expediency of such legislation; but another Congress, if a majority should happen to sympathize with the honorable Senator from Kentucky, would abrogate the law, and so the political rights of millions of people would be as varying as the capricious fortunes of the political parties of the country.”In the intervening debate on the Reconstruction Resolution of the House of Representatives, Mr. Cowan, of Pennsylvania, made an elaborate speech on the pending Amendment, in which he pictured the compromise involved in it.“This Committee proposes in this Amendment to sell out four million (radical count) negroes to the bad people of those States forever and ever. In consideration of what? I am asked. O shame, where is thy blush? I answer, in dust and ashes, For about sixteen members of Congress. Hasthere ever been before, Sir, in the history of this or any other country, such a stupendous sale of negroes as that? Never! never! It is saying to the Southern States, You may have these millions of human beings, whom we love so dearly, and about whom we have said so much, and for whom we have done so much,—you may do with them as you please in the way of legislative discrimination against them, if you will only agree not to count them at the next census, except as your sheep and oxen are counted; waive your right to sixteen members of Congress, and the great compromise is sealed, the long agony is over, the nation’s dead are avenged, the nation’s tears are dried, and the nation’s politics are relieved of the negro.”March 7th, Mr. Sumner spoke at length in reply to Mr. Fessenden and others who had opposed his substitute. This speech appears in the present volume, according to its date.[199]He was followed by his colleague, Mr. Wilson, who was strenuous for the House Amendment.“Mr. President, there are indications, not to be mistaken, that this Amendment is doomed to defeat. To me this result will be a subject of sincere and profound regret. My heart, my conscience, and my judgment approve of this Amendment, and I support it without qualification or reservation.”March 9th, Mr. Fessenden spoke again, criticizing especially Mr. Yates and Mr. Sumner.Mr. Sumner followed Mr. Fessenden in a brief reply, which will be found under its date.[200]Mr. Wilson declared again his adhesion to the pending Amendment, saying: “I would go to the scaffold joyfully before the sun goes down, if I could put this proposed Amendment into the Constitution of my country; for, if it were there, there would be but one result and one end to it, and that is the enfranchisement of every black man within the bounds of the United States.”The voting then commenced on the various substitutes for the Amendment adopted by the House of Representatives.First came the counter proposition of Mr. Sumner, altered, in conformity with the original draught,[201]so as to be applicable only to States that had lapsed, being “lately declared to be in rebellion,” without republican government.Mr. Henderson moved to strike out all of the counter proposition, and in lieu of it insert a Constitutional Amendment securing the suffrage to colored citizens:—“Article 14.No State, in prescribing the qualifications requisite for electors therein, shall discriminate against any person on account of coloror race.”Mr. Henderson felt obliged to move his amendment as a substitute for the counter proposition of Mr. Sumner in order to compel a vote upon it.Mr. Sumner stated that he was for this proposition, and that he should vote for it, and, on its failure, press his own.The question, being taken by yeas and nays on Mr. Henderson’s amendment, resulted—Yeas 10, Nays 37—as follows:—Yeas,—Messrs. Brown, Chandler, Clark, Henderson, Howe, Pomeroy, Sumner, Wade, Wilson, and Yates.Nays,—Messrs. Anthony, Buckalew, Conness, Cowan, Cragin, Creswell, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foster, Grimes, Guthrie, Harris, Hendricks, Johnson, Kirkwood, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, McDougall, Morgan, Morrill, Nesmith, Norton, Nye, Poland, Ramsey, Riddle, Saulsbury, Sherman, Sprague, Stewart, Stockton, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Willey, and Williams.Absent,—Messrs. Foot, Howard, and Wright.So the amendment to the amendment was rejected.The question then recurred on the substitute of Mr. Sumner, when the vote stood,—Yeas 8, Nays 39; so it was rejected. Those voting in the affirmative were Messrs. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, Chandler, of Michigan, Howe, of Wisconsin, Pomeroy, of Kansas, Sumner, Wade, of Ohio, Wilson, of Massachusetts, and Yates, of Illinois.Mr. Clark, of New Hampshire, then moved to amend the House proposition by striking out the proviso and inserting these words, being an amplification of the proviso:—“Whenever the elective franchise shall be denied or abridged in any State in the election of Representatives to Congress, or of any other officer, municipal, State, or national, on account of race, color, descent, or previous condition of servitude, or by any provision of law not equally applicable to all races and descents, all persons of such race, color, descent, and condition shall be excluded from the basis of representation, as prescribed in the second section of the first article of the Constitution.”This amendment was adopted,—Yeas 26, Nays 20. It was afterwards withdrawn by the mover, with the unanimous consent of the Senate.The next question was on a legislative substitute, not unlike that of Mr. Sumner, moved by Mr. Yates:—“That no State or Territory of the United States shall, by any constitution, law, or other regulation whatever, heretofore in force or hereafter to be adopted, make, or enforce, or in any manner recognize, any distinctionbetween citizens of the United States, or of any State or Territory, on account of race or color or previous condition of slavery; and that hereafter all citizens, without distinction of race, color, or previous condition of slavery, shall be protected in the full and equal enjoyment and exercise of all their civil and political rights, including the right of suffrage.”This was rejected,—Yeas 7, Nays 38.Mr. Davis, of Kentucky, then moved to amend the proposition of the House of Representatives by inserting after the word “legislatures” the words “next hereafter to be chosen in each State.” The motion was rejected,—Yeas 12, Nays 31.Mr. Sumner then moved to strike out the proviso in the House proposition, as amended on the motion of Mr. Clark, and in lieu thereof insert,—“And the elective franchise shall not be denied or abridged in any State on account of race or color.”In moving this Constitutional Amendment, Mr. Sumner remarked that it was “a direct, positive proposition, slightly different from that [Mr.Henderson’s] on which the Senate had voted.” It was rejected,—Yeas 8, Nays 38.Mr. Sumner then moved to add at the end of the House proposition the words, “And they shall be exempt from taxation of all kinds.”Before the vote he remarked:—“It is proposed, by a solemn provision of the Constitution, to declare that certain persons shall not be included in the basis of representation. I think, in justice to them, they should not be taxed. You ought not to repeat in the Constitution the tyranny of taxation without representation. In so many words, you are about to despoil fellow-citizens of representation, and I say, that, not to be inconsistent with your own institutions and with the principles upon which your government is founded, you must exempt them from taxation.”The amendment was rejected.The question then came on the passage of the House proposition, when the vote stood,—Yeas,—Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, Clark, Conness, Cragin, Creswell, Fessenden, Foster, Grimes, Harris, Howe, Kirkwood, Lane of Indiana, McDougall, Morgan, Morrill, Nye, Poland, Ramsey, Sherman, Sprague, Trumbull, Wade, Williams, and Wilson.Nays,—Messrs. Brown, Buckalew, Cowan, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Guthrie, Henderson, Hendricks, Johnson, Lane of Kansas, Nesmith, Norton, Pomeroy, Riddle, Saulsbury, Stewart, Stockton, Sumner, Van Winkle, Willey, and Yates.Absent,—Messrs. Foot, Howard, and Wright.The Chair then declared: “On this question the Yeas are 25 and the Nays 22. Two thirds of the Senators present not having voted for the joint resolution, it is not agreed to.”This vote showed the judgment of the Senate at that time. But, in order to keep the question open, it was, on motion of Mr. Henderson, reconsidered. Mr. Doolittle, of Wisconsin, then moved a substitute, basing representation on qualified voters, and also regulating direct taxes. Mr. Sherman, of Ohio, offered another substitute, founded on qualified voters, but with nothing on direct taxes. While these were pending, the subject was postponed on motion of Mr. Fessenden, and never resumed.Much feeling was manifested by some of the supporters of the House attempt at amendment, when its defeat was known. Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, took an early occasion to say:—“It was slaughtered by a puerile and pedantic criticism, by a perversion of philological definition, which, if, when I taught school, a lad who had studied Lindley Murray had assumed, I would have expelled him from the institution as unfit to waste education upon.… The murderers must answer to the suffering race. I would not have been the perpetrator. A load of misery must sit heavy on their souls.… Let us again try and see whether we cannot devise some way to overcome the united forces of self-righteous Republicans and unrighteous Copperheads.”[202]The Fourteenth Amendment followed, and was adopted by both Houses of Congress during the present session. While undertaking to regulate representation, this Amendment had no recognition of exclusion from the elective franchise on account of “race or color.” Though failing in directness, there was nothing in it to injure the text of the Constitution, or impair the idea of a republican form of government, always with Mr. Sumner a cardinal point. There were also other important clauses, defining citizenship, assuring for all “the equal protection of the laws,” disqualifying certain persons from office until the removal of such disability by a vote of two thirds of each House of Congress, protecting the public debt of the United States, and annulling all debts in aid of rebellion or on account of the loss or emancipation of any slave.The original object of the clause relating to representation was accomplished directly, before its ratification as part of the Constitution. After much debate, Congress yielded to the claim of power, and took jurisdiction of the elective franchise in the Rebel States, requiring, that, in voting on any State constitution in the reconstruction of the Rebel States, there should be no exclusion on account of race or color, and that this prohibition should be embodied in the new State constitutions.[203]The Fifteenth Constitutional Amendment on equal suffrage followed.Unquestionably the establishment of the equal rights of colored citizens at the ballot-box was one of the most important events in our political history. With few supporters at first, the cause grew in interest and strength until final success in the Acts of Reconstruction, and then in the Constitutional Amendment. This great result was accomplished by discussion and the gradual recognition of the national exigency.PRESS AND CORRESPONDENCE.Mr. Sumner’s speech was extensively circulated, and awakened much attention. The response of the country will be seen in the contemporary press and in letters addressed to him, which, while illustrating the speech, reflect light on the times.The Washington correspondents concurred in accounts of the speech, and of the interest it created.Henry C. Bowen, proprietor of the New YorkIndependent, then on a visit to Washington, wrote to his paper of the first day of the speech:—“Senate Chamber, Monday Afternoon.“Whatever may be said in regard to the political opinions of Hon. Charles Sumner, no one can deny his eminent ability as an orator and scholar, and to-day this world-renowned friend of the poor and the oppressed is speaking in the Senate,—I had almost said as orator and scholar never spoke before. His theme is the Rights of Man. The floor and galleries of the Senate Chamber are crowded with most attentive listeners, and such a spectacle as it is now my unspeakable privilege to witness is worthy of a thousand miles’ journey.… Never before have I heard in these halls such solemn appeals, never such noble and eloquent utterances. May the great Author of truth and justice continue to inspire the great Senator now speaking to do His will to the glory of His name!”So also the correspondent of the BostonDaily Advertiser:—“The finest audience of the session came out to-day to hear Mr. Sumner’s great speech on the Amendment to the Constitution. Many persons were in the galleries before the Senate was called together at noon, and longbefore one o’clock, the hour at which the proposition was to be taken up, they were crowded to their utmost capacity. The morning hour was occupied with minor business, and it was a quarter past one when Mr. Fessenden called for the special order. He of course was entitled to open the debate, but, being unwell to-day, he yielded the floor to Mr. Sumner.“The scene, when he rose to speak, was one that could not fail to touch the most indifferent heart. One fourth of the gentlemen’s gallery was filled with colored soldiers, and the other seats and aisles of the remaining part of the galleries were closely packed with an intent and appreciative auditory, while on the floor were a large number of members from the House and several members of the foreign delegations resident in the city.”So also the correspondent of the PittsburgCommercial:—“The great event of the day and of the session in the Senate was Mr. Sumner’s speech. The galleries were crowded to excess, as they have not been on any occasion before in a long time. Frederick Douglass was in the gallery, one of the most attentive listeners, and evidently the best-pleased man in the Chamber, as he heard the distinguished champion of his race plead so eloquently in its behalf. Nearly every member of the Senate listened with rapt attention to Mr. Sumner.”So also the correspondent of the BostonCommonwealth:—“Mr. Sumner’s great speech upon what constitutes a republican government is now being delivered in the Senate. It is the most powerful oration of his life,—the crowning glory of his scholarship and statesmanship. Never yet has any American statesman swept so wide a range of learning, so complete a circle of public law, history, philosophy, and jurisprudence, in support of so noble a principle as the one underlying republican government. Mr. Sumner spoke two hours yesterday, and will occupy about the same time to-day. The galleries were filled to overflowing. The Senatorial chairs were all occupied, while the floor was thronged by Representatives and others having theentrée.”The correspondent of the BostonJournalwrote of the second day:—“Senator Sumner was honored to-day by such an audience as is rarely seen in the Senate Chamber. The Senators, wheeling around their chairs so as to face the speaker, listened with marked attention. Scores of Representatives filled the sofas or the floor and stood in groups, and the galleries were literally packed with earnest men and women, who drank in every word as the gifted orator proceeded. When he closed, the galleries applauded loudly, until Senator Pomeroy, who occupied the chair, secured order, while those on the floor crowded around Senator Sumner to offer earnest congratulations.”So also the correspondent of the New YorkTribune:—“Senator Sumner concluded his great effort at fifty-five minutes pasttwo, having commenced at one. Diplomats, two Cabinet Ministers, and a much larger number of Congressmen than yesterday were on the floor, while all the galleries and approaches were densely packed with attentive listeners. As the argument of the speaker culminated, he became grandly eloquent, and his elaborate plea, which might rather be denominated an essay than a speech, for negro enfranchisement, unquestionably made a profound impression upon every intelligent listener. At its conclusion the floor and galleries broke forth in applause.”A few days later, the correspondent of the New YorkTribune, after mentioning President Johnson’s interview with the delegation of colored people headed by Frederick Douglass and George T. Downing, wrote:—“As to Mr. Sumner’s grand vindication of the fundamental principles underlying republicanism, it is unnecessary to repeat what has been said of the immediate effect it produced upon those who listened to it,—of the overcrowded galleries, the silent attention of the Senate, the members of the House who had left their own seats and eagerly thronged the floor of the Senate Chamber.… And even now, since the sound has died away and there has been ample time for searching criticism, you can hear men who are not in the habit of following Mr. Sumner’s views of policy say with heartfelt satisfaction, it was a grand speech, worthy of the Senate, worthy of the cause it defended, worthy of this Republic. I have hardly seen a Republican here who was not as proud of it as if he had made it himself. Even Mr. Sumner’s opponents, the Democrats of the Senate and the House, yielded to it the tribute of their respect. That respect will go all over this country, and even beyond its boundaries; and while no thinking man in this Republic will take it up without feeling the irresistible weight of its logic and the ennobling power of its sentiments, it will abroad do more honor to American republicanism than any public act since the decree of Emancipation.”The correspondent of the New OrleansTribunewrote:—“You will of course give to your readers the great speech of Senator Sumner. His speech is one of the best ever delivered in the Senate, and it was delivered in the greatest of causes,—that of Human Liberty. It differs from the tone so common among so-called ‘Democratic’ orators for years past, both North and South, inasmuch as it contained neither abusive, personal, nor vindictive language. But it was calm, manly, dignified,—full of the subject in hand, treating it with frankness,—alluding to the opposite view with fairness, and even respect, while showing up their errors and weaknesses as one would those of a wayward child. For historical and legal research, critical analysis, and logical argument, it is unsurpassed. Concise, pithy, full of effective and happy illustrations, it was admirably conceived and presented.”The correspondent of the RichmondRepublic, with equal appreciation, but less faith, wrote:—“In the Senate, the day was devoted to Sumner. He began speaking about one o’clock, and concluded his exhaustive argument in an hour and forty minutes. The burden of the whole of it was the absolute political and civil equality of all men, and his peroration was a loftier flight of majestic eloquence than the Senate has heard since the best days of Clay and Webster. While very few agree with Sumner in the present practicability of his ideas, and still fewer indorse them at all as tenets of political faith, yet there is but one opinion of the speech he has been making for two days,—that, simply as a monument of laborious research and good English, it is unsurpassed. When he concluded to-night, the densely crowded galleries could not be restrained, and burst out into vehement applause; but it was a tribute to the grandly classical language in which his ideas were clothed, and not to the ideas themselves. Charles Sumner may possibly be a patriot, but he is certainly a political philanthropist, and as such there is no probability that he will live to see his tenets practically enforced in the legislation of the country.”The correspondent of the New YorkTimeswrote:—“He exhausted ancient and modern history in gathering maxims and examples for the illustration of the points which he made. Portions of the speech were marked by great felicity of language and beauty of imagery. It exhibited, perhaps, more of the speculative theorist than of the practical statesman. Though he took pains to disavow everything of this character, and to present his views as the basis and guide of practical action, it was by far the most elaborate and comprehensive speech made in Congress for many years, and was heard with great attention by the Senate and crowded galleries.”A few extracts from newspapers will show how the speech was received at a distance.TheIndependent, of New York, in printing the speech, thus noticed it:—“Charles Sumner’s argument for the Rights of Men ought to be printed by the hundred thousand, and scattered like seed-grain throughout the nation. It is a speech worth a lifetime to have achieved,—the greatest of all Mr. Sumner’s great speeches. Standing in some respects almost alone in the Senate, his position is all the more morally grand for his isolation, and his plea all the more eloquent for his moral heroism. Generous readers will overlook their minor differences of opinion from Mr. Sumner, for the sake of agreeing with him to the full in the masterly, unanswerable, and incomparable argument which he has made in behalf of securing to every American citizen his just rights before the law.”The New YorkTribunesaid:—“Mr. Sumner concluded yesterday a great speech on the true basis of a Republic. We believe it will exalt his reputation as a statesman, a scholar, and a devotee of Liberty. It is elaborate; but his theme demanded thorough treatment, and we think very few who read the speech will find it too long. He will not convince the majority that the Federal Constitution, as it stands, empowers Congress to extend and guaranty the right of suffrage in the States lately in revolt to the black race, and especially to the freedmen; but he has very clearly demonstrated that itoughtto be so extended,—that the rights of the humble, the hated, the scorned ought especially to be protected by their right to vote. Hear what he says on this point.”The BostonDaily Advertisersaid:—“There has been a good deal of amusement expressed at the evidence of industry, during the recess of Congress, presented by the sheaf of bills and resolutions offered by Mr. Sumner at the opening of the session. The copious use of authorities in his speech of this week shows that these numerous measures were not prepared without a careful survey of the ground upon principle and in history, nor without very profound inquiry into the underlying doctrines upon which the true glory of our institutions is established.”The AdamsTranscript, of Massachusetts, said:—“In this work of clearing away the rubbish of lies which Slavery has heaped upon the real doctrines and purposes of the Fathers, and bringing out into clear, glorious relief the great truth and work of the Revolution, Mr. Sumner has performed a service which no public man of our politics has equalled. The whole of our history is searched and illumined, and the most overwhelming mass of evidence produced to the point, that a true construction of the Constitution gives all men who pay taxes representation and the ballot, thus basing free government upon the consent of the governed. No such argument for free government has been made in our day. For learning, cogency of logic, wealth of illustration, felicity and splendor of diction, nobility of tone and sentiment, and genuine eloquence, it will take rank with the highest of forensic efforts. Already its effect is visible in the political atmosphere. The public feeling and thought have received an obvious elevation.”The RochesterDemocrat, of New York, said:—“It will be observed, as a remarkable characteristic of this great speech, that it is but slightly controversial in its character, but is devoted mainly to the elucidation of the general principles of republican government, which are discussed with an elevation of sentiment, a depth of learning, and a power of logic that entitle it to a place far above the transient expressions of the views and passions of the hour. It will stand for ages, a noble and enduring monument of the highest range and scope of American statesmanship,and will be read with profit and admiration long after the questions of the day have been settled and forgotten, or remembered only by students of history. Its immediate effect, however, on public sentiment cannot fail to be vast and beneficial.The DaytonJournal, of Ohio, said:—“As an exposition of the American theory of Republicanism, this speech is unsurpassed in the history of American oratory. It is a magnificent contribution to our political literature. It is candid and temperate, the speech of a statesman and patriot who earnestly seeks the welfare of all his countrymen. It abounds in splendid passages, and is a model of classic strength and elegant style. The partisan sneers of demagogues cannot prevail against it.”The PortlandDaily Press, of Maine, said:—“It is not onlythegreat speech of Charles Sumner’s life, but it is the great speech of the age. It is perfectly exhaustive, free from all personalities, free from all idiosyncrasies, statesmanlike, philosophical, and calculated to become a lasting memorial of its author’s research, patient investigation, power of analysis, and, above all, his undying devotion to the cause of popular liberty and human rights.”TheProgressive Age, of Belfast, Maine, said:—“It is beyond question the greatest effort of our most distinguished New England statesman, and will make his name dear to every friend of freedom and equal rights in all coming time. It is throughout the language of the calm, conscientious statesman. Avoiding all mere expedients and controversies concerning details, it fixes the attention upon the great principles of a free republican government; and never in our history have those principles been so clearly and forcibly elucidated.”The BangorJeffersonian, also of Maine, said:—“In the United States Senate, on Monday and Tuesday of last week, Mr. Sumner made a speech which will occupy a very conspicuous place in the history of the American Union, not so much for its advocacy of any merely formal plan or scheme of national legislation for Reconstruction as for its closer relations to the great fundamental principles which constitute the ideal of a truly republican government It goes to the very foundation of things.”In a leading article of more than two columns, the New YorkHeraldsaid, in a different vein:—“Mr. Sumner’s Oration.—Negro Suffrage the Whole Duty of the Nation, and the Only Escape from our Difficulties.—Mr. Sumner,in his Senatorial pleading in the case of the negro, has given to the country an elaborate evidence of the utterly impracticable and visionary character of his political views. His oration is admirable in all purely literary respects, and indicates an abundant industry and research; but its theories of society, its interpretations of the Constitution, and its assumptions as to the history of the country and of the war are inadmissible, excepting only what is said of the Constitutional Amendment.…“Those parts of the oration which claim suffrage for the negro, as a necessary policy of the nation, will require but little answer by argument; for the country and the world—all men outside the Radical Republican party—will completely deny the truth of the points from which they start.…“We quite agree with Mr. Sumner in the grand fact that the Constitutional Amendment gives Congress full power to settle the position of the negro in the Southern States, and even to give him the suffrage. We are quite sure that this oration has not shown the necessity, the justice, or even the expediency of this gift. Still it may be expedient, necessary, and just.”The speech attracted attention in Europe. In theRevue des Deux Mondes, of Paris, which is so comprehensive a representative of the French mind, a leading article by M. Forcade presents a parallel between Mr. Sumner’s speech and the famous speech of the time in the French Assembly by M. Thiers, where Liberty was the theme.“The very day when M. Thiers delivered his speech we were occupied in reading the remarkable speech which Mr. Sumner has just pronounced in the Senate at Washington, and which the last mail from America has brought us. The speech of Mr. Sumner is the recent political event in the United States.“The illustrious American Senator, the chief of the radical party in the Senate, proposed to himself to deduce from the most careful examination of the Constitution of his country those principles according to which should be settled that difficult problem which the Americans call Reconstruction,—that is to say, the return of the Rebel States into the Union. We shall not undertake to judge the practical bearing of the opinions of Mr. Sumner on the great question which agitates the United States; but it is impossible for us not to render homage to the patriotic piety which breathes in his beautiful discourse. As M. Thiers wished to derive the liberal destinies of France from the great principles of the Revolution, so Mr. Sumner applied himself to exhibit in the origin of the Constitution of the United States the fundamental principles of republican government of modern times.…“Is it not a remarkable coincidence, that these voices of two great patriots, who, almost at the same moment, without any concert, obey instinctively the mysterious law which moves the people destined to guide civilization, answer to each other with so much splendor from opposite sides of the Atlantic? All the news from the United States show that the effect produced by the speech of Mr. Sumner has been immense.… The habitualadversaries of Mr. Sumner, the Democrats in Congress, covered themselves with honor in uniting in the testimonials of respect which were so universally rendered to the radical Senator. In the pride inspired by this beautiful and good oratorical plea, the Americans turn in a friendly spirit toward our Old World, and do not dissemble the hope that this speech will do them more honor in Europe than any public act in their country since the decree of Emancipation. We are charmed, for our part, to justify this hope.”[204]CORRESPONDENCE.Numerous letters, from various persons and quarters, attest the general interest, marked in many cases by feeling and personal gratitude seeking to express itself. Brief extracts from a portion only are given.Theodore Tilton, editor of the New YorkIndependent, wrote just before the speech:—“I protested with all my heart against the Amendment offered by the Committee of Fifteen. It don’t execute justice. It leaves the negro to the decision of the Rebel. It proves that a republic is ungrateful.“I am glad to notice by theTribuneof this morning that you are to move an Amendment, or rather a substitute for that Amendment.”[FROM MASSACHUSETTS.]William Lloyd Garrison, the early Abolitionist, always persistent against Slavery, wrote from Boston:—“I have perused your eloquent and unanswerable speech on the Suffrage question, and need not say that it contains the noblest sentiments, to which all the faculties and powers which God has given me thrillingly respond. It will doubtless be more efficacious out of the Senate than in it, as it will help to educate the popular mind up to the point of abolishing all complexional distinctions before the law, North and South.… Your speech, based as it is upon absolute justice and eternal right, is an admirable elementary treatise, and I trust will have the widest circulation.…“What assiduity and perseverance, what courage and determination, what devotion and inflexible purpose you have shown, through fiery trials and at the risk of martyrdom, ‘in season and out of season,’ to effect the downfall of the atrocious slave system, and thereby elevate and save the Republic! If to this extent the year of jubilee has come, you have done much towards ushering it in, and have a right to be specially glad and grateful that Heaven has been pleased to make you so potential an instrumentality in bringing about its beneficent designs.”Wendell Phillips, who never failed to sympathize with efforts for Human Rights, wrote from Boston:—“We are all inexpressibly grateful for your brave position and words. You and half a dozen others redeem Congress. Your arguments have been grand and exhaustive. You never linked so many hearts to you as during the last two months.”Elizur Wright, the veteran Abolitionist, wrote from Boston:—“Your speech and vote on the Blaine Amendment ought to produce a thrill of life and joy and hope through every spinal column that supports a loyal soul. We can’t afford any of the old nonsense. We took our sable friends into our boat when it wasbulleting; and if we allow them to be thrown overboard by the traitors now it isballoting, we sink, in short.”George Bemis, the eminent lawyer and publicist, wrote from Boston:—“I think that you may justly rank it among your greatest efforts, and that it will go into history as the great statement of the Freedman’s claim to participate in the government of the country of which he makes part. The general student of governmental law and civil polity will also constantly refer to it as a new and important development of the connection between representation and executive sovereignty, and as a powerfulexposéof the true basis of republican institutions. You have done a great service to the colored race, to the science of statesmanship, and to your country, all at once.”Hon. Charles P. Huntington, for some time an able Judge of the Superior Court, wrote from Boston:—“If your opposition does not just now reflect the feeling of New England Republicans, it anticipates their sober judgment. Theoretically, at least, it deprives the black race of representation, and punishes them for acts of legislation in which they have no voice.”Hon. Theophilus P. Chandler, able lawyer and Assistant Treasurer, wrote from the United States Treasury, Boston:—“Eloquent, exhaustive, unanswerable.”Hon. George B. Loring, afterwards Chairman of the State Committee of the Republican party in Massachusetts, and President of the Massachusetts Senate, wrote from Salem:—“Your masterly speech will one day be reached by Congress and the people,—I trust, in your day and mine. The best minds believe in it; the best hearts take courage from it.”Hon. E. L. Pierce, afterwards Secretary of the Board of Charities in Massachusetts, wrote from Boston:—“I read last evening, at one session, your last speech in the Senate. It is a noble one, and right in all respects. One passage near the close reminds me of the famous passages of Curran and Brougham about Freedom. I agree with you about the proposed Amendment.”Thomas Sherwin, head master of the Boston High School, father of General Sherwin, and a tutor of Mr. Sumner at Harvard College, wrote from Dedham:—“Allow me, as an old friend, to congratulate you and to thank you for your noble speech in the Senate on the 5th. I obtained it last evening, and read the whole before I slept. In humanity of sentiment, in true patriotism, in completeness of argument, in fulness of illustration, you have left nothing to be desired.“This Reconstruction is, indeed, a momentous affair, and I feel a greater doubt of its just determination than I felt for that of arms while the war raged.”Rev. John T. Sargent, always swift to sympathize with Mr. Sumner, wrote from Boston:—“It is emphaticallythespeech of the time and crisis, absorbing, superseding, and transcending every other. God bless you for these timely words! They ought to be widely circulated, and reprinted in every corner of our land, East, West, North, and South.”Rev. George C. Beckwith, Congregational clergyman, and Secretary of the American Peace Society, wrote from Boston:—“Nothing but the constant feeling that you are constantly overtasked has kept me from writing you on several occasions. I will only just say now, that I owe you a thousand thanks for the great and noble services you are rendering. God give you strength and life and full opportunity to complete your work!”Rev. R. S. Storrs, the eminent Congregational clergyman, wrote from Braintree:—“I am sure that I express but the common sentiment of the people all about me, when I say that your own course meets with more than a hearty approval, even admiration and gratitude. May God give you wisdom and firmness equal to the emergency, and crown your arduous labors with the success they deserve!”E. E. Williamson, one of the earnest men of Massachusetts, wrote from Boston:—“Your whole argument is founded upon righteousness and justice, and cannot be overthrown. What a glorious record you are making for future generations to peruse with gladness, and by which record your name is made as imperishable as the hills of your native State! I hope God will spare you to finish the good work you are in, and many years after to reap a slight portion of your reward.”Nathaniel C. Nash, a merchant devoted to the national cause, wrote from Boston:—“The multitude who thronged to the Senate Chamber, together with the representatives of foreign governments, to listen to your speech (which I term the New Testament of the Nineteenth Century), was an exhibition of the world’s interest in how well or ill you finish the great battle for human freedom, not for one continent, but for civilized man.”Hon. Charles G. Davis, a stanch Antislavery Republican, wrote from Plymouth:—“Your course is fully approved here by a majority of the Republicans, and by all who have opinions. Besides all this, you will be historically right, now that the Amendment is defeated.… It is the greatest work of your life, unless your opposition to Lincoln’s Louisiana scheme may prove such, if you even succeed in keeping out the mongrel States.”Augustine G. Stimson, desiring to express his sympathies as a constituent, wrote from Boston:—“Last evening I read your speech from beginning to end, with an interest that awakened admiration and gratitude. The Equal Rights of All is the only sure guaranty for the present and future of mankind.”William E. Chase, formerly a private in the national army, wrote from North Uxbridge:—“Please accept the thanks of a poor private for your noble, courageous, and Christian efforts in the great cause of Right, Justice, and Liberty, when Justice is unpopular, and you are obliged by duty to meet both friend and foe in this conflict.”F. W. Pelton wrote from Boston:—“I desire to thank you for your late noble speech in favor of legal equality in this country. I read it with deep interest. Your propositions are sound, and the great lights of history you marshal up to sustain them impressed me forcibly.”William Plumer wrote from Lexington:—“Please accept my thanks for the copies of your very able and learned speech on the right of universal suffrage. Whatever may be the practicability of this principle at the present time, and however the country or Congress may settle the question in the future, your arguments are certainly unanswerable, and will ever remain an enduring monument of your earnest labors in behalf of the Freedman.”Richard L. Pease, Clerk of Courts, wrote from Edgartown:—“It was with feelings of intense satisfaction that I read the report of your recent speech on equal suffrage, as it appeared in the BostonJournal. The argument is so clear and able that it would seem that no intelligent man of candor could deny the conclusions. Adherence to the Right because it is the Right will never fail to commend itself to all right-thinking men.”Rev. Robert Crawford wrote from Deerfield:—“I thank you for that noble speech, … so logical, so happily illustrated, so full of earnestness and soul, and withal so convincing. I rejoice that there is one in our highest councils who feels as you do on the subject, and who has the ability and the courage to make such a speech.”Rev. Patrick V. Moyce, a priest of the Roman Catholic Church, wrote from Northampton:—“I am often reading your admirable speech of March 7th, and so much am I impressed with the justice of the principles it inculcates with so much classical ability and statesmanly wisdom and foresight, that I cannot possibly deny myself the honor of taking this method of testifying to you my heartfelt congratulations. You are the one man among many who seems to have studied the present exigencies of your noble country, and to have judged aright the requirements of the age you and we all live in at present. The benevolent qualities of heart which distinguish you in this great speech are in perfect keeping with the towering majesty of your well-cultivated intellect. Go on. Lead and triumph, and accept the blessing and prayers of a Roman Catholic priest, who begs to subscribe himself, with profound esteem and high consideration, your most humble and devoted servant.”The New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, meeting at Chicopee, Massachusetts, March 28th, adopted a resolution, officially communicated to Mr. Sumner, which, after declaring approbation of both Houses of Congress, proceeds:—“Especially do we offer our sympathies and prayers for our own honored Senators, one of whom has endured in the past, with a martyr’s fortitude, the barbarous assaults upon his person of the champion of Slavery, and has lately been called to endure an equally unjustifiable assault upon his reputation by the present Chief Magistrate of the United States.”[OUT OF MASSACHUSETTS.]Hon. Israel Washburn, Collector of the port of Portland, formerly Governor of Maine and a distinguished Representative in Congress, wrote from Portland:—“When I obtained Wilson’s bill, which prohibited the denial by theStates ofcivilrights to persons on account of color or race, I wrote him to inquire why he had not said alsopolitical. The authority is certainly as clear for the latter as for the former. So, when, last evening, I read your resolution and speech, I was strengthened and rejoiced. Your positions are impregnable, and your speech, I think, the greatest of your life. We must stand there, or not at all.”In another letter, Mr. Washburn wrote:—“When men as patriotic and sincere as I am, and a great deal wiser, sustain the Blaine Amendment, I am confounded, and don’t know what to make of it. To my mind it is most abhorrent, and I hope it will not receive the assent of Congress.”Rev. Rufus P. Stebbins, a Unitarian clergyman, wrote from Portland, Maine:—“You have fought a good fight. The Amendment proposed was defeated.Laus Deo!It was a blot too dark and foul to be permitted to stain the Constitution. To speak of ‘race and color’ in that instrument would be an insult to the men who framed it.”Rev. A. Battles wrote from Bangor, Maine:—“As a native of Massachusetts, and more than that, as a lover of my race, I want to thank you for your timely and eloquent words in behalf of universal and impartial justice. I thank you also for voting against the Blaine Amendment. Though it might accomplish one desirable object, it was a concession to prejudice against color. The black man could hope for nothing through it. We want no more compromise.”Hon. William Greene, an enlightened citizen, who has held various public offices in Rhode Island, wrote from East Greenwich:—“I beg to congratulate you as a friend, and to thank you as an American citizen, for the great speech recently delivered by you in the Senate. You have opened a new field of thought to American statesmen, and furnished a new book of elementary political lessons to the American people. It would seem almost impossible that such an effort should not tell grandly upon both.”Hon. Gerrit Smith, the devoted Abolitionist, formerly a Representative in Congress, wrote from Peterboro, New York:—“God bless you for this noble speech which you have made against the Apportionment Amendment! I have this day read the part of it in yesterday’s New YorkTribune. I long to read the whole of it.”In another letter, Mr. Smith wrote:—“You are the keystone of our arch. If you fail, all falls.”Hon. N. Niles, formerly in the diplomatic service, wrote from New York:—“I admire and applaud the tenacity with which you advocate the equal rights of all men of all races under one Constitution and Government.… I hope you will stand up for the Asiatics as well as for the negroes. They are now treated as brutes in some of our States.”Cephas Brainerd, lawyer, and arbitrator under the last treaty with England against the Slave Trade, wrote from New York:—“Nearly all the copies of your great speech that I obtained have been circulated, and I don’t find any one who dares deny the correctness of the doctrines you lay down. It has my hearty assent, and I have subjected it to the examination which the argument of an opposing counsel receives from me. I consider that very many of your Senatorial speeches will be quite as permanent as any of Burke’s productions; but this last seems to be as enduring as the Constitution of our country, whether as the foundation of a government or as a matter of mere study.”Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, always on the watch-tower, wrote from Brooklyn, New York:—“Although I do not think with you on the specific change in the Amendment which you advocate, I cannot forbear expressing my thanks for your noble speech, which has the merit of rising far above the occasion and object for which it was uttered, and covering a ground which will abide after all temporary questions of special legislation have passed away.“I wish that your oration might be in every school library in the Union. May your life be prolonged, and every year add some new jewel to the crown of fame, that, when you go to a higher sphere, men will place upon your name!”Rev. A. P. Putnam, Unitarian clergyman, also wrote from Brooklyn, New York:—“I bless God for the firm and lofty stand you have taken, and the people will yet see, if they do not now see, that it is the only wise and sure one for Union- and Freedom-loving men to take. Would that all loyal men, especially the great Union party, could see it to be their duty and their interest to meet boldly and grandly the issue which the President seems determined to force upon them!”Rev. F. C. Ewer, anxious against compromise, wrote from New York:—“I am but one of thousands whom you little think of as watching you with anxiety, and to whom your present firm position has given great cheer and comfort. Of course there are many who have always stood with you, and who must be sources of encouragement; but we are new recruits, who have had enough of ‘compromise,’ and who see no hope of permanent peace ahead except under a thorough adjusting of the Constitution to the principles of the Declaration of Independence.”James P. Lee and fourteen others united in a letter from Herkimer, New York:—“In this centre of the Empire State there are not a few who would express their thanks to you personally, if they could, but more especially to God, our Heavenly Father, for having endowed you, as Joshua of old, with the determination to lead His oppressed people to the promised land, ‘a land flowing with milk and honey’ (not with disgrace), after their Moses had been taken from them.”F. Hawley wrote with much feeling, from Cazenovia, New York:—“In God’s name, in the name of Justice and Freedom, and in behalf of the millions of God’s outraged poor, I thank you for your noble speech. Brooks could not kill you. God predetermined that you should live to be mouth for Him, that this preëminently guilty nation might know their duty, and that the great idea that lies at the foundation of all righteous civil government might be vindicated. It is to be regretted that your proposition could not have been brought forward before the House had committed itself to that miserable Amendment.”Alexander Ostrander, a lawyer, wrote from New York:—“I thank God that we have a man in the Senate bold enough and capable enough to point the nation the road back to the foundation principles of the Government.”E. W. Stewart, originally of the Liberty party, wrote from North Evans, New York:—“Having read your truly noble plea for the ‘great guaranty’ of personal and political rights under the Constitution, in the Senate, I write to thank you with my whole heart. It is the right word spoken at the right time and in the right place, and it will reach the hearts of the people and produce there a deep conviction, if it does not in Congress.… The positions in your speech are unanswerable.”Dr. Henry A. Hartt, a radical Abolitionist, wrote from New York:—“I must tell you how proud I feel, as a man and as an American citizen, on account of the position you have taken. When the Amendment of the Committee was proposed, I felt chagrined and mortified beyond expression, and I did fervently pray that we might be saved from the intolerable infamy of putting into our Constitution a sanction, even by implication, of the right of a State to deny or abridge the franchise in consequence of race or color. You may, then, imagine my joy, when I saw you break loose from all considerations of policy and party, and place yourself immovably upon the elevated platform of a just and righteous statesmanship.“I have read the report of your speech in the extra of theTribune, and Iam sure that history will confirm the verdict which I give, when I say that it was equal to the great occasion.”Edward Cary, editor of the BrooklynDaily Union, wrote from that place:—“The loyal people in Brooklyn have felt very keenly the outrage and insult you have suffered at the hands of Mr. Johnson. They honor and trust you, and will uphold you. The mention of your name by Mr. Garrison, on Tuesday evening, drew from the large audience rounds of applause, which died away only to be renewed, until it was the most prolonged I ever heard.”William Silvey, of New Jersey, earnest in patriotism and Antislavery, wrote from Alexandria, Virginia:—“How all the hearts of the true lovers of their country, even in this rebellious city, are thrilling with gratitude and thankfulness for your uniform noble efforts, which have opened and will continue to open the eyes of the citizens of our country and the whole world as to the true significance or meaning of what constitutes a republican government, which has been so sadly perverted by our practice as a nation!”W. H. Ashhurst, an eminent merchant, wrote from Philadelphia:—“I have read nothing for a long while that has moved me so much as your speech in the Senate on the 5th and 6th inst.”George D. Parrish, an earnest friend of peace, wrote from Philadelphia:—“I have written you more than once before, but, having no personal acquaintance, hesitated to thank you for the strength and instruction which really called for thanks and congratulations. You have done nobly, Sir, for your country and for this generation.”Joseph T. Thomas, of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives, wrote from Harrisburg:—“You may be vilified and abused, and no doubt are, as all great benefactors of their race are in their day and generation. But future ages will do you full justice, and your name will be illustrious when the names of your revilers will be consigned to the most ignoble oblivion.”T. E. Hall wrote from Galion, Ohio:—“In the joy of my heart I congratulate the people of this Government that the old ship of state has at its helm a statesman who, despite the storms, the howling tempests, the Cimmerian darkness which enshrouds us, stands boldly and fearlessly at his post, unawed, calm, self-possessed, ready for any emergency.“The great speech, portions of which it has been my privilege to peruse, is only second in importance to President Lincoln’s proclamation which liberated four millions of slaves; and, indeed, this speech carried out is virtually but the fulfilling of that proclamation.”Rev. George Duffield wrote from Detroit, Michigan:—“I feel constrained, though entirely unknown to you, to thank you most cordially for the intense pleasure I have enjoyed in the perusal of your great oration on the question of Universal Enfranchisement, as involved in the proposed Constitutional Amendment, looking towards universal suffrage. Its lucid didactic statements, its admirable analysis, its irresistible logic, and its glowing, brilliant eloquence, with its valuable historic instruction and its burning love of freedom and humanity, have both convinced my understanding and captivated my heart.”Rev. Charles H. Brigham, an accomplished Unitarian clergyman, in a letter describing an exhibition at the University of Michigan, wrote from Ann Arbor:—“But the most attractive piece on the programme, which brought the house down with the most prolonged and hearty applause, was Number Four [entitled “Charles Sumner”], in which a most glowing and animated tribute was paid to the scholarship, industry, fidelity, patriotism, love of justice, and love of man, of the Senator whom Massachusetts delights to honor. It was a delight, I assure you, to a Massachusetts man, and a friend of yours, to hear, out here in the West, among these ‘Fogies’ and ‘Copperheads,’ such noble words about the old Bay State and her representative man, and to hear the response to them from the great audience.”Hon. Charles V. Dyer, a Judge under the final treaty with England against the Slave Trade, wrote from Chicago:—“I am greatly your debtor for your two speeches, in a form for preservation and re-perusal, and any word of mine in regard to their ability or patriotism is quite needless. But I will say that the courage that can face cold looks of friends, cruel animadversions of one’s own party press, and, what is easier, the unceasing abuse and bullyism of the enemies of all good, is so rare that it commands my admiration.”Jesse W. Fell wrote from Normal, Illinois:—“I have just finished reading your late speech on Reconstruction, and I cannot forbear dropping you a line to say how much I have been gratified by its perusal. I will not characterize it as under different circumstances I should be tempted to. Suffice it to say, in my poor judgment it is the noblest, ablest effort of your life, and is just the document to send broadcast over the land.”James H. Alderman wrote from Jacksonville, Illinois:—“A thousand thanks for your incomparable speech, expounding and defining the true theory of a republican government. Yes, I say a thousand thanks. I have always believed the Constitution was fully adequate for every exigency. Congress, therefore, must of necessity guaranty to every State a republican form of government.”Worthington G. Snethen, an Abolitionist, of Baltimore, wrote:—“Thanks, thanks for your two great speeches. They will live and breathe and stir the heart of humanity, when the memory of A. Johnson and his Republican renegade sycophants will be forgotten, or brought to mind only to be execrated. Millions of black men bless you now, and hundreds of millions of God’s dusky skins will bless you in the ages to come, for these two grand and eloquent vindications of human liberty from the assaults of despotism, caste, and the white man’s meanness; and the white world, too, far down in the future, will bless your name. The spirit of prophecy pervades every line of these speeches, and lights up every step you take with the blaze of logic and truth.…“Your resistance to the Trojan horse of the Apportionment Amendment I sincerely hope was crowned with success in to-day’s vote. That Amendment is the basest compromise that has yet bubbled to the surface of the cesspool of American politics.…“You must all come to it, sooner or later. Congress must legislate impartial suffrage into all the States by direct statute. Strange that the States in Congress cannot do what the States separately out of Congress can do!”Hon. R. Stockett Mathews, the orator and lawyer, wrote from Baltimore:—“I thank you most profoundly for the seasonable courage which will admonish others of their duty, although I have but small hope of witnessing any immediate fruition of the good work you have done for us all.”F. W. Alexander, of Maryland, who served patriotically in the war, wrote from New York:—“I read your speech in the paper this morning, and I write to express my gratification that you have refused to accept any half-measures, but have sought to induce Congress to proceed in its work of Reconstruction on the only sure foundation, that of justice to all. Whether the measure is carried or not, your speech will not be lost, and it is a mere question of time.”S. F. Chapman wrote from Alexandria, Virginia:—“I thank you for your speech. I think it an honor to the age in which you live, and believe it will remain a monument to your genius and eloquence. I am proud of it, and that you sent it to me. I shall preserve it, and leave it to my children, as one of the noblest consecrations to Liberty and Man.”John W. Osborne, Hospital Steward of the United States Army, wrote from Washington:—“That elaborate exposition will endure for ages as a monument of your noble patriotism and unparalleled eloquence. Its sentences will be read with grateful emotion by the freedom-loving people of all nations, and their prayers for your welfare and warfare will daily ascend to Heaven.”Rev. Henry Highland Garnet, a colored clergyman and orator, for some time settled in New York, wrote from Washington, where he was on a visit:—“I was one of the many who heard your speech which you concluded yesterday afternoon in the Senate of the United States, and I take this opportunity to tender you my thanks and undying gratitude for that glorious and inspired production. I think that I may safely say that you have the gratitude of my entire race for your fearless and radical advocacy of the rights of all men, as I know you have their sincere and ardent love.“After having slept upon your speech, and the excitement which was produced at the moment of its delivery is somewhat subdued, I must say, that, if I were able, I would cause a million of copies to be printed and scattered over the land.”This was followed by the presentation of the Memorial Discourse by Mr. Garnet in the Hall of the House of Representatives, Washington, February 12, 1866, with the inscription, “To the Hon. Charles Sumner, as a small and humble token of respect, and admiration of the ablest speech ever delivered in the Senate of the United States.”Among the most enlightened women of the country the pending question awakened a deep interest; nor was their testimony wanting.Mrs. Josephine S. Griffing, devoted to good works in Washington, and especially to the care and protection of poor colored people, young and old, wrote from Washington:—“I hope I shall not be considered intrusive in expressing to you my deep gratitude for and high estimation of your unparalleled speech, made in the United States Senate, February 5th and 6th, not only as contrasted with that of President Johnson to the colored delegation, but as an independent effort, the greatest, because the broadest in its application, of any ever made before the American people.”Mrs. L. M. Worden, sister of the late Mrs. William H. Seward, and always a warm Abolitionist, wrote from Auburn, New York:—“Please accept my thanks for your noble speech of the 5th and 6th ofFebruary, which I have read and re-read with great attention and deep gratitude and admiration. This ‘testimony of the truth’ will add yet another bright page to the record of your undeviating fidelity to the cause of Justice and Humanity.”Mrs. Horace Mann, widow of the philanthropist, teacher, and Representative in Congress, wrote from Concord, Massachusetts:—“I presume you will receive a thousand letters expressive of the satisfaction and delight that your speech upon the Suffrage question has given; and yet I must add mine, for it is but rarely that one feels that a moral subject is exhausted, and you appear to have accomplished this astonishing result. It is difficult to conceive how Congress can act otherwise than in the highest manner, after listening to it and reading it.”Miss Susan B. Anthony, so earnest to secure suffrage for her own sex, was not less earnest for the colored race:—“A thousand thanks for your renewed, repeated protest against that proposed Amendment. You stand in the Senate almost the lone man to vindicate the absolute Right. May you be spared these many years, thus to stand and thus to speak!”PRESIDENT JOHNSON AND HIS COUNTER MANIFESTATIONS.An immediate effect of the speech was to hasten yet more the issue with President Johnson. On the day after its delivery he was visited by a delegation of colored citizens, who pleaded especially for the ballot. The President answered with feeling, that he had always been a friend of the colored race, and said:—“I do not like to be arraigned by some who can get up handsomely rounded periods, and deal in rhetoric, and talk about abstract ideas of Liberty, who never perilled life, liberty, or property. This kind of theoretical, hollow, unpractical friendship amounts to but very little. While I say that I am a friend of the colored man, I do not want to adopt a policy that I believe will end in a contest between the races, which, if persisted in, will result in the extermination of one or the other.”The idea of “a contest between the races” recurred in stronger language, when, alluding to the colored man, he spoke of “the sacrifice of his life and the shedding of his blood.… I feel what I say, and I feel well assured, that, if the policy urged by some be persisted in, it will result in great injury to the white as well as to the colored man.… The query comes up right there, whether we don’t commence a warof races.… I do not want to be engaged in a work that will commence a war of races.… I feel a conviction that driving this matter upon the people, upon the community, will result in the injury of both races, and the ruin of one or the other.”[205]Shortly afterwards he was reported in the press as saying to a colored delegation of North Carolina, “I suppose Sumner is your God”; to which the spokesman replied, “We respect and love Mr. Sumner, Sir, but no man is our God.”Then came the incendiary speech of the 22d February, when the President, standing on the steps of the Executive Mansion, threw away all reserve.“I am opposed to the Davises, the Toombses, the Slidells, and the long list of such. But when I perceive, on the other hand, men [A voice, “Call them off!”]—I care not by what name you call them—still opposed to the Union, I am free to say to you that I am still with the people. I am still for the preservation of these States, for the preservation of this Union, and in favor of this great Government accomplishing its destiny.”Here the President was called upon to give the names of three of the Members of Congress to whom he had alluded as being opposed to the Union.“The gentleman calls for three names. I am talking to my friends and fellow-citizens here. Suppose I should name to you those whom I look upon as being opposed to the fundamental principles of this Government, and as now laboring to destroy them. I say Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania; I say Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts; I say Wendell Phillips, of Massachusetts.”Becoming excited in speech, the President followed the charge of opposition to the fundamental principles of this Government with an accusation of a different character.“Are those who want to destroy our institutions and change the character of the Government not satisfied with the blood that has been shed? Are they not satisfied with one martyr? Does not the blood of Lincoln appease the vengeance and wrath of the opponents of this Government? Is their thirst still unslaked? Do they want more blood? Have they not honor and courage enough to effect the removal of the Presidential obstacle otherwise than through the hands of the assassin?”[206]Mr. Sumner never made answer or allusion to this Presidential attack, but others did. It became the subject of debate in the Houseof Representatives of the Massachusetts Legislature, on resolutions by Hon. George B. Loring, the Representative of Salem, already mentioned in this Appendix.[207]His reasons for vindication of Mr. Sumner were private and public, according to the report of the debate.“The first men to congratulate him on his change [from the Democratic party] were John A. Andrew and Charles Sumner; and he should not forget that Mr. Sumner, against whom he had warred so long, was the first to extend sympathy to him, and had led him on till this day.“Passing now to the public reasons for his advocacy of the fourth resolution, Mr. Loring paid a high eulogium to Senator Sumner, who, he said, would live in history with Adams and Hancock, for his adherence to and courageous advocacy of great principles, and his remarkable record since the war of the Rebellion broke out. Men might say that Mr. Sumner was an impracticable theorist; but it was to him, more than to any other man, that we owed the defeat of the iniquitous Louisiana proposition in the last Congress, the success of which would have established a precedent fraught with great danger to the nation.”[208]The resolution, adopted by the House March 14, and the Senate April 7, 1866, was as follows:—“Resolved, That, while thus expressing our confidence in our Senatorial and Representative delegations in Congress, and the determination of the people to stand by them, we are also impelled to take notice of the recent charges made by name against one of the Senators of this State, Hon. Charles Sumner, in the lately published speech of the President of the United States, and to declare that the language used and the charges made by the President are unbecoming the elevated station occupied by him, an unjust reflection upon Massachusetts, and without the shadow of justification or defence founded upon the private or public record of our eminent Senator.”A copy of the resolutions, containing the foregoing, engrossed on parchment, was forwarded to Mr. Sumner by the Governor of Massachusetts, Hon. Alexander H. Bullock, with a letter, saying, “This I take great personal pleasure in asking you to accept and preserve.”The Aldermen of Boston, by a resolution, under date of March 2d, interposed their “indignant conviction of the utter falsehood” of the charges against Mr. Sumner.[209]This testimony may be closed by that of a Massachusetts pen. In the New YorkIndependent, Mrs. Lydia Maria Child, replying to the President, said:—“Let any man capable of forming an opinion independent of party prejudice look candidly at the whole course of the Hon. Charles Sumner, and say whether any nation was ever blessed with a public man intellectually more able and consistent, and morally more courageous, pure, and noble. What a tower of strength he has been in times of difficulty and danger! How brave and steadfast he has been in the midst of denunciations and threats! How much he has suffered in the cause of Freedom! and how calmly and heroically he suffered, never boasting or complaining! What herculean labor he has performed, and every particle of that labor to sustain and advance those principles of justice and freedom which form the only sure basis of a republic! I am glad to see that Boston has, at last, by the voice of its city government, shown due appreciation of the services rendered to the country by that truly great and good man.”Such was the conflict then raging, with Truth gaining new strength daily.PERSONAL SAFETY.From his first arrival in Washington as a Senator, as far back as 1851, Mr. Sumner had been pursued by menace of personal violence. At the beginning of the present session he received a warning,[210]while the head of the military police reported to him at least one conspiracy against his life, with regard to which he had evidence. The prevailing bitterness, especially after the speech of President Johnson, arrested the attention of Hon. A. P. Granger, a retired Representative in Congress from the State of New York, whose experience in the anxious days of Kansas, when Mr. Sumner suffered personal violence, put him on his guard. In a letter from Syracuse, New York, he expressed his present anxiety:—“Permit me to say a word as to your personal safety. There are many of our best men who think more of that than you do. No man living that Treason would so much rejoice to see struck down as yourself; and many there are who would strike, if they dared. I know you think little of danger; but fear for your country, if not for yourself. Do not keep your room alone, night or day. Seldom or never go out after nightfall, and let your painful experience and the character of the foe teach you to be ever on guard.”
The sequel of this speech, which occupied two days in the delivery, will appear,first, in the Debate and Votes that ensued, and,secondly, in its reception by the country, as illustrated by the Press and Correspondence.
The speech of Mr. Sumner was followed by a succession of speeches extending over a month, with considerable variation by a concurrent resolution from the House of Representatives involving the same questions.
Mr. Fessenden, of Maine, on the day after Mr. Sumner, spoke at length. In the course of his remarks he said:—
“I take it no one contends, I think the honorable Senator from Massachusetts himself, who is the great champion of Universal Suffrage, would hardly contend, that now, at this time, the whole mass of the population of the recent Slave States is fit to be admitted to the exercise of the right of suffrage.”
“I take it no one contends, I think the honorable Senator from Massachusetts himself, who is the great champion of Universal Suffrage, would hardly contend, that now, at this time, the whole mass of the population of the recent Slave States is fit to be admitted to the exercise of the right of suffrage.”
Then again:—
“While the honorable Senator from Massachusetts argued, and argued with great force, that every man should have that right, and that he should only be subject to disabilities which he could overcome, his argument, connected with the other principle that he laid down, and the application of it that he made, that taxation and representation should go together, would just as well apply to women as to men; but I noticed that the honorable Senator dodged that part of the proposition very carefully.”
“While the honorable Senator from Massachusetts argued, and argued with great force, that every man should have that right, and that he should only be subject to disabilities which he could overcome, his argument, connected with the other principle that he laid down, and the application of it that he made, that taxation and representation should go together, would just as well apply to women as to men; but I noticed that the honorable Senator dodged that part of the proposition very carefully.”
He criticized the substitute offered by Mr. Sumner, when the latter remarked:—
“Last Friday this Senate solemnly declared, that, under the Constitutional Amendment abolishing Slavery, it had power to decree the equalrights of all persons everywhere throughout the United States, without distinction of color. The moment that was declared, I said to friends about me that the duty of Congress was fixed with regard to political rights also. If Congress can decree equality in civil rights, by the same reason, if nota fortiori, it can decree equality in political rights; and as the preamble to my proposition recited two reasons or moving causes, one the guaranty clause, and the other the Constitutional Amendment, I felt it my duty, acting upon the vote of the Senate, to insist that the declaration of equality for all should be coextensive with the Republic, claiming as I do under the guaranty clause that it operates within all the States where there has been a lapse of government, and that under the Constitutional Amendment it operates everywhere within the limits of the Republic.”
“Last Friday this Senate solemnly declared, that, under the Constitutional Amendment abolishing Slavery, it had power to decree the equalrights of all persons everywhere throughout the United States, without distinction of color. The moment that was declared, I said to friends about me that the duty of Congress was fixed with regard to political rights also. If Congress can decree equality in civil rights, by the same reason, if nota fortiori, it can decree equality in political rights; and as the preamble to my proposition recited two reasons or moving causes, one the guaranty clause, and the other the Constitutional Amendment, I felt it my duty, acting upon the vote of the Senate, to insist that the declaration of equality for all should be coextensive with the Republic, claiming as I do under the guaranty clause that it operates within all the States where there has been a lapse of government, and that under the Constitutional Amendment it operates everywhere within the limits of the Republic.”
In confining the guaranty clause to States that had “lapsed,” Mr. Sumner was cautious not to make his proposition too broad, although his judgment was that it was applicable to all the States, and authorized a prohibition by Congress of unrepublican provisions in any State.
Mr. Fessenden said: “The Senator says we may secure it in the States which have lapsed. That is a new phrase, but perhaps it is as good as any other.” But he was unwilling to accept this power.
Mr. Lane, of Indiana, said, in answer to Mr. Sumner:—
“If Congress had the undoubted and unquestionable authority to pass such a law, it gets at the result more readily than does the Constitutional Amendment; but it is doubtful to my mind whether Congress has this power. I believe, under the Constitution, the right to determine the qualifications of electors is left with the several States.”
“If Congress had the undoubted and unquestionable authority to pass such a law, it gets at the result more readily than does the Constitutional Amendment; but it is doubtful to my mind whether Congress has this power. I believe, under the Constitution, the right to determine the qualifications of electors is left with the several States.”
Then of the counter proposition he said:—
“It is a noble declaration, but a simple declaration,—a paper bullet, that kills no one, and fixes and maintains the rights of no one.”
“It is a noble declaration, but a simple declaration,—a paper bullet, that kills no one, and fixes and maintains the rights of no one.”
Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, Mr. Henderson, of Missouri, Mr. Clark, of New Hampshire, Mr. Williams, of Oregon, Mr. Hendricks, of Indiana, Mr. Yates, of Illinois, Mr. Buckalew, of Pennsylvania, Mr. Pomeroy, of Kansas, Mr. Saulsbury, of Delaware, Mr. Morrill, of Maine, and Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts, all spoke at length. Of these, Mr. Henderson, Mr. Yates, and Mr. Pomeroy sustained Mr. Sumner, in opposition to the House expedient, although the first preferred to assure suffrage by a Constitutional Amendment ordaining it: while insisting upon the ballot for the colored citizen, he doubted the power of Congress. Mr. Johnson thought the claim of our fathers, in their cry against Taxation without Representation, was for communities, and not for individuals. Mr. Sumner afterwards replied atlength to this opinion.[197]In the course of Mr. Henderson’s speech, occupying two days, the following colloquy occurred.
Mr. Sumner.Do I understand my friend as insisting that the denial of the franchise is consistent with a republican government? Take the State of South Carolina, which denies the franchise to more than half its population.Mr. Henderson.In theory it is not. Under the Constitution it was regarded as a republican State at the time of the adoption of the instrument.Mr. Sumner.It did not deny the franchise to half its citizens and more. I say citizens. Most excluded were slaves.Mr. Henderson.It then had only one hundred and forty thousand whites, and had one hundred and seven thousand slaves. It also had eighteen hundred free negroes. I think it more nearly a republican State now than then. Practically, the question of suffrage was left to the States——Mr. Sumner.But that is the question, whether they were left to deny suffrage to any freeman on account of color.Mr. Henderson.If that be the question, then the point is against my friend; for both South Carolina and Virginia did deny the suffrage to the free negroes on account of color only, at the time when the Constitution was made, and when it was adopted. Virginia had upward of twelve thousand free negroes thus denied.Mr. Sumner.But the question is—I cannot anticipate my friend’s conclusion on that point——Mr. Henderson.My conclusion is, that a mistake was made in recognizing a Constitution as republican that permitted Slavery. I know of no way to get rid of it except by Constitutional Amendment. I think another mistake was committed in leaving each State to so far abridge the right of suffrage as to change, in theory, the republican form. But such is the Constitution, and you cannot change it by Act of Congress. That is my conclusion.Mr. Sumner.You are wrong. It is a question of theory with regard to republican government, and I say that the Constitution must be interpreted according to this theory.Mr. Henderson.But our fathers did not deal with it in the Constitution as a question of theory, but as a question of fact. Whatever may have been their theories, I mean only to say that the text of the Constitution does not carry them out——Mr. Sumner.The practical point is, Did our fathers concede to any State the power of disfranchising citizens on account of color? I utterly deny it, and I challenge my friend to show any authority for it.Mr. Henderson.Why, Mr. President, if I have already failed to show it, I must fail in the future. I have shown that the suffrage was left to the States, and that they did exclude their negroes,—that they held in slavery in Virginia almost half of their population,[198]and that Virginia was calleda republican State. Indeed, she was most prominent in making the very provisions we are discussing. She excluded the slaves and——Mr. Sumner.Ah! slaves. That is another thing. The question is, whether you are allowed to disfranchise freemen on account of color,—whether you are allowed to deny freemen rights as citizens. That I deny. The exception was slaves, who were not regarded as members of the “body politic.” They were treated as minors, or as women, represented by their masters. But every freeman, no matter what his color, was recognized as entitled to all the privileges of citizenship; he was one of the sovereigns. The proposition cannot be met, if my friend will consult the history of his country.Mr. Henderson.It was not slaves only that were disfranchised, but I have shown that free negroes were also disfranchised. But I have no controversy with the Senator in what we mutually aim at.Mr. Sumner.I know that, and I concede to my excellent friend all that I claim for myself. We are in search of the best. I applaud his zeal, and thank him for his courtesy.Mr. Henderson.I am certainly very much obliged to the Senator from Massachusetts. I feel now ten times better than I did before. [Laughter.]—I cannot longer detain the Senate in presenting objections to the exercise of legislative power under the guaranty clause. It is sufficient to control my own action, that I believe by the letter, and even spirit of the Constitution, the suffrage was placed exclusively under the control of State action. I think that the error of so placing it is as clear as the error made in tolerating Slavery. To rid ourselves of the evil, however, we must amend the Constitution.Mr. Sumner.Do I understand my friend that a State might adopt a rule founded on the color of the hair, so that all men with light hair should be excluded from suffrage? I insist that a State is not authorized, under the Constitution, to make any exclusion on account of color.Mr. Henderson.It ought not to be, you mean.Mr. Sumner.No,—it cannot be. Color cannot be a qualification. There may be a qualification founded on age, or residence, or knowledge, or crime.Mr. Henderson.You are now coming in conflict with the Committee of Fifteen, who declare by their resolution that the States now have the power, and may yet exclude everybody of a particular race or color.Mr. Sumner.The Committee propose to place that in the Constitution, which is one reason why I object to their report. I say that they propose to do what our fathers never did.Mr. Henderson.The Senator from Massachusetts is in theory, perhaps, correct. He is speaking, however, of an ideal Constitution.
Mr. Sumner.Do I understand my friend as insisting that the denial of the franchise is consistent with a republican government? Take the State of South Carolina, which denies the franchise to more than half its population.
Mr. Henderson.In theory it is not. Under the Constitution it was regarded as a republican State at the time of the adoption of the instrument.
Mr. Sumner.It did not deny the franchise to half its citizens and more. I say citizens. Most excluded were slaves.
Mr. Henderson.It then had only one hundred and forty thousand whites, and had one hundred and seven thousand slaves. It also had eighteen hundred free negroes. I think it more nearly a republican State now than then. Practically, the question of suffrage was left to the States——
Mr. Sumner.But that is the question, whether they were left to deny suffrage to any freeman on account of color.
Mr. Henderson.If that be the question, then the point is against my friend; for both South Carolina and Virginia did deny the suffrage to the free negroes on account of color only, at the time when the Constitution was made, and when it was adopted. Virginia had upward of twelve thousand free negroes thus denied.
Mr. Sumner.But the question is—I cannot anticipate my friend’s conclusion on that point——
Mr. Henderson.My conclusion is, that a mistake was made in recognizing a Constitution as republican that permitted Slavery. I know of no way to get rid of it except by Constitutional Amendment. I think another mistake was committed in leaving each State to so far abridge the right of suffrage as to change, in theory, the republican form. But such is the Constitution, and you cannot change it by Act of Congress. That is my conclusion.
Mr. Sumner.You are wrong. It is a question of theory with regard to republican government, and I say that the Constitution must be interpreted according to this theory.
Mr. Henderson.But our fathers did not deal with it in the Constitution as a question of theory, but as a question of fact. Whatever may have been their theories, I mean only to say that the text of the Constitution does not carry them out——
Mr. Sumner.The practical point is, Did our fathers concede to any State the power of disfranchising citizens on account of color? I utterly deny it, and I challenge my friend to show any authority for it.
Mr. Henderson.Why, Mr. President, if I have already failed to show it, I must fail in the future. I have shown that the suffrage was left to the States, and that they did exclude their negroes,—that they held in slavery in Virginia almost half of their population,[198]and that Virginia was calleda republican State. Indeed, she was most prominent in making the very provisions we are discussing. She excluded the slaves and——
Mr. Sumner.Ah! slaves. That is another thing. The question is, whether you are allowed to disfranchise freemen on account of color,—whether you are allowed to deny freemen rights as citizens. That I deny. The exception was slaves, who were not regarded as members of the “body politic.” They were treated as minors, or as women, represented by their masters. But every freeman, no matter what his color, was recognized as entitled to all the privileges of citizenship; he was one of the sovereigns. The proposition cannot be met, if my friend will consult the history of his country.
Mr. Henderson.It was not slaves only that were disfranchised, but I have shown that free negroes were also disfranchised. But I have no controversy with the Senator in what we mutually aim at.
Mr. Sumner.I know that, and I concede to my excellent friend all that I claim for myself. We are in search of the best. I applaud his zeal, and thank him for his courtesy.
Mr. Henderson.I am certainly very much obliged to the Senator from Massachusetts. I feel now ten times better than I did before. [Laughter.]—I cannot longer detain the Senate in presenting objections to the exercise of legislative power under the guaranty clause. It is sufficient to control my own action, that I believe by the letter, and even spirit of the Constitution, the suffrage was placed exclusively under the control of State action. I think that the error of so placing it is as clear as the error made in tolerating Slavery. To rid ourselves of the evil, however, we must amend the Constitution.
Mr. Sumner.Do I understand my friend that a State might adopt a rule founded on the color of the hair, so that all men with light hair should be excluded from suffrage? I insist that a State is not authorized, under the Constitution, to make any exclusion on account of color.
Mr. Henderson.It ought not to be, you mean.
Mr. Sumner.No,—it cannot be. Color cannot be a qualification. There may be a qualification founded on age, or residence, or knowledge, or crime.
Mr. Henderson.You are now coming in conflict with the Committee of Fifteen, who declare by their resolution that the States now have the power, and may yet exclude everybody of a particular race or color.
Mr. Sumner.The Committee propose to place that in the Constitution, which is one reason why I object to their report. I say that they propose to do what our fathers never did.
Mr. Henderson.The Senator from Massachusetts is in theory, perhaps, correct. He is speaking, however, of an ideal Constitution.
The following colloquy also occurred.
Mr. Henderson.The Senator from Massachusetts proposes to do by an Act of Congress what I think can only be done by a Constitutional Amendment. That is the difference now between the Senator from Illinois [Mr.Yates] and myself. I think the Amendment can be adopted. Indeed, I feel confident of it.Mr. Sumner.What Amendment?Mr. Henderson.An Amendment to the Constitution preventing any discrimination against the negro in the right of suffrage because of color.Mr. Sumner.It cannot.Mr. Henderson.I thought in the bright lexicon of the Senator from Massachusetts there was no such word as “fail.”Mr. Sumner.I thought the Senator meant that this proposition of the Reconstruction Committee could be adopted.Mr. Henderson.Oh, no! I never thought that.Mr. Sumner.I believe that the Senator’s proposition can be adopted—gratefully adopted—by the country; but the other cannot be.
Mr. Henderson.The Senator from Massachusetts proposes to do by an Act of Congress what I think can only be done by a Constitutional Amendment. That is the difference now between the Senator from Illinois [Mr.Yates] and myself. I think the Amendment can be adopted. Indeed, I feel confident of it.
Mr. Sumner.What Amendment?
Mr. Henderson.An Amendment to the Constitution preventing any discrimination against the negro in the right of suffrage because of color.
Mr. Sumner.It cannot.
Mr. Henderson.I thought in the bright lexicon of the Senator from Massachusetts there was no such word as “fail.”
Mr. Sumner.I thought the Senator meant that this proposition of the Reconstruction Committee could be adopted.
Mr. Henderson.Oh, no! I never thought that.
Mr. Sumner.I believe that the Senator’s proposition can be adopted—gratefully adopted—by the country; but the other cannot be.
Mr. Williams, of Oregon, hesitated with regard to Mr. Sumner’s substitute, although he seemed to sympathize with the speech.
“Sir, I listened with profound admiration to the speech which the Senator delivered in favor of the proposed substitute. It was worthy of the subject, worthy of the occasion, worthy of the author; and when those who heard it shall be forgotten, the echoes of its lofty and majestic periods will linger and repeat themselves among the corridors of History. I cordially indorse the prevailing sentiment of that speech. I believe that the founders of this Republic intended that all freemen should participate in the political and civil rights of the country. I think the distinction which they made was not between white men and black men: that distinction is of modern origin: but the distinction which they made was between freemen and slaves.”
“Sir, I listened with profound admiration to the speech which the Senator delivered in favor of the proposed substitute. It was worthy of the subject, worthy of the occasion, worthy of the author; and when those who heard it shall be forgotten, the echoes of its lofty and majestic periods will linger and repeat themselves among the corridors of History. I cordially indorse the prevailing sentiment of that speech. I believe that the founders of this Republic intended that all freemen should participate in the political and civil rights of the country. I think the distinction which they made was not between white men and black men: that distinction is of modern origin: but the distinction which they made was between freemen and slaves.”
He took objection to the substitute.
“Pass that law at this session, and it becomes an issue in the next political campaign; and those who sustain it and pass it here will be committed to its support, and those who oppose it will strive to elect men in favor of its repeal. A majority of this Congress may believe in the constitutionality and expediency of such legislation; but another Congress, if a majority should happen to sympathize with the honorable Senator from Kentucky, would abrogate the law, and so the political rights of millions of people would be as varying as the capricious fortunes of the political parties of the country.”
“Pass that law at this session, and it becomes an issue in the next political campaign; and those who sustain it and pass it here will be committed to its support, and those who oppose it will strive to elect men in favor of its repeal. A majority of this Congress may believe in the constitutionality and expediency of such legislation; but another Congress, if a majority should happen to sympathize with the honorable Senator from Kentucky, would abrogate the law, and so the political rights of millions of people would be as varying as the capricious fortunes of the political parties of the country.”
In the intervening debate on the Reconstruction Resolution of the House of Representatives, Mr. Cowan, of Pennsylvania, made an elaborate speech on the pending Amendment, in which he pictured the compromise involved in it.
“This Committee proposes in this Amendment to sell out four million (radical count) negroes to the bad people of those States forever and ever. In consideration of what? I am asked. O shame, where is thy blush? I answer, in dust and ashes, For about sixteen members of Congress. Hasthere ever been before, Sir, in the history of this or any other country, such a stupendous sale of negroes as that? Never! never! It is saying to the Southern States, You may have these millions of human beings, whom we love so dearly, and about whom we have said so much, and for whom we have done so much,—you may do with them as you please in the way of legislative discrimination against them, if you will only agree not to count them at the next census, except as your sheep and oxen are counted; waive your right to sixteen members of Congress, and the great compromise is sealed, the long agony is over, the nation’s dead are avenged, the nation’s tears are dried, and the nation’s politics are relieved of the negro.”
“This Committee proposes in this Amendment to sell out four million (radical count) negroes to the bad people of those States forever and ever. In consideration of what? I am asked. O shame, where is thy blush? I answer, in dust and ashes, For about sixteen members of Congress. Hasthere ever been before, Sir, in the history of this or any other country, such a stupendous sale of negroes as that? Never! never! It is saying to the Southern States, You may have these millions of human beings, whom we love so dearly, and about whom we have said so much, and for whom we have done so much,—you may do with them as you please in the way of legislative discrimination against them, if you will only agree not to count them at the next census, except as your sheep and oxen are counted; waive your right to sixteen members of Congress, and the great compromise is sealed, the long agony is over, the nation’s dead are avenged, the nation’s tears are dried, and the nation’s politics are relieved of the negro.”
March 7th, Mr. Sumner spoke at length in reply to Mr. Fessenden and others who had opposed his substitute. This speech appears in the present volume, according to its date.[199]He was followed by his colleague, Mr. Wilson, who was strenuous for the House Amendment.
“Mr. President, there are indications, not to be mistaken, that this Amendment is doomed to defeat. To me this result will be a subject of sincere and profound regret. My heart, my conscience, and my judgment approve of this Amendment, and I support it without qualification or reservation.”
“Mr. President, there are indications, not to be mistaken, that this Amendment is doomed to defeat. To me this result will be a subject of sincere and profound regret. My heart, my conscience, and my judgment approve of this Amendment, and I support it without qualification or reservation.”
March 9th, Mr. Fessenden spoke again, criticizing especially Mr. Yates and Mr. Sumner.
Mr. Sumner followed Mr. Fessenden in a brief reply, which will be found under its date.[200]
Mr. Wilson declared again his adhesion to the pending Amendment, saying: “I would go to the scaffold joyfully before the sun goes down, if I could put this proposed Amendment into the Constitution of my country; for, if it were there, there would be but one result and one end to it, and that is the enfranchisement of every black man within the bounds of the United States.”
The voting then commenced on the various substitutes for the Amendment adopted by the House of Representatives.
First came the counter proposition of Mr. Sumner, altered, in conformity with the original draught,[201]so as to be applicable only to States that had lapsed, being “lately declared to be in rebellion,” without republican government.
Mr. Henderson moved to strike out all of the counter proposition, and in lieu of it insert a Constitutional Amendment securing the suffrage to colored citizens:—
“Article 14.No State, in prescribing the qualifications requisite for electors therein, shall discriminate against any person on account of coloror race.”
“Article 14.No State, in prescribing the qualifications requisite for electors therein, shall discriminate against any person on account of coloror race.”
Mr. Henderson felt obliged to move his amendment as a substitute for the counter proposition of Mr. Sumner in order to compel a vote upon it.
Mr. Sumner stated that he was for this proposition, and that he should vote for it, and, on its failure, press his own.
The question, being taken by yeas and nays on Mr. Henderson’s amendment, resulted—Yeas 10, Nays 37—as follows:—
Yeas,—Messrs. Brown, Chandler, Clark, Henderson, Howe, Pomeroy, Sumner, Wade, Wilson, and Yates.
Nays,—Messrs. Anthony, Buckalew, Conness, Cowan, Cragin, Creswell, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foster, Grimes, Guthrie, Harris, Hendricks, Johnson, Kirkwood, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, McDougall, Morgan, Morrill, Nesmith, Norton, Nye, Poland, Ramsey, Riddle, Saulsbury, Sherman, Sprague, Stewart, Stockton, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Willey, and Williams.
Absent,—Messrs. Foot, Howard, and Wright.
So the amendment to the amendment was rejected.
The question then recurred on the substitute of Mr. Sumner, when the vote stood,—Yeas 8, Nays 39; so it was rejected. Those voting in the affirmative were Messrs. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, Chandler, of Michigan, Howe, of Wisconsin, Pomeroy, of Kansas, Sumner, Wade, of Ohio, Wilson, of Massachusetts, and Yates, of Illinois.
Mr. Clark, of New Hampshire, then moved to amend the House proposition by striking out the proviso and inserting these words, being an amplification of the proviso:—
“Whenever the elective franchise shall be denied or abridged in any State in the election of Representatives to Congress, or of any other officer, municipal, State, or national, on account of race, color, descent, or previous condition of servitude, or by any provision of law not equally applicable to all races and descents, all persons of such race, color, descent, and condition shall be excluded from the basis of representation, as prescribed in the second section of the first article of the Constitution.”
“Whenever the elective franchise shall be denied or abridged in any State in the election of Representatives to Congress, or of any other officer, municipal, State, or national, on account of race, color, descent, or previous condition of servitude, or by any provision of law not equally applicable to all races and descents, all persons of such race, color, descent, and condition shall be excluded from the basis of representation, as prescribed in the second section of the first article of the Constitution.”
This amendment was adopted,—Yeas 26, Nays 20. It was afterwards withdrawn by the mover, with the unanimous consent of the Senate.
The next question was on a legislative substitute, not unlike that of Mr. Sumner, moved by Mr. Yates:—
“That no State or Territory of the United States shall, by any constitution, law, or other regulation whatever, heretofore in force or hereafter to be adopted, make, or enforce, or in any manner recognize, any distinctionbetween citizens of the United States, or of any State or Territory, on account of race or color or previous condition of slavery; and that hereafter all citizens, without distinction of race, color, or previous condition of slavery, shall be protected in the full and equal enjoyment and exercise of all their civil and political rights, including the right of suffrage.”
“That no State or Territory of the United States shall, by any constitution, law, or other regulation whatever, heretofore in force or hereafter to be adopted, make, or enforce, or in any manner recognize, any distinctionbetween citizens of the United States, or of any State or Territory, on account of race or color or previous condition of slavery; and that hereafter all citizens, without distinction of race, color, or previous condition of slavery, shall be protected in the full and equal enjoyment and exercise of all their civil and political rights, including the right of suffrage.”
This was rejected,—Yeas 7, Nays 38.
Mr. Davis, of Kentucky, then moved to amend the proposition of the House of Representatives by inserting after the word “legislatures” the words “next hereafter to be chosen in each State.” The motion was rejected,—Yeas 12, Nays 31.
Mr. Sumner then moved to strike out the proviso in the House proposition, as amended on the motion of Mr. Clark, and in lieu thereof insert,—
“And the elective franchise shall not be denied or abridged in any State on account of race or color.”
“And the elective franchise shall not be denied or abridged in any State on account of race or color.”
In moving this Constitutional Amendment, Mr. Sumner remarked that it was “a direct, positive proposition, slightly different from that [Mr.Henderson’s] on which the Senate had voted.” It was rejected,—Yeas 8, Nays 38.
Mr. Sumner then moved to add at the end of the House proposition the words, “And they shall be exempt from taxation of all kinds.”
Before the vote he remarked:—
“It is proposed, by a solemn provision of the Constitution, to declare that certain persons shall not be included in the basis of representation. I think, in justice to them, they should not be taxed. You ought not to repeat in the Constitution the tyranny of taxation without representation. In so many words, you are about to despoil fellow-citizens of representation, and I say, that, not to be inconsistent with your own institutions and with the principles upon which your government is founded, you must exempt them from taxation.”
“It is proposed, by a solemn provision of the Constitution, to declare that certain persons shall not be included in the basis of representation. I think, in justice to them, they should not be taxed. You ought not to repeat in the Constitution the tyranny of taxation without representation. In so many words, you are about to despoil fellow-citizens of representation, and I say, that, not to be inconsistent with your own institutions and with the principles upon which your government is founded, you must exempt them from taxation.”
The amendment was rejected.
The question then came on the passage of the House proposition, when the vote stood,—
Yeas,—Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, Clark, Conness, Cragin, Creswell, Fessenden, Foster, Grimes, Harris, Howe, Kirkwood, Lane of Indiana, McDougall, Morgan, Morrill, Nye, Poland, Ramsey, Sherman, Sprague, Trumbull, Wade, Williams, and Wilson.
Nays,—Messrs. Brown, Buckalew, Cowan, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Guthrie, Henderson, Hendricks, Johnson, Lane of Kansas, Nesmith, Norton, Pomeroy, Riddle, Saulsbury, Stewart, Stockton, Sumner, Van Winkle, Willey, and Yates.
Absent,—Messrs. Foot, Howard, and Wright.
The Chair then declared: “On this question the Yeas are 25 and the Nays 22. Two thirds of the Senators present not having voted for the joint resolution, it is not agreed to.”
This vote showed the judgment of the Senate at that time. But, in order to keep the question open, it was, on motion of Mr. Henderson, reconsidered. Mr. Doolittle, of Wisconsin, then moved a substitute, basing representation on qualified voters, and also regulating direct taxes. Mr. Sherman, of Ohio, offered another substitute, founded on qualified voters, but with nothing on direct taxes. While these were pending, the subject was postponed on motion of Mr. Fessenden, and never resumed.
Much feeling was manifested by some of the supporters of the House attempt at amendment, when its defeat was known. Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, took an early occasion to say:—
“It was slaughtered by a puerile and pedantic criticism, by a perversion of philological definition, which, if, when I taught school, a lad who had studied Lindley Murray had assumed, I would have expelled him from the institution as unfit to waste education upon.… The murderers must answer to the suffering race. I would not have been the perpetrator. A load of misery must sit heavy on their souls.… Let us again try and see whether we cannot devise some way to overcome the united forces of self-righteous Republicans and unrighteous Copperheads.”[202]
“It was slaughtered by a puerile and pedantic criticism, by a perversion of philological definition, which, if, when I taught school, a lad who had studied Lindley Murray had assumed, I would have expelled him from the institution as unfit to waste education upon.… The murderers must answer to the suffering race. I would not have been the perpetrator. A load of misery must sit heavy on their souls.… Let us again try and see whether we cannot devise some way to overcome the united forces of self-righteous Republicans and unrighteous Copperheads.”[202]
The Fourteenth Amendment followed, and was adopted by both Houses of Congress during the present session. While undertaking to regulate representation, this Amendment had no recognition of exclusion from the elective franchise on account of “race or color.” Though failing in directness, there was nothing in it to injure the text of the Constitution, or impair the idea of a republican form of government, always with Mr. Sumner a cardinal point. There were also other important clauses, defining citizenship, assuring for all “the equal protection of the laws,” disqualifying certain persons from office until the removal of such disability by a vote of two thirds of each House of Congress, protecting the public debt of the United States, and annulling all debts in aid of rebellion or on account of the loss or emancipation of any slave.
The original object of the clause relating to representation was accomplished directly, before its ratification as part of the Constitution. After much debate, Congress yielded to the claim of power, and took jurisdiction of the elective franchise in the Rebel States, requiring, that, in voting on any State constitution in the reconstruction of the Rebel States, there should be no exclusion on account of race or color, and that this prohibition should be embodied in the new State constitutions.[203]The Fifteenth Constitutional Amendment on equal suffrage followed.
Unquestionably the establishment of the equal rights of colored citizens at the ballot-box was one of the most important events in our political history. With few supporters at first, the cause grew in interest and strength until final success in the Acts of Reconstruction, and then in the Constitutional Amendment. This great result was accomplished by discussion and the gradual recognition of the national exigency.
Mr. Sumner’s speech was extensively circulated, and awakened much attention. The response of the country will be seen in the contemporary press and in letters addressed to him, which, while illustrating the speech, reflect light on the times.
The Washington correspondents concurred in accounts of the speech, and of the interest it created.
Henry C. Bowen, proprietor of the New YorkIndependent, then on a visit to Washington, wrote to his paper of the first day of the speech:—
“Senate Chamber, Monday Afternoon.“Whatever may be said in regard to the political opinions of Hon. Charles Sumner, no one can deny his eminent ability as an orator and scholar, and to-day this world-renowned friend of the poor and the oppressed is speaking in the Senate,—I had almost said as orator and scholar never spoke before. His theme is the Rights of Man. The floor and galleries of the Senate Chamber are crowded with most attentive listeners, and such a spectacle as it is now my unspeakable privilege to witness is worthy of a thousand miles’ journey.… Never before have I heard in these halls such solemn appeals, never such noble and eloquent utterances. May the great Author of truth and justice continue to inspire the great Senator now speaking to do His will to the glory of His name!”
“Senate Chamber, Monday Afternoon.
“Whatever may be said in regard to the political opinions of Hon. Charles Sumner, no one can deny his eminent ability as an orator and scholar, and to-day this world-renowned friend of the poor and the oppressed is speaking in the Senate,—I had almost said as orator and scholar never spoke before. His theme is the Rights of Man. The floor and galleries of the Senate Chamber are crowded with most attentive listeners, and such a spectacle as it is now my unspeakable privilege to witness is worthy of a thousand miles’ journey.… Never before have I heard in these halls such solemn appeals, never such noble and eloquent utterances. May the great Author of truth and justice continue to inspire the great Senator now speaking to do His will to the glory of His name!”
So also the correspondent of the BostonDaily Advertiser:—
“The finest audience of the session came out to-day to hear Mr. Sumner’s great speech on the Amendment to the Constitution. Many persons were in the galleries before the Senate was called together at noon, and longbefore one o’clock, the hour at which the proposition was to be taken up, they were crowded to their utmost capacity. The morning hour was occupied with minor business, and it was a quarter past one when Mr. Fessenden called for the special order. He of course was entitled to open the debate, but, being unwell to-day, he yielded the floor to Mr. Sumner.“The scene, when he rose to speak, was one that could not fail to touch the most indifferent heart. One fourth of the gentlemen’s gallery was filled with colored soldiers, and the other seats and aisles of the remaining part of the galleries were closely packed with an intent and appreciative auditory, while on the floor were a large number of members from the House and several members of the foreign delegations resident in the city.”
“The finest audience of the session came out to-day to hear Mr. Sumner’s great speech on the Amendment to the Constitution. Many persons were in the galleries before the Senate was called together at noon, and longbefore one o’clock, the hour at which the proposition was to be taken up, they were crowded to their utmost capacity. The morning hour was occupied with minor business, and it was a quarter past one when Mr. Fessenden called for the special order. He of course was entitled to open the debate, but, being unwell to-day, he yielded the floor to Mr. Sumner.
“The scene, when he rose to speak, was one that could not fail to touch the most indifferent heart. One fourth of the gentlemen’s gallery was filled with colored soldiers, and the other seats and aisles of the remaining part of the galleries were closely packed with an intent and appreciative auditory, while on the floor were a large number of members from the House and several members of the foreign delegations resident in the city.”
So also the correspondent of the PittsburgCommercial:—
“The great event of the day and of the session in the Senate was Mr. Sumner’s speech. The galleries were crowded to excess, as they have not been on any occasion before in a long time. Frederick Douglass was in the gallery, one of the most attentive listeners, and evidently the best-pleased man in the Chamber, as he heard the distinguished champion of his race plead so eloquently in its behalf. Nearly every member of the Senate listened with rapt attention to Mr. Sumner.”
“The great event of the day and of the session in the Senate was Mr. Sumner’s speech. The galleries were crowded to excess, as they have not been on any occasion before in a long time. Frederick Douglass was in the gallery, one of the most attentive listeners, and evidently the best-pleased man in the Chamber, as he heard the distinguished champion of his race plead so eloquently in its behalf. Nearly every member of the Senate listened with rapt attention to Mr. Sumner.”
So also the correspondent of the BostonCommonwealth:—
“Mr. Sumner’s great speech upon what constitutes a republican government is now being delivered in the Senate. It is the most powerful oration of his life,—the crowning glory of his scholarship and statesmanship. Never yet has any American statesman swept so wide a range of learning, so complete a circle of public law, history, philosophy, and jurisprudence, in support of so noble a principle as the one underlying republican government. Mr. Sumner spoke two hours yesterday, and will occupy about the same time to-day. The galleries were filled to overflowing. The Senatorial chairs were all occupied, while the floor was thronged by Representatives and others having theentrée.”
“Mr. Sumner’s great speech upon what constitutes a republican government is now being delivered in the Senate. It is the most powerful oration of his life,—the crowning glory of his scholarship and statesmanship. Never yet has any American statesman swept so wide a range of learning, so complete a circle of public law, history, philosophy, and jurisprudence, in support of so noble a principle as the one underlying republican government. Mr. Sumner spoke two hours yesterday, and will occupy about the same time to-day. The galleries were filled to overflowing. The Senatorial chairs were all occupied, while the floor was thronged by Representatives and others having theentrée.”
The correspondent of the BostonJournalwrote of the second day:—
“Senator Sumner was honored to-day by such an audience as is rarely seen in the Senate Chamber. The Senators, wheeling around their chairs so as to face the speaker, listened with marked attention. Scores of Representatives filled the sofas or the floor and stood in groups, and the galleries were literally packed with earnest men and women, who drank in every word as the gifted orator proceeded. When he closed, the galleries applauded loudly, until Senator Pomeroy, who occupied the chair, secured order, while those on the floor crowded around Senator Sumner to offer earnest congratulations.”
“Senator Sumner was honored to-day by such an audience as is rarely seen in the Senate Chamber. The Senators, wheeling around their chairs so as to face the speaker, listened with marked attention. Scores of Representatives filled the sofas or the floor and stood in groups, and the galleries were literally packed with earnest men and women, who drank in every word as the gifted orator proceeded. When he closed, the galleries applauded loudly, until Senator Pomeroy, who occupied the chair, secured order, while those on the floor crowded around Senator Sumner to offer earnest congratulations.”
So also the correspondent of the New YorkTribune:—
“Senator Sumner concluded his great effort at fifty-five minutes pasttwo, having commenced at one. Diplomats, two Cabinet Ministers, and a much larger number of Congressmen than yesterday were on the floor, while all the galleries and approaches were densely packed with attentive listeners. As the argument of the speaker culminated, he became grandly eloquent, and his elaborate plea, which might rather be denominated an essay than a speech, for negro enfranchisement, unquestionably made a profound impression upon every intelligent listener. At its conclusion the floor and galleries broke forth in applause.”
“Senator Sumner concluded his great effort at fifty-five minutes pasttwo, having commenced at one. Diplomats, two Cabinet Ministers, and a much larger number of Congressmen than yesterday were on the floor, while all the galleries and approaches were densely packed with attentive listeners. As the argument of the speaker culminated, he became grandly eloquent, and his elaborate plea, which might rather be denominated an essay than a speech, for negro enfranchisement, unquestionably made a profound impression upon every intelligent listener. At its conclusion the floor and galleries broke forth in applause.”
A few days later, the correspondent of the New YorkTribune, after mentioning President Johnson’s interview with the delegation of colored people headed by Frederick Douglass and George T. Downing, wrote:—
“As to Mr. Sumner’s grand vindication of the fundamental principles underlying republicanism, it is unnecessary to repeat what has been said of the immediate effect it produced upon those who listened to it,—of the overcrowded galleries, the silent attention of the Senate, the members of the House who had left their own seats and eagerly thronged the floor of the Senate Chamber.… And even now, since the sound has died away and there has been ample time for searching criticism, you can hear men who are not in the habit of following Mr. Sumner’s views of policy say with heartfelt satisfaction, it was a grand speech, worthy of the Senate, worthy of the cause it defended, worthy of this Republic. I have hardly seen a Republican here who was not as proud of it as if he had made it himself. Even Mr. Sumner’s opponents, the Democrats of the Senate and the House, yielded to it the tribute of their respect. That respect will go all over this country, and even beyond its boundaries; and while no thinking man in this Republic will take it up without feeling the irresistible weight of its logic and the ennobling power of its sentiments, it will abroad do more honor to American republicanism than any public act since the decree of Emancipation.”
“As to Mr. Sumner’s grand vindication of the fundamental principles underlying republicanism, it is unnecessary to repeat what has been said of the immediate effect it produced upon those who listened to it,—of the overcrowded galleries, the silent attention of the Senate, the members of the House who had left their own seats and eagerly thronged the floor of the Senate Chamber.… And even now, since the sound has died away and there has been ample time for searching criticism, you can hear men who are not in the habit of following Mr. Sumner’s views of policy say with heartfelt satisfaction, it was a grand speech, worthy of the Senate, worthy of the cause it defended, worthy of this Republic. I have hardly seen a Republican here who was not as proud of it as if he had made it himself. Even Mr. Sumner’s opponents, the Democrats of the Senate and the House, yielded to it the tribute of their respect. That respect will go all over this country, and even beyond its boundaries; and while no thinking man in this Republic will take it up without feeling the irresistible weight of its logic and the ennobling power of its sentiments, it will abroad do more honor to American republicanism than any public act since the decree of Emancipation.”
The correspondent of the New OrleansTribunewrote:—
“You will of course give to your readers the great speech of Senator Sumner. His speech is one of the best ever delivered in the Senate, and it was delivered in the greatest of causes,—that of Human Liberty. It differs from the tone so common among so-called ‘Democratic’ orators for years past, both North and South, inasmuch as it contained neither abusive, personal, nor vindictive language. But it was calm, manly, dignified,—full of the subject in hand, treating it with frankness,—alluding to the opposite view with fairness, and even respect, while showing up their errors and weaknesses as one would those of a wayward child. For historical and legal research, critical analysis, and logical argument, it is unsurpassed. Concise, pithy, full of effective and happy illustrations, it was admirably conceived and presented.”
“You will of course give to your readers the great speech of Senator Sumner. His speech is one of the best ever delivered in the Senate, and it was delivered in the greatest of causes,—that of Human Liberty. It differs from the tone so common among so-called ‘Democratic’ orators for years past, both North and South, inasmuch as it contained neither abusive, personal, nor vindictive language. But it was calm, manly, dignified,—full of the subject in hand, treating it with frankness,—alluding to the opposite view with fairness, and even respect, while showing up their errors and weaknesses as one would those of a wayward child. For historical and legal research, critical analysis, and logical argument, it is unsurpassed. Concise, pithy, full of effective and happy illustrations, it was admirably conceived and presented.”
The correspondent of the RichmondRepublic, with equal appreciation, but less faith, wrote:—
“In the Senate, the day was devoted to Sumner. He began speaking about one o’clock, and concluded his exhaustive argument in an hour and forty minutes. The burden of the whole of it was the absolute political and civil equality of all men, and his peroration was a loftier flight of majestic eloquence than the Senate has heard since the best days of Clay and Webster. While very few agree with Sumner in the present practicability of his ideas, and still fewer indorse them at all as tenets of political faith, yet there is but one opinion of the speech he has been making for two days,—that, simply as a monument of laborious research and good English, it is unsurpassed. When he concluded to-night, the densely crowded galleries could not be restrained, and burst out into vehement applause; but it was a tribute to the grandly classical language in which his ideas were clothed, and not to the ideas themselves. Charles Sumner may possibly be a patriot, but he is certainly a political philanthropist, and as such there is no probability that he will live to see his tenets practically enforced in the legislation of the country.”
“In the Senate, the day was devoted to Sumner. He began speaking about one o’clock, and concluded his exhaustive argument in an hour and forty minutes. The burden of the whole of it was the absolute political and civil equality of all men, and his peroration was a loftier flight of majestic eloquence than the Senate has heard since the best days of Clay and Webster. While very few agree with Sumner in the present practicability of his ideas, and still fewer indorse them at all as tenets of political faith, yet there is but one opinion of the speech he has been making for two days,—that, simply as a monument of laborious research and good English, it is unsurpassed. When he concluded to-night, the densely crowded galleries could not be restrained, and burst out into vehement applause; but it was a tribute to the grandly classical language in which his ideas were clothed, and not to the ideas themselves. Charles Sumner may possibly be a patriot, but he is certainly a political philanthropist, and as such there is no probability that he will live to see his tenets practically enforced in the legislation of the country.”
The correspondent of the New YorkTimeswrote:—
“He exhausted ancient and modern history in gathering maxims and examples for the illustration of the points which he made. Portions of the speech were marked by great felicity of language and beauty of imagery. It exhibited, perhaps, more of the speculative theorist than of the practical statesman. Though he took pains to disavow everything of this character, and to present his views as the basis and guide of practical action, it was by far the most elaborate and comprehensive speech made in Congress for many years, and was heard with great attention by the Senate and crowded galleries.”
“He exhausted ancient and modern history in gathering maxims and examples for the illustration of the points which he made. Portions of the speech were marked by great felicity of language and beauty of imagery. It exhibited, perhaps, more of the speculative theorist than of the practical statesman. Though he took pains to disavow everything of this character, and to present his views as the basis and guide of practical action, it was by far the most elaborate and comprehensive speech made in Congress for many years, and was heard with great attention by the Senate and crowded galleries.”
A few extracts from newspapers will show how the speech was received at a distance.
TheIndependent, of New York, in printing the speech, thus noticed it:—
“Charles Sumner’s argument for the Rights of Men ought to be printed by the hundred thousand, and scattered like seed-grain throughout the nation. It is a speech worth a lifetime to have achieved,—the greatest of all Mr. Sumner’s great speeches. Standing in some respects almost alone in the Senate, his position is all the more morally grand for his isolation, and his plea all the more eloquent for his moral heroism. Generous readers will overlook their minor differences of opinion from Mr. Sumner, for the sake of agreeing with him to the full in the masterly, unanswerable, and incomparable argument which he has made in behalf of securing to every American citizen his just rights before the law.”
“Charles Sumner’s argument for the Rights of Men ought to be printed by the hundred thousand, and scattered like seed-grain throughout the nation. It is a speech worth a lifetime to have achieved,—the greatest of all Mr. Sumner’s great speeches. Standing in some respects almost alone in the Senate, his position is all the more morally grand for his isolation, and his plea all the more eloquent for his moral heroism. Generous readers will overlook their minor differences of opinion from Mr. Sumner, for the sake of agreeing with him to the full in the masterly, unanswerable, and incomparable argument which he has made in behalf of securing to every American citizen his just rights before the law.”
The New YorkTribunesaid:—
“Mr. Sumner concluded yesterday a great speech on the true basis of a Republic. We believe it will exalt his reputation as a statesman, a scholar, and a devotee of Liberty. It is elaborate; but his theme demanded thorough treatment, and we think very few who read the speech will find it too long. He will not convince the majority that the Federal Constitution, as it stands, empowers Congress to extend and guaranty the right of suffrage in the States lately in revolt to the black race, and especially to the freedmen; but he has very clearly demonstrated that itoughtto be so extended,—that the rights of the humble, the hated, the scorned ought especially to be protected by their right to vote. Hear what he says on this point.”
“Mr. Sumner concluded yesterday a great speech on the true basis of a Republic. We believe it will exalt his reputation as a statesman, a scholar, and a devotee of Liberty. It is elaborate; but his theme demanded thorough treatment, and we think very few who read the speech will find it too long. He will not convince the majority that the Federal Constitution, as it stands, empowers Congress to extend and guaranty the right of suffrage in the States lately in revolt to the black race, and especially to the freedmen; but he has very clearly demonstrated that itoughtto be so extended,—that the rights of the humble, the hated, the scorned ought especially to be protected by their right to vote. Hear what he says on this point.”
The BostonDaily Advertisersaid:—
“There has been a good deal of amusement expressed at the evidence of industry, during the recess of Congress, presented by the sheaf of bills and resolutions offered by Mr. Sumner at the opening of the session. The copious use of authorities in his speech of this week shows that these numerous measures were not prepared without a careful survey of the ground upon principle and in history, nor without very profound inquiry into the underlying doctrines upon which the true glory of our institutions is established.”
“There has been a good deal of amusement expressed at the evidence of industry, during the recess of Congress, presented by the sheaf of bills and resolutions offered by Mr. Sumner at the opening of the session. The copious use of authorities in his speech of this week shows that these numerous measures were not prepared without a careful survey of the ground upon principle and in history, nor without very profound inquiry into the underlying doctrines upon which the true glory of our institutions is established.”
The AdamsTranscript, of Massachusetts, said:—
“In this work of clearing away the rubbish of lies which Slavery has heaped upon the real doctrines and purposes of the Fathers, and bringing out into clear, glorious relief the great truth and work of the Revolution, Mr. Sumner has performed a service which no public man of our politics has equalled. The whole of our history is searched and illumined, and the most overwhelming mass of evidence produced to the point, that a true construction of the Constitution gives all men who pay taxes representation and the ballot, thus basing free government upon the consent of the governed. No such argument for free government has been made in our day. For learning, cogency of logic, wealth of illustration, felicity and splendor of diction, nobility of tone and sentiment, and genuine eloquence, it will take rank with the highest of forensic efforts. Already its effect is visible in the political atmosphere. The public feeling and thought have received an obvious elevation.”
“In this work of clearing away the rubbish of lies which Slavery has heaped upon the real doctrines and purposes of the Fathers, and bringing out into clear, glorious relief the great truth and work of the Revolution, Mr. Sumner has performed a service which no public man of our politics has equalled. The whole of our history is searched and illumined, and the most overwhelming mass of evidence produced to the point, that a true construction of the Constitution gives all men who pay taxes representation and the ballot, thus basing free government upon the consent of the governed. No such argument for free government has been made in our day. For learning, cogency of logic, wealth of illustration, felicity and splendor of diction, nobility of tone and sentiment, and genuine eloquence, it will take rank with the highest of forensic efforts. Already its effect is visible in the political atmosphere. The public feeling and thought have received an obvious elevation.”
The RochesterDemocrat, of New York, said:—
“It will be observed, as a remarkable characteristic of this great speech, that it is but slightly controversial in its character, but is devoted mainly to the elucidation of the general principles of republican government, which are discussed with an elevation of sentiment, a depth of learning, and a power of logic that entitle it to a place far above the transient expressions of the views and passions of the hour. It will stand for ages, a noble and enduring monument of the highest range and scope of American statesmanship,and will be read with profit and admiration long after the questions of the day have been settled and forgotten, or remembered only by students of history. Its immediate effect, however, on public sentiment cannot fail to be vast and beneficial.
“It will be observed, as a remarkable characteristic of this great speech, that it is but slightly controversial in its character, but is devoted mainly to the elucidation of the general principles of republican government, which are discussed with an elevation of sentiment, a depth of learning, and a power of logic that entitle it to a place far above the transient expressions of the views and passions of the hour. It will stand for ages, a noble and enduring monument of the highest range and scope of American statesmanship,and will be read with profit and admiration long after the questions of the day have been settled and forgotten, or remembered only by students of history. Its immediate effect, however, on public sentiment cannot fail to be vast and beneficial.
The DaytonJournal, of Ohio, said:—
“As an exposition of the American theory of Republicanism, this speech is unsurpassed in the history of American oratory. It is a magnificent contribution to our political literature. It is candid and temperate, the speech of a statesman and patriot who earnestly seeks the welfare of all his countrymen. It abounds in splendid passages, and is a model of classic strength and elegant style. The partisan sneers of demagogues cannot prevail against it.”
“As an exposition of the American theory of Republicanism, this speech is unsurpassed in the history of American oratory. It is a magnificent contribution to our political literature. It is candid and temperate, the speech of a statesman and patriot who earnestly seeks the welfare of all his countrymen. It abounds in splendid passages, and is a model of classic strength and elegant style. The partisan sneers of demagogues cannot prevail against it.”
The PortlandDaily Press, of Maine, said:—
“It is not onlythegreat speech of Charles Sumner’s life, but it is the great speech of the age. It is perfectly exhaustive, free from all personalities, free from all idiosyncrasies, statesmanlike, philosophical, and calculated to become a lasting memorial of its author’s research, patient investigation, power of analysis, and, above all, his undying devotion to the cause of popular liberty and human rights.”
“It is not onlythegreat speech of Charles Sumner’s life, but it is the great speech of the age. It is perfectly exhaustive, free from all personalities, free from all idiosyncrasies, statesmanlike, philosophical, and calculated to become a lasting memorial of its author’s research, patient investigation, power of analysis, and, above all, his undying devotion to the cause of popular liberty and human rights.”
TheProgressive Age, of Belfast, Maine, said:—
“It is beyond question the greatest effort of our most distinguished New England statesman, and will make his name dear to every friend of freedom and equal rights in all coming time. It is throughout the language of the calm, conscientious statesman. Avoiding all mere expedients and controversies concerning details, it fixes the attention upon the great principles of a free republican government; and never in our history have those principles been so clearly and forcibly elucidated.”
“It is beyond question the greatest effort of our most distinguished New England statesman, and will make his name dear to every friend of freedom and equal rights in all coming time. It is throughout the language of the calm, conscientious statesman. Avoiding all mere expedients and controversies concerning details, it fixes the attention upon the great principles of a free republican government; and never in our history have those principles been so clearly and forcibly elucidated.”
The BangorJeffersonian, also of Maine, said:—
“In the United States Senate, on Monday and Tuesday of last week, Mr. Sumner made a speech which will occupy a very conspicuous place in the history of the American Union, not so much for its advocacy of any merely formal plan or scheme of national legislation for Reconstruction as for its closer relations to the great fundamental principles which constitute the ideal of a truly republican government It goes to the very foundation of things.”
“In the United States Senate, on Monday and Tuesday of last week, Mr. Sumner made a speech which will occupy a very conspicuous place in the history of the American Union, not so much for its advocacy of any merely formal plan or scheme of national legislation for Reconstruction as for its closer relations to the great fundamental principles which constitute the ideal of a truly republican government It goes to the very foundation of things.”
In a leading article of more than two columns, the New YorkHeraldsaid, in a different vein:—
“Mr. Sumner’s Oration.—Negro Suffrage the Whole Duty of the Nation, and the Only Escape from our Difficulties.—Mr. Sumner,in his Senatorial pleading in the case of the negro, has given to the country an elaborate evidence of the utterly impracticable and visionary character of his political views. His oration is admirable in all purely literary respects, and indicates an abundant industry and research; but its theories of society, its interpretations of the Constitution, and its assumptions as to the history of the country and of the war are inadmissible, excepting only what is said of the Constitutional Amendment.…“Those parts of the oration which claim suffrage for the negro, as a necessary policy of the nation, will require but little answer by argument; for the country and the world—all men outside the Radical Republican party—will completely deny the truth of the points from which they start.…“We quite agree with Mr. Sumner in the grand fact that the Constitutional Amendment gives Congress full power to settle the position of the negro in the Southern States, and even to give him the suffrage. We are quite sure that this oration has not shown the necessity, the justice, or even the expediency of this gift. Still it may be expedient, necessary, and just.”
“Mr. Sumner’s Oration.—Negro Suffrage the Whole Duty of the Nation, and the Only Escape from our Difficulties.—Mr. Sumner,in his Senatorial pleading in the case of the negro, has given to the country an elaborate evidence of the utterly impracticable and visionary character of his political views. His oration is admirable in all purely literary respects, and indicates an abundant industry and research; but its theories of society, its interpretations of the Constitution, and its assumptions as to the history of the country and of the war are inadmissible, excepting only what is said of the Constitutional Amendment.…
“Those parts of the oration which claim suffrage for the negro, as a necessary policy of the nation, will require but little answer by argument; for the country and the world—all men outside the Radical Republican party—will completely deny the truth of the points from which they start.…
“We quite agree with Mr. Sumner in the grand fact that the Constitutional Amendment gives Congress full power to settle the position of the negro in the Southern States, and even to give him the suffrage. We are quite sure that this oration has not shown the necessity, the justice, or even the expediency of this gift. Still it may be expedient, necessary, and just.”
The speech attracted attention in Europe. In theRevue des Deux Mondes, of Paris, which is so comprehensive a representative of the French mind, a leading article by M. Forcade presents a parallel between Mr. Sumner’s speech and the famous speech of the time in the French Assembly by M. Thiers, where Liberty was the theme.
“The very day when M. Thiers delivered his speech we were occupied in reading the remarkable speech which Mr. Sumner has just pronounced in the Senate at Washington, and which the last mail from America has brought us. The speech of Mr. Sumner is the recent political event in the United States.“The illustrious American Senator, the chief of the radical party in the Senate, proposed to himself to deduce from the most careful examination of the Constitution of his country those principles according to which should be settled that difficult problem which the Americans call Reconstruction,—that is to say, the return of the Rebel States into the Union. We shall not undertake to judge the practical bearing of the opinions of Mr. Sumner on the great question which agitates the United States; but it is impossible for us not to render homage to the patriotic piety which breathes in his beautiful discourse. As M. Thiers wished to derive the liberal destinies of France from the great principles of the Revolution, so Mr. Sumner applied himself to exhibit in the origin of the Constitution of the United States the fundamental principles of republican government of modern times.…“Is it not a remarkable coincidence, that these voices of two great patriots, who, almost at the same moment, without any concert, obey instinctively the mysterious law which moves the people destined to guide civilization, answer to each other with so much splendor from opposite sides of the Atlantic? All the news from the United States show that the effect produced by the speech of Mr. Sumner has been immense.… The habitualadversaries of Mr. Sumner, the Democrats in Congress, covered themselves with honor in uniting in the testimonials of respect which were so universally rendered to the radical Senator. In the pride inspired by this beautiful and good oratorical plea, the Americans turn in a friendly spirit toward our Old World, and do not dissemble the hope that this speech will do them more honor in Europe than any public act in their country since the decree of Emancipation. We are charmed, for our part, to justify this hope.”[204]
“The very day when M. Thiers delivered his speech we were occupied in reading the remarkable speech which Mr. Sumner has just pronounced in the Senate at Washington, and which the last mail from America has brought us. The speech of Mr. Sumner is the recent political event in the United States.
“The illustrious American Senator, the chief of the radical party in the Senate, proposed to himself to deduce from the most careful examination of the Constitution of his country those principles according to which should be settled that difficult problem which the Americans call Reconstruction,—that is to say, the return of the Rebel States into the Union. We shall not undertake to judge the practical bearing of the opinions of Mr. Sumner on the great question which agitates the United States; but it is impossible for us not to render homage to the patriotic piety which breathes in his beautiful discourse. As M. Thiers wished to derive the liberal destinies of France from the great principles of the Revolution, so Mr. Sumner applied himself to exhibit in the origin of the Constitution of the United States the fundamental principles of republican government of modern times.…
“Is it not a remarkable coincidence, that these voices of two great patriots, who, almost at the same moment, without any concert, obey instinctively the mysterious law which moves the people destined to guide civilization, answer to each other with so much splendor from opposite sides of the Atlantic? All the news from the United States show that the effect produced by the speech of Mr. Sumner has been immense.… The habitualadversaries of Mr. Sumner, the Democrats in Congress, covered themselves with honor in uniting in the testimonials of respect which were so universally rendered to the radical Senator. In the pride inspired by this beautiful and good oratorical plea, the Americans turn in a friendly spirit toward our Old World, and do not dissemble the hope that this speech will do them more honor in Europe than any public act in their country since the decree of Emancipation. We are charmed, for our part, to justify this hope.”[204]
Numerous letters, from various persons and quarters, attest the general interest, marked in many cases by feeling and personal gratitude seeking to express itself. Brief extracts from a portion only are given.
Theodore Tilton, editor of the New YorkIndependent, wrote just before the speech:—
“I protested with all my heart against the Amendment offered by the Committee of Fifteen. It don’t execute justice. It leaves the negro to the decision of the Rebel. It proves that a republic is ungrateful.“I am glad to notice by theTribuneof this morning that you are to move an Amendment, or rather a substitute for that Amendment.”
“I protested with all my heart against the Amendment offered by the Committee of Fifteen. It don’t execute justice. It leaves the negro to the decision of the Rebel. It proves that a republic is ungrateful.
“I am glad to notice by theTribuneof this morning that you are to move an Amendment, or rather a substitute for that Amendment.”
William Lloyd Garrison, the early Abolitionist, always persistent against Slavery, wrote from Boston:—
“I have perused your eloquent and unanswerable speech on the Suffrage question, and need not say that it contains the noblest sentiments, to which all the faculties and powers which God has given me thrillingly respond. It will doubtless be more efficacious out of the Senate than in it, as it will help to educate the popular mind up to the point of abolishing all complexional distinctions before the law, North and South.… Your speech, based as it is upon absolute justice and eternal right, is an admirable elementary treatise, and I trust will have the widest circulation.…“What assiduity and perseverance, what courage and determination, what devotion and inflexible purpose you have shown, through fiery trials and at the risk of martyrdom, ‘in season and out of season,’ to effect the downfall of the atrocious slave system, and thereby elevate and save the Republic! If to this extent the year of jubilee has come, you have done much towards ushering it in, and have a right to be specially glad and grateful that Heaven has been pleased to make you so potential an instrumentality in bringing about its beneficent designs.”
“I have perused your eloquent and unanswerable speech on the Suffrage question, and need not say that it contains the noblest sentiments, to which all the faculties and powers which God has given me thrillingly respond. It will doubtless be more efficacious out of the Senate than in it, as it will help to educate the popular mind up to the point of abolishing all complexional distinctions before the law, North and South.… Your speech, based as it is upon absolute justice and eternal right, is an admirable elementary treatise, and I trust will have the widest circulation.…
“What assiduity and perseverance, what courage and determination, what devotion and inflexible purpose you have shown, through fiery trials and at the risk of martyrdom, ‘in season and out of season,’ to effect the downfall of the atrocious slave system, and thereby elevate and save the Republic! If to this extent the year of jubilee has come, you have done much towards ushering it in, and have a right to be specially glad and grateful that Heaven has been pleased to make you so potential an instrumentality in bringing about its beneficent designs.”
Wendell Phillips, who never failed to sympathize with efforts for Human Rights, wrote from Boston:—
“We are all inexpressibly grateful for your brave position and words. You and half a dozen others redeem Congress. Your arguments have been grand and exhaustive. You never linked so many hearts to you as during the last two months.”
“We are all inexpressibly grateful for your brave position and words. You and half a dozen others redeem Congress. Your arguments have been grand and exhaustive. You never linked so many hearts to you as during the last two months.”
Elizur Wright, the veteran Abolitionist, wrote from Boston:—
“Your speech and vote on the Blaine Amendment ought to produce a thrill of life and joy and hope through every spinal column that supports a loyal soul. We can’t afford any of the old nonsense. We took our sable friends into our boat when it wasbulleting; and if we allow them to be thrown overboard by the traitors now it isballoting, we sink, in short.”
“Your speech and vote on the Blaine Amendment ought to produce a thrill of life and joy and hope through every spinal column that supports a loyal soul. We can’t afford any of the old nonsense. We took our sable friends into our boat when it wasbulleting; and if we allow them to be thrown overboard by the traitors now it isballoting, we sink, in short.”
George Bemis, the eminent lawyer and publicist, wrote from Boston:—
“I think that you may justly rank it among your greatest efforts, and that it will go into history as the great statement of the Freedman’s claim to participate in the government of the country of which he makes part. The general student of governmental law and civil polity will also constantly refer to it as a new and important development of the connection between representation and executive sovereignty, and as a powerfulexposéof the true basis of republican institutions. You have done a great service to the colored race, to the science of statesmanship, and to your country, all at once.”
“I think that you may justly rank it among your greatest efforts, and that it will go into history as the great statement of the Freedman’s claim to participate in the government of the country of which he makes part. The general student of governmental law and civil polity will also constantly refer to it as a new and important development of the connection between representation and executive sovereignty, and as a powerfulexposéof the true basis of republican institutions. You have done a great service to the colored race, to the science of statesmanship, and to your country, all at once.”
Hon. Charles P. Huntington, for some time an able Judge of the Superior Court, wrote from Boston:—
“If your opposition does not just now reflect the feeling of New England Republicans, it anticipates their sober judgment. Theoretically, at least, it deprives the black race of representation, and punishes them for acts of legislation in which they have no voice.”
“If your opposition does not just now reflect the feeling of New England Republicans, it anticipates their sober judgment. Theoretically, at least, it deprives the black race of representation, and punishes them for acts of legislation in which they have no voice.”
Hon. Theophilus P. Chandler, able lawyer and Assistant Treasurer, wrote from the United States Treasury, Boston:—
“Eloquent, exhaustive, unanswerable.”
“Eloquent, exhaustive, unanswerable.”
Hon. George B. Loring, afterwards Chairman of the State Committee of the Republican party in Massachusetts, and President of the Massachusetts Senate, wrote from Salem:—
“Your masterly speech will one day be reached by Congress and the people,—I trust, in your day and mine. The best minds believe in it; the best hearts take courage from it.”
“Your masterly speech will one day be reached by Congress and the people,—I trust, in your day and mine. The best minds believe in it; the best hearts take courage from it.”
Hon. E. L. Pierce, afterwards Secretary of the Board of Charities in Massachusetts, wrote from Boston:—
“I read last evening, at one session, your last speech in the Senate. It is a noble one, and right in all respects. One passage near the close reminds me of the famous passages of Curran and Brougham about Freedom. I agree with you about the proposed Amendment.”
“I read last evening, at one session, your last speech in the Senate. It is a noble one, and right in all respects. One passage near the close reminds me of the famous passages of Curran and Brougham about Freedom. I agree with you about the proposed Amendment.”
Thomas Sherwin, head master of the Boston High School, father of General Sherwin, and a tutor of Mr. Sumner at Harvard College, wrote from Dedham:—
“Allow me, as an old friend, to congratulate you and to thank you for your noble speech in the Senate on the 5th. I obtained it last evening, and read the whole before I slept. In humanity of sentiment, in true patriotism, in completeness of argument, in fulness of illustration, you have left nothing to be desired.“This Reconstruction is, indeed, a momentous affair, and I feel a greater doubt of its just determination than I felt for that of arms while the war raged.”
“Allow me, as an old friend, to congratulate you and to thank you for your noble speech in the Senate on the 5th. I obtained it last evening, and read the whole before I slept. In humanity of sentiment, in true patriotism, in completeness of argument, in fulness of illustration, you have left nothing to be desired.
“This Reconstruction is, indeed, a momentous affair, and I feel a greater doubt of its just determination than I felt for that of arms while the war raged.”
Rev. John T. Sargent, always swift to sympathize with Mr. Sumner, wrote from Boston:—
“It is emphaticallythespeech of the time and crisis, absorbing, superseding, and transcending every other. God bless you for these timely words! They ought to be widely circulated, and reprinted in every corner of our land, East, West, North, and South.”
“It is emphaticallythespeech of the time and crisis, absorbing, superseding, and transcending every other. God bless you for these timely words! They ought to be widely circulated, and reprinted in every corner of our land, East, West, North, and South.”
Rev. George C. Beckwith, Congregational clergyman, and Secretary of the American Peace Society, wrote from Boston:—
“Nothing but the constant feeling that you are constantly overtasked has kept me from writing you on several occasions. I will only just say now, that I owe you a thousand thanks for the great and noble services you are rendering. God give you strength and life and full opportunity to complete your work!”
“Nothing but the constant feeling that you are constantly overtasked has kept me from writing you on several occasions. I will only just say now, that I owe you a thousand thanks for the great and noble services you are rendering. God give you strength and life and full opportunity to complete your work!”
Rev. R. S. Storrs, the eminent Congregational clergyman, wrote from Braintree:—
“I am sure that I express but the common sentiment of the people all about me, when I say that your own course meets with more than a hearty approval, even admiration and gratitude. May God give you wisdom and firmness equal to the emergency, and crown your arduous labors with the success they deserve!”
“I am sure that I express but the common sentiment of the people all about me, when I say that your own course meets with more than a hearty approval, even admiration and gratitude. May God give you wisdom and firmness equal to the emergency, and crown your arduous labors with the success they deserve!”
E. E. Williamson, one of the earnest men of Massachusetts, wrote from Boston:—
“Your whole argument is founded upon righteousness and justice, and cannot be overthrown. What a glorious record you are making for future generations to peruse with gladness, and by which record your name is made as imperishable as the hills of your native State! I hope God will spare you to finish the good work you are in, and many years after to reap a slight portion of your reward.”
“Your whole argument is founded upon righteousness and justice, and cannot be overthrown. What a glorious record you are making for future generations to peruse with gladness, and by which record your name is made as imperishable as the hills of your native State! I hope God will spare you to finish the good work you are in, and many years after to reap a slight portion of your reward.”
Nathaniel C. Nash, a merchant devoted to the national cause, wrote from Boston:—
“The multitude who thronged to the Senate Chamber, together with the representatives of foreign governments, to listen to your speech (which I term the New Testament of the Nineteenth Century), was an exhibition of the world’s interest in how well or ill you finish the great battle for human freedom, not for one continent, but for civilized man.”
“The multitude who thronged to the Senate Chamber, together with the representatives of foreign governments, to listen to your speech (which I term the New Testament of the Nineteenth Century), was an exhibition of the world’s interest in how well or ill you finish the great battle for human freedom, not for one continent, but for civilized man.”
Hon. Charles G. Davis, a stanch Antislavery Republican, wrote from Plymouth:—
“Your course is fully approved here by a majority of the Republicans, and by all who have opinions. Besides all this, you will be historically right, now that the Amendment is defeated.… It is the greatest work of your life, unless your opposition to Lincoln’s Louisiana scheme may prove such, if you even succeed in keeping out the mongrel States.”
“Your course is fully approved here by a majority of the Republicans, and by all who have opinions. Besides all this, you will be historically right, now that the Amendment is defeated.… It is the greatest work of your life, unless your opposition to Lincoln’s Louisiana scheme may prove such, if you even succeed in keeping out the mongrel States.”
Augustine G. Stimson, desiring to express his sympathies as a constituent, wrote from Boston:—
“Last evening I read your speech from beginning to end, with an interest that awakened admiration and gratitude. The Equal Rights of All is the only sure guaranty for the present and future of mankind.”
“Last evening I read your speech from beginning to end, with an interest that awakened admiration and gratitude. The Equal Rights of All is the only sure guaranty for the present and future of mankind.”
William E. Chase, formerly a private in the national army, wrote from North Uxbridge:—
“Please accept the thanks of a poor private for your noble, courageous, and Christian efforts in the great cause of Right, Justice, and Liberty, when Justice is unpopular, and you are obliged by duty to meet both friend and foe in this conflict.”
“Please accept the thanks of a poor private for your noble, courageous, and Christian efforts in the great cause of Right, Justice, and Liberty, when Justice is unpopular, and you are obliged by duty to meet both friend and foe in this conflict.”
F. W. Pelton wrote from Boston:—
“I desire to thank you for your late noble speech in favor of legal equality in this country. I read it with deep interest. Your propositions are sound, and the great lights of history you marshal up to sustain them impressed me forcibly.”
“I desire to thank you for your late noble speech in favor of legal equality in this country. I read it with deep interest. Your propositions are sound, and the great lights of history you marshal up to sustain them impressed me forcibly.”
William Plumer wrote from Lexington:—
“Please accept my thanks for the copies of your very able and learned speech on the right of universal suffrage. Whatever may be the practicability of this principle at the present time, and however the country or Congress may settle the question in the future, your arguments are certainly unanswerable, and will ever remain an enduring monument of your earnest labors in behalf of the Freedman.”
“Please accept my thanks for the copies of your very able and learned speech on the right of universal suffrage. Whatever may be the practicability of this principle at the present time, and however the country or Congress may settle the question in the future, your arguments are certainly unanswerable, and will ever remain an enduring monument of your earnest labors in behalf of the Freedman.”
Richard L. Pease, Clerk of Courts, wrote from Edgartown:—
“It was with feelings of intense satisfaction that I read the report of your recent speech on equal suffrage, as it appeared in the BostonJournal. The argument is so clear and able that it would seem that no intelligent man of candor could deny the conclusions. Adherence to the Right because it is the Right will never fail to commend itself to all right-thinking men.”
“It was with feelings of intense satisfaction that I read the report of your recent speech on equal suffrage, as it appeared in the BostonJournal. The argument is so clear and able that it would seem that no intelligent man of candor could deny the conclusions. Adherence to the Right because it is the Right will never fail to commend itself to all right-thinking men.”
Rev. Robert Crawford wrote from Deerfield:—
“I thank you for that noble speech, … so logical, so happily illustrated, so full of earnestness and soul, and withal so convincing. I rejoice that there is one in our highest councils who feels as you do on the subject, and who has the ability and the courage to make such a speech.”
“I thank you for that noble speech, … so logical, so happily illustrated, so full of earnestness and soul, and withal so convincing. I rejoice that there is one in our highest councils who feels as you do on the subject, and who has the ability and the courage to make such a speech.”
Rev. Patrick V. Moyce, a priest of the Roman Catholic Church, wrote from Northampton:—
“I am often reading your admirable speech of March 7th, and so much am I impressed with the justice of the principles it inculcates with so much classical ability and statesmanly wisdom and foresight, that I cannot possibly deny myself the honor of taking this method of testifying to you my heartfelt congratulations. You are the one man among many who seems to have studied the present exigencies of your noble country, and to have judged aright the requirements of the age you and we all live in at present. The benevolent qualities of heart which distinguish you in this great speech are in perfect keeping with the towering majesty of your well-cultivated intellect. Go on. Lead and triumph, and accept the blessing and prayers of a Roman Catholic priest, who begs to subscribe himself, with profound esteem and high consideration, your most humble and devoted servant.”
“I am often reading your admirable speech of March 7th, and so much am I impressed with the justice of the principles it inculcates with so much classical ability and statesmanly wisdom and foresight, that I cannot possibly deny myself the honor of taking this method of testifying to you my heartfelt congratulations. You are the one man among many who seems to have studied the present exigencies of your noble country, and to have judged aright the requirements of the age you and we all live in at present. The benevolent qualities of heart which distinguish you in this great speech are in perfect keeping with the towering majesty of your well-cultivated intellect. Go on. Lead and triumph, and accept the blessing and prayers of a Roman Catholic priest, who begs to subscribe himself, with profound esteem and high consideration, your most humble and devoted servant.”
The New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, meeting at Chicopee, Massachusetts, March 28th, adopted a resolution, officially communicated to Mr. Sumner, which, after declaring approbation of both Houses of Congress, proceeds:—
“Especially do we offer our sympathies and prayers for our own honored Senators, one of whom has endured in the past, with a martyr’s fortitude, the barbarous assaults upon his person of the champion of Slavery, and has lately been called to endure an equally unjustifiable assault upon his reputation by the present Chief Magistrate of the United States.”
“Especially do we offer our sympathies and prayers for our own honored Senators, one of whom has endured in the past, with a martyr’s fortitude, the barbarous assaults upon his person of the champion of Slavery, and has lately been called to endure an equally unjustifiable assault upon his reputation by the present Chief Magistrate of the United States.”
Hon. Israel Washburn, Collector of the port of Portland, formerly Governor of Maine and a distinguished Representative in Congress, wrote from Portland:—
“When I obtained Wilson’s bill, which prohibited the denial by theStates ofcivilrights to persons on account of color or race, I wrote him to inquire why he had not said alsopolitical. The authority is certainly as clear for the latter as for the former. So, when, last evening, I read your resolution and speech, I was strengthened and rejoiced. Your positions are impregnable, and your speech, I think, the greatest of your life. We must stand there, or not at all.”
“When I obtained Wilson’s bill, which prohibited the denial by theStates ofcivilrights to persons on account of color or race, I wrote him to inquire why he had not said alsopolitical. The authority is certainly as clear for the latter as for the former. So, when, last evening, I read your resolution and speech, I was strengthened and rejoiced. Your positions are impregnable, and your speech, I think, the greatest of your life. We must stand there, or not at all.”
In another letter, Mr. Washburn wrote:—
“When men as patriotic and sincere as I am, and a great deal wiser, sustain the Blaine Amendment, I am confounded, and don’t know what to make of it. To my mind it is most abhorrent, and I hope it will not receive the assent of Congress.”
“When men as patriotic and sincere as I am, and a great deal wiser, sustain the Blaine Amendment, I am confounded, and don’t know what to make of it. To my mind it is most abhorrent, and I hope it will not receive the assent of Congress.”
Rev. Rufus P. Stebbins, a Unitarian clergyman, wrote from Portland, Maine:—
“You have fought a good fight. The Amendment proposed was defeated.Laus Deo!It was a blot too dark and foul to be permitted to stain the Constitution. To speak of ‘race and color’ in that instrument would be an insult to the men who framed it.”
“You have fought a good fight. The Amendment proposed was defeated.Laus Deo!It was a blot too dark and foul to be permitted to stain the Constitution. To speak of ‘race and color’ in that instrument would be an insult to the men who framed it.”
Rev. A. Battles wrote from Bangor, Maine:—
“As a native of Massachusetts, and more than that, as a lover of my race, I want to thank you for your timely and eloquent words in behalf of universal and impartial justice. I thank you also for voting against the Blaine Amendment. Though it might accomplish one desirable object, it was a concession to prejudice against color. The black man could hope for nothing through it. We want no more compromise.”
“As a native of Massachusetts, and more than that, as a lover of my race, I want to thank you for your timely and eloquent words in behalf of universal and impartial justice. I thank you also for voting against the Blaine Amendment. Though it might accomplish one desirable object, it was a concession to prejudice against color. The black man could hope for nothing through it. We want no more compromise.”
Hon. William Greene, an enlightened citizen, who has held various public offices in Rhode Island, wrote from East Greenwich:—
“I beg to congratulate you as a friend, and to thank you as an American citizen, for the great speech recently delivered by you in the Senate. You have opened a new field of thought to American statesmen, and furnished a new book of elementary political lessons to the American people. It would seem almost impossible that such an effort should not tell grandly upon both.”
“I beg to congratulate you as a friend, and to thank you as an American citizen, for the great speech recently delivered by you in the Senate. You have opened a new field of thought to American statesmen, and furnished a new book of elementary political lessons to the American people. It would seem almost impossible that such an effort should not tell grandly upon both.”
Hon. Gerrit Smith, the devoted Abolitionist, formerly a Representative in Congress, wrote from Peterboro, New York:—
“God bless you for this noble speech which you have made against the Apportionment Amendment! I have this day read the part of it in yesterday’s New YorkTribune. I long to read the whole of it.”
“God bless you for this noble speech which you have made against the Apportionment Amendment! I have this day read the part of it in yesterday’s New YorkTribune. I long to read the whole of it.”
In another letter, Mr. Smith wrote:—
“You are the keystone of our arch. If you fail, all falls.”
“You are the keystone of our arch. If you fail, all falls.”
Hon. N. Niles, formerly in the diplomatic service, wrote from New York:—
“I admire and applaud the tenacity with which you advocate the equal rights of all men of all races under one Constitution and Government.… I hope you will stand up for the Asiatics as well as for the negroes. They are now treated as brutes in some of our States.”
“I admire and applaud the tenacity with which you advocate the equal rights of all men of all races under one Constitution and Government.… I hope you will stand up for the Asiatics as well as for the negroes. They are now treated as brutes in some of our States.”
Cephas Brainerd, lawyer, and arbitrator under the last treaty with England against the Slave Trade, wrote from New York:—
“Nearly all the copies of your great speech that I obtained have been circulated, and I don’t find any one who dares deny the correctness of the doctrines you lay down. It has my hearty assent, and I have subjected it to the examination which the argument of an opposing counsel receives from me. I consider that very many of your Senatorial speeches will be quite as permanent as any of Burke’s productions; but this last seems to be as enduring as the Constitution of our country, whether as the foundation of a government or as a matter of mere study.”
“Nearly all the copies of your great speech that I obtained have been circulated, and I don’t find any one who dares deny the correctness of the doctrines you lay down. It has my hearty assent, and I have subjected it to the examination which the argument of an opposing counsel receives from me. I consider that very many of your Senatorial speeches will be quite as permanent as any of Burke’s productions; but this last seems to be as enduring as the Constitution of our country, whether as the foundation of a government or as a matter of mere study.”
Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, always on the watch-tower, wrote from Brooklyn, New York:—
“Although I do not think with you on the specific change in the Amendment which you advocate, I cannot forbear expressing my thanks for your noble speech, which has the merit of rising far above the occasion and object for which it was uttered, and covering a ground which will abide after all temporary questions of special legislation have passed away.“I wish that your oration might be in every school library in the Union. May your life be prolonged, and every year add some new jewel to the crown of fame, that, when you go to a higher sphere, men will place upon your name!”
“Although I do not think with you on the specific change in the Amendment which you advocate, I cannot forbear expressing my thanks for your noble speech, which has the merit of rising far above the occasion and object for which it was uttered, and covering a ground which will abide after all temporary questions of special legislation have passed away.
“I wish that your oration might be in every school library in the Union. May your life be prolonged, and every year add some new jewel to the crown of fame, that, when you go to a higher sphere, men will place upon your name!”
Rev. A. P. Putnam, Unitarian clergyman, also wrote from Brooklyn, New York:—
“I bless God for the firm and lofty stand you have taken, and the people will yet see, if they do not now see, that it is the only wise and sure one for Union- and Freedom-loving men to take. Would that all loyal men, especially the great Union party, could see it to be their duty and their interest to meet boldly and grandly the issue which the President seems determined to force upon them!”
“I bless God for the firm and lofty stand you have taken, and the people will yet see, if they do not now see, that it is the only wise and sure one for Union- and Freedom-loving men to take. Would that all loyal men, especially the great Union party, could see it to be their duty and their interest to meet boldly and grandly the issue which the President seems determined to force upon them!”
Rev. F. C. Ewer, anxious against compromise, wrote from New York:—
“I am but one of thousands whom you little think of as watching you with anxiety, and to whom your present firm position has given great cheer and comfort. Of course there are many who have always stood with you, and who must be sources of encouragement; but we are new recruits, who have had enough of ‘compromise,’ and who see no hope of permanent peace ahead except under a thorough adjusting of the Constitution to the principles of the Declaration of Independence.”
“I am but one of thousands whom you little think of as watching you with anxiety, and to whom your present firm position has given great cheer and comfort. Of course there are many who have always stood with you, and who must be sources of encouragement; but we are new recruits, who have had enough of ‘compromise,’ and who see no hope of permanent peace ahead except under a thorough adjusting of the Constitution to the principles of the Declaration of Independence.”
James P. Lee and fourteen others united in a letter from Herkimer, New York:—
“In this centre of the Empire State there are not a few who would express their thanks to you personally, if they could, but more especially to God, our Heavenly Father, for having endowed you, as Joshua of old, with the determination to lead His oppressed people to the promised land, ‘a land flowing with milk and honey’ (not with disgrace), after their Moses had been taken from them.”
“In this centre of the Empire State there are not a few who would express their thanks to you personally, if they could, but more especially to God, our Heavenly Father, for having endowed you, as Joshua of old, with the determination to lead His oppressed people to the promised land, ‘a land flowing with milk and honey’ (not with disgrace), after their Moses had been taken from them.”
F. Hawley wrote with much feeling, from Cazenovia, New York:—
“In God’s name, in the name of Justice and Freedom, and in behalf of the millions of God’s outraged poor, I thank you for your noble speech. Brooks could not kill you. God predetermined that you should live to be mouth for Him, that this preëminently guilty nation might know their duty, and that the great idea that lies at the foundation of all righteous civil government might be vindicated. It is to be regretted that your proposition could not have been brought forward before the House had committed itself to that miserable Amendment.”
“In God’s name, in the name of Justice and Freedom, and in behalf of the millions of God’s outraged poor, I thank you for your noble speech. Brooks could not kill you. God predetermined that you should live to be mouth for Him, that this preëminently guilty nation might know their duty, and that the great idea that lies at the foundation of all righteous civil government might be vindicated. It is to be regretted that your proposition could not have been brought forward before the House had committed itself to that miserable Amendment.”
Alexander Ostrander, a lawyer, wrote from New York:—
“I thank God that we have a man in the Senate bold enough and capable enough to point the nation the road back to the foundation principles of the Government.”
“I thank God that we have a man in the Senate bold enough and capable enough to point the nation the road back to the foundation principles of the Government.”
E. W. Stewart, originally of the Liberty party, wrote from North Evans, New York:—
“Having read your truly noble plea for the ‘great guaranty’ of personal and political rights under the Constitution, in the Senate, I write to thank you with my whole heart. It is the right word spoken at the right time and in the right place, and it will reach the hearts of the people and produce there a deep conviction, if it does not in Congress.… The positions in your speech are unanswerable.”
“Having read your truly noble plea for the ‘great guaranty’ of personal and political rights under the Constitution, in the Senate, I write to thank you with my whole heart. It is the right word spoken at the right time and in the right place, and it will reach the hearts of the people and produce there a deep conviction, if it does not in Congress.… The positions in your speech are unanswerable.”
Dr. Henry A. Hartt, a radical Abolitionist, wrote from New York:—
“I must tell you how proud I feel, as a man and as an American citizen, on account of the position you have taken. When the Amendment of the Committee was proposed, I felt chagrined and mortified beyond expression, and I did fervently pray that we might be saved from the intolerable infamy of putting into our Constitution a sanction, even by implication, of the right of a State to deny or abridge the franchise in consequence of race or color. You may, then, imagine my joy, when I saw you break loose from all considerations of policy and party, and place yourself immovably upon the elevated platform of a just and righteous statesmanship.“I have read the report of your speech in the extra of theTribune, and Iam sure that history will confirm the verdict which I give, when I say that it was equal to the great occasion.”
“I must tell you how proud I feel, as a man and as an American citizen, on account of the position you have taken. When the Amendment of the Committee was proposed, I felt chagrined and mortified beyond expression, and I did fervently pray that we might be saved from the intolerable infamy of putting into our Constitution a sanction, even by implication, of the right of a State to deny or abridge the franchise in consequence of race or color. You may, then, imagine my joy, when I saw you break loose from all considerations of policy and party, and place yourself immovably upon the elevated platform of a just and righteous statesmanship.
“I have read the report of your speech in the extra of theTribune, and Iam sure that history will confirm the verdict which I give, when I say that it was equal to the great occasion.”
Edward Cary, editor of the BrooklynDaily Union, wrote from that place:—
“The loyal people in Brooklyn have felt very keenly the outrage and insult you have suffered at the hands of Mr. Johnson. They honor and trust you, and will uphold you. The mention of your name by Mr. Garrison, on Tuesday evening, drew from the large audience rounds of applause, which died away only to be renewed, until it was the most prolonged I ever heard.”
“The loyal people in Brooklyn have felt very keenly the outrage and insult you have suffered at the hands of Mr. Johnson. They honor and trust you, and will uphold you. The mention of your name by Mr. Garrison, on Tuesday evening, drew from the large audience rounds of applause, which died away only to be renewed, until it was the most prolonged I ever heard.”
William Silvey, of New Jersey, earnest in patriotism and Antislavery, wrote from Alexandria, Virginia:—
“How all the hearts of the true lovers of their country, even in this rebellious city, are thrilling with gratitude and thankfulness for your uniform noble efforts, which have opened and will continue to open the eyes of the citizens of our country and the whole world as to the true significance or meaning of what constitutes a republican government, which has been so sadly perverted by our practice as a nation!”
“How all the hearts of the true lovers of their country, even in this rebellious city, are thrilling with gratitude and thankfulness for your uniform noble efforts, which have opened and will continue to open the eyes of the citizens of our country and the whole world as to the true significance or meaning of what constitutes a republican government, which has been so sadly perverted by our practice as a nation!”
W. H. Ashhurst, an eminent merchant, wrote from Philadelphia:—
“I have read nothing for a long while that has moved me so much as your speech in the Senate on the 5th and 6th inst.”
“I have read nothing for a long while that has moved me so much as your speech in the Senate on the 5th and 6th inst.”
George D. Parrish, an earnest friend of peace, wrote from Philadelphia:—
“I have written you more than once before, but, having no personal acquaintance, hesitated to thank you for the strength and instruction which really called for thanks and congratulations. You have done nobly, Sir, for your country and for this generation.”
“I have written you more than once before, but, having no personal acquaintance, hesitated to thank you for the strength and instruction which really called for thanks and congratulations. You have done nobly, Sir, for your country and for this generation.”
Joseph T. Thomas, of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives, wrote from Harrisburg:—
“You may be vilified and abused, and no doubt are, as all great benefactors of their race are in their day and generation. But future ages will do you full justice, and your name will be illustrious when the names of your revilers will be consigned to the most ignoble oblivion.”
“You may be vilified and abused, and no doubt are, as all great benefactors of their race are in their day and generation. But future ages will do you full justice, and your name will be illustrious when the names of your revilers will be consigned to the most ignoble oblivion.”
T. E. Hall wrote from Galion, Ohio:—
“In the joy of my heart I congratulate the people of this Government that the old ship of state has at its helm a statesman who, despite the storms, the howling tempests, the Cimmerian darkness which enshrouds us, stands boldly and fearlessly at his post, unawed, calm, self-possessed, ready for any emergency.“The great speech, portions of which it has been my privilege to peruse, is only second in importance to President Lincoln’s proclamation which liberated four millions of slaves; and, indeed, this speech carried out is virtually but the fulfilling of that proclamation.”
“In the joy of my heart I congratulate the people of this Government that the old ship of state has at its helm a statesman who, despite the storms, the howling tempests, the Cimmerian darkness which enshrouds us, stands boldly and fearlessly at his post, unawed, calm, self-possessed, ready for any emergency.
“The great speech, portions of which it has been my privilege to peruse, is only second in importance to President Lincoln’s proclamation which liberated four millions of slaves; and, indeed, this speech carried out is virtually but the fulfilling of that proclamation.”
Rev. George Duffield wrote from Detroit, Michigan:—
“I feel constrained, though entirely unknown to you, to thank you most cordially for the intense pleasure I have enjoyed in the perusal of your great oration on the question of Universal Enfranchisement, as involved in the proposed Constitutional Amendment, looking towards universal suffrage. Its lucid didactic statements, its admirable analysis, its irresistible logic, and its glowing, brilliant eloquence, with its valuable historic instruction and its burning love of freedom and humanity, have both convinced my understanding and captivated my heart.”
“I feel constrained, though entirely unknown to you, to thank you most cordially for the intense pleasure I have enjoyed in the perusal of your great oration on the question of Universal Enfranchisement, as involved in the proposed Constitutional Amendment, looking towards universal suffrage. Its lucid didactic statements, its admirable analysis, its irresistible logic, and its glowing, brilliant eloquence, with its valuable historic instruction and its burning love of freedom and humanity, have both convinced my understanding and captivated my heart.”
Rev. Charles H. Brigham, an accomplished Unitarian clergyman, in a letter describing an exhibition at the University of Michigan, wrote from Ann Arbor:—
“But the most attractive piece on the programme, which brought the house down with the most prolonged and hearty applause, was Number Four [entitled “Charles Sumner”], in which a most glowing and animated tribute was paid to the scholarship, industry, fidelity, patriotism, love of justice, and love of man, of the Senator whom Massachusetts delights to honor. It was a delight, I assure you, to a Massachusetts man, and a friend of yours, to hear, out here in the West, among these ‘Fogies’ and ‘Copperheads,’ such noble words about the old Bay State and her representative man, and to hear the response to them from the great audience.”
“But the most attractive piece on the programme, which brought the house down with the most prolonged and hearty applause, was Number Four [entitled “Charles Sumner”], in which a most glowing and animated tribute was paid to the scholarship, industry, fidelity, patriotism, love of justice, and love of man, of the Senator whom Massachusetts delights to honor. It was a delight, I assure you, to a Massachusetts man, and a friend of yours, to hear, out here in the West, among these ‘Fogies’ and ‘Copperheads,’ such noble words about the old Bay State and her representative man, and to hear the response to them from the great audience.”
Hon. Charles V. Dyer, a Judge under the final treaty with England against the Slave Trade, wrote from Chicago:—
“I am greatly your debtor for your two speeches, in a form for preservation and re-perusal, and any word of mine in regard to their ability or patriotism is quite needless. But I will say that the courage that can face cold looks of friends, cruel animadversions of one’s own party press, and, what is easier, the unceasing abuse and bullyism of the enemies of all good, is so rare that it commands my admiration.”
“I am greatly your debtor for your two speeches, in a form for preservation and re-perusal, and any word of mine in regard to their ability or patriotism is quite needless. But I will say that the courage that can face cold looks of friends, cruel animadversions of one’s own party press, and, what is easier, the unceasing abuse and bullyism of the enemies of all good, is so rare that it commands my admiration.”
Jesse W. Fell wrote from Normal, Illinois:—
“I have just finished reading your late speech on Reconstruction, and I cannot forbear dropping you a line to say how much I have been gratified by its perusal. I will not characterize it as under different circumstances I should be tempted to. Suffice it to say, in my poor judgment it is the noblest, ablest effort of your life, and is just the document to send broadcast over the land.”
“I have just finished reading your late speech on Reconstruction, and I cannot forbear dropping you a line to say how much I have been gratified by its perusal. I will not characterize it as under different circumstances I should be tempted to. Suffice it to say, in my poor judgment it is the noblest, ablest effort of your life, and is just the document to send broadcast over the land.”
James H. Alderman wrote from Jacksonville, Illinois:—
“A thousand thanks for your incomparable speech, expounding and defining the true theory of a republican government. Yes, I say a thousand thanks. I have always believed the Constitution was fully adequate for every exigency. Congress, therefore, must of necessity guaranty to every State a republican form of government.”
“A thousand thanks for your incomparable speech, expounding and defining the true theory of a republican government. Yes, I say a thousand thanks. I have always believed the Constitution was fully adequate for every exigency. Congress, therefore, must of necessity guaranty to every State a republican form of government.”
Worthington G. Snethen, an Abolitionist, of Baltimore, wrote:—
“Thanks, thanks for your two great speeches. They will live and breathe and stir the heart of humanity, when the memory of A. Johnson and his Republican renegade sycophants will be forgotten, or brought to mind only to be execrated. Millions of black men bless you now, and hundreds of millions of God’s dusky skins will bless you in the ages to come, for these two grand and eloquent vindications of human liberty from the assaults of despotism, caste, and the white man’s meanness; and the white world, too, far down in the future, will bless your name. The spirit of prophecy pervades every line of these speeches, and lights up every step you take with the blaze of logic and truth.…“Your resistance to the Trojan horse of the Apportionment Amendment I sincerely hope was crowned with success in to-day’s vote. That Amendment is the basest compromise that has yet bubbled to the surface of the cesspool of American politics.…“You must all come to it, sooner or later. Congress must legislate impartial suffrage into all the States by direct statute. Strange that the States in Congress cannot do what the States separately out of Congress can do!”
“Thanks, thanks for your two great speeches. They will live and breathe and stir the heart of humanity, when the memory of A. Johnson and his Republican renegade sycophants will be forgotten, or brought to mind only to be execrated. Millions of black men bless you now, and hundreds of millions of God’s dusky skins will bless you in the ages to come, for these two grand and eloquent vindications of human liberty from the assaults of despotism, caste, and the white man’s meanness; and the white world, too, far down in the future, will bless your name. The spirit of prophecy pervades every line of these speeches, and lights up every step you take with the blaze of logic and truth.…
“Your resistance to the Trojan horse of the Apportionment Amendment I sincerely hope was crowned with success in to-day’s vote. That Amendment is the basest compromise that has yet bubbled to the surface of the cesspool of American politics.…
“You must all come to it, sooner or later. Congress must legislate impartial suffrage into all the States by direct statute. Strange that the States in Congress cannot do what the States separately out of Congress can do!”
Hon. R. Stockett Mathews, the orator and lawyer, wrote from Baltimore:—
“I thank you most profoundly for the seasonable courage which will admonish others of their duty, although I have but small hope of witnessing any immediate fruition of the good work you have done for us all.”
“I thank you most profoundly for the seasonable courage which will admonish others of their duty, although I have but small hope of witnessing any immediate fruition of the good work you have done for us all.”
F. W. Alexander, of Maryland, who served patriotically in the war, wrote from New York:—
“I read your speech in the paper this morning, and I write to express my gratification that you have refused to accept any half-measures, but have sought to induce Congress to proceed in its work of Reconstruction on the only sure foundation, that of justice to all. Whether the measure is carried or not, your speech will not be lost, and it is a mere question of time.”
“I read your speech in the paper this morning, and I write to express my gratification that you have refused to accept any half-measures, but have sought to induce Congress to proceed in its work of Reconstruction on the only sure foundation, that of justice to all. Whether the measure is carried or not, your speech will not be lost, and it is a mere question of time.”
S. F. Chapman wrote from Alexandria, Virginia:—
“I thank you for your speech. I think it an honor to the age in which you live, and believe it will remain a monument to your genius and eloquence. I am proud of it, and that you sent it to me. I shall preserve it, and leave it to my children, as one of the noblest consecrations to Liberty and Man.”
“I thank you for your speech. I think it an honor to the age in which you live, and believe it will remain a monument to your genius and eloquence. I am proud of it, and that you sent it to me. I shall preserve it, and leave it to my children, as one of the noblest consecrations to Liberty and Man.”
John W. Osborne, Hospital Steward of the United States Army, wrote from Washington:—
“That elaborate exposition will endure for ages as a monument of your noble patriotism and unparalleled eloquence. Its sentences will be read with grateful emotion by the freedom-loving people of all nations, and their prayers for your welfare and warfare will daily ascend to Heaven.”
“That elaborate exposition will endure for ages as a monument of your noble patriotism and unparalleled eloquence. Its sentences will be read with grateful emotion by the freedom-loving people of all nations, and their prayers for your welfare and warfare will daily ascend to Heaven.”
Rev. Henry Highland Garnet, a colored clergyman and orator, for some time settled in New York, wrote from Washington, where he was on a visit:—
“I was one of the many who heard your speech which you concluded yesterday afternoon in the Senate of the United States, and I take this opportunity to tender you my thanks and undying gratitude for that glorious and inspired production. I think that I may safely say that you have the gratitude of my entire race for your fearless and radical advocacy of the rights of all men, as I know you have their sincere and ardent love.“After having slept upon your speech, and the excitement which was produced at the moment of its delivery is somewhat subdued, I must say, that, if I were able, I would cause a million of copies to be printed and scattered over the land.”
“I was one of the many who heard your speech which you concluded yesterday afternoon in the Senate of the United States, and I take this opportunity to tender you my thanks and undying gratitude for that glorious and inspired production. I think that I may safely say that you have the gratitude of my entire race for your fearless and radical advocacy of the rights of all men, as I know you have their sincere and ardent love.
“After having slept upon your speech, and the excitement which was produced at the moment of its delivery is somewhat subdued, I must say, that, if I were able, I would cause a million of copies to be printed and scattered over the land.”
This was followed by the presentation of the Memorial Discourse by Mr. Garnet in the Hall of the House of Representatives, Washington, February 12, 1866, with the inscription, “To the Hon. Charles Sumner, as a small and humble token of respect, and admiration of the ablest speech ever delivered in the Senate of the United States.”
Among the most enlightened women of the country the pending question awakened a deep interest; nor was their testimony wanting.
Mrs. Josephine S. Griffing, devoted to good works in Washington, and especially to the care and protection of poor colored people, young and old, wrote from Washington:—
“I hope I shall not be considered intrusive in expressing to you my deep gratitude for and high estimation of your unparalleled speech, made in the United States Senate, February 5th and 6th, not only as contrasted with that of President Johnson to the colored delegation, but as an independent effort, the greatest, because the broadest in its application, of any ever made before the American people.”
“I hope I shall not be considered intrusive in expressing to you my deep gratitude for and high estimation of your unparalleled speech, made in the United States Senate, February 5th and 6th, not only as contrasted with that of President Johnson to the colored delegation, but as an independent effort, the greatest, because the broadest in its application, of any ever made before the American people.”
Mrs. L. M. Worden, sister of the late Mrs. William H. Seward, and always a warm Abolitionist, wrote from Auburn, New York:—
“Please accept my thanks for your noble speech of the 5th and 6th ofFebruary, which I have read and re-read with great attention and deep gratitude and admiration. This ‘testimony of the truth’ will add yet another bright page to the record of your undeviating fidelity to the cause of Justice and Humanity.”
“Please accept my thanks for your noble speech of the 5th and 6th ofFebruary, which I have read and re-read with great attention and deep gratitude and admiration. This ‘testimony of the truth’ will add yet another bright page to the record of your undeviating fidelity to the cause of Justice and Humanity.”
Mrs. Horace Mann, widow of the philanthropist, teacher, and Representative in Congress, wrote from Concord, Massachusetts:—
“I presume you will receive a thousand letters expressive of the satisfaction and delight that your speech upon the Suffrage question has given; and yet I must add mine, for it is but rarely that one feels that a moral subject is exhausted, and you appear to have accomplished this astonishing result. It is difficult to conceive how Congress can act otherwise than in the highest manner, after listening to it and reading it.”
“I presume you will receive a thousand letters expressive of the satisfaction and delight that your speech upon the Suffrage question has given; and yet I must add mine, for it is but rarely that one feels that a moral subject is exhausted, and you appear to have accomplished this astonishing result. It is difficult to conceive how Congress can act otherwise than in the highest manner, after listening to it and reading it.”
Miss Susan B. Anthony, so earnest to secure suffrage for her own sex, was not less earnest for the colored race:—
“A thousand thanks for your renewed, repeated protest against that proposed Amendment. You stand in the Senate almost the lone man to vindicate the absolute Right. May you be spared these many years, thus to stand and thus to speak!”
“A thousand thanks for your renewed, repeated protest against that proposed Amendment. You stand in the Senate almost the lone man to vindicate the absolute Right. May you be spared these many years, thus to stand and thus to speak!”
An immediate effect of the speech was to hasten yet more the issue with President Johnson. On the day after its delivery he was visited by a delegation of colored citizens, who pleaded especially for the ballot. The President answered with feeling, that he had always been a friend of the colored race, and said:—
“I do not like to be arraigned by some who can get up handsomely rounded periods, and deal in rhetoric, and talk about abstract ideas of Liberty, who never perilled life, liberty, or property. This kind of theoretical, hollow, unpractical friendship amounts to but very little. While I say that I am a friend of the colored man, I do not want to adopt a policy that I believe will end in a contest between the races, which, if persisted in, will result in the extermination of one or the other.”
“I do not like to be arraigned by some who can get up handsomely rounded periods, and deal in rhetoric, and talk about abstract ideas of Liberty, who never perilled life, liberty, or property. This kind of theoretical, hollow, unpractical friendship amounts to but very little. While I say that I am a friend of the colored man, I do not want to adopt a policy that I believe will end in a contest between the races, which, if persisted in, will result in the extermination of one or the other.”
The idea of “a contest between the races” recurred in stronger language, when, alluding to the colored man, he spoke of “the sacrifice of his life and the shedding of his blood.… I feel what I say, and I feel well assured, that, if the policy urged by some be persisted in, it will result in great injury to the white as well as to the colored man.… The query comes up right there, whether we don’t commence a warof races.… I do not want to be engaged in a work that will commence a war of races.… I feel a conviction that driving this matter upon the people, upon the community, will result in the injury of both races, and the ruin of one or the other.”[205]
Shortly afterwards he was reported in the press as saying to a colored delegation of North Carolina, “I suppose Sumner is your God”; to which the spokesman replied, “We respect and love Mr. Sumner, Sir, but no man is our God.”
Then came the incendiary speech of the 22d February, when the President, standing on the steps of the Executive Mansion, threw away all reserve.
“I am opposed to the Davises, the Toombses, the Slidells, and the long list of such. But when I perceive, on the other hand, men [A voice, “Call them off!”]—I care not by what name you call them—still opposed to the Union, I am free to say to you that I am still with the people. I am still for the preservation of these States, for the preservation of this Union, and in favor of this great Government accomplishing its destiny.”
“I am opposed to the Davises, the Toombses, the Slidells, and the long list of such. But when I perceive, on the other hand, men [A voice, “Call them off!”]—I care not by what name you call them—still opposed to the Union, I am free to say to you that I am still with the people. I am still for the preservation of these States, for the preservation of this Union, and in favor of this great Government accomplishing its destiny.”
Here the President was called upon to give the names of three of the Members of Congress to whom he had alluded as being opposed to the Union.
“The gentleman calls for three names. I am talking to my friends and fellow-citizens here. Suppose I should name to you those whom I look upon as being opposed to the fundamental principles of this Government, and as now laboring to destroy them. I say Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania; I say Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts; I say Wendell Phillips, of Massachusetts.”
“The gentleman calls for three names. I am talking to my friends and fellow-citizens here. Suppose I should name to you those whom I look upon as being opposed to the fundamental principles of this Government, and as now laboring to destroy them. I say Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania; I say Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts; I say Wendell Phillips, of Massachusetts.”
Becoming excited in speech, the President followed the charge of opposition to the fundamental principles of this Government with an accusation of a different character.
“Are those who want to destroy our institutions and change the character of the Government not satisfied with the blood that has been shed? Are they not satisfied with one martyr? Does not the blood of Lincoln appease the vengeance and wrath of the opponents of this Government? Is their thirst still unslaked? Do they want more blood? Have they not honor and courage enough to effect the removal of the Presidential obstacle otherwise than through the hands of the assassin?”[206]
“Are those who want to destroy our institutions and change the character of the Government not satisfied with the blood that has been shed? Are they not satisfied with one martyr? Does not the blood of Lincoln appease the vengeance and wrath of the opponents of this Government? Is their thirst still unslaked? Do they want more blood? Have they not honor and courage enough to effect the removal of the Presidential obstacle otherwise than through the hands of the assassin?”[206]
Mr. Sumner never made answer or allusion to this Presidential attack, but others did. It became the subject of debate in the Houseof Representatives of the Massachusetts Legislature, on resolutions by Hon. George B. Loring, the Representative of Salem, already mentioned in this Appendix.[207]His reasons for vindication of Mr. Sumner were private and public, according to the report of the debate.
“The first men to congratulate him on his change [from the Democratic party] were John A. Andrew and Charles Sumner; and he should not forget that Mr. Sumner, against whom he had warred so long, was the first to extend sympathy to him, and had led him on till this day.“Passing now to the public reasons for his advocacy of the fourth resolution, Mr. Loring paid a high eulogium to Senator Sumner, who, he said, would live in history with Adams and Hancock, for his adherence to and courageous advocacy of great principles, and his remarkable record since the war of the Rebellion broke out. Men might say that Mr. Sumner was an impracticable theorist; but it was to him, more than to any other man, that we owed the defeat of the iniquitous Louisiana proposition in the last Congress, the success of which would have established a precedent fraught with great danger to the nation.”[208]
“The first men to congratulate him on his change [from the Democratic party] were John A. Andrew and Charles Sumner; and he should not forget that Mr. Sumner, against whom he had warred so long, was the first to extend sympathy to him, and had led him on till this day.
“Passing now to the public reasons for his advocacy of the fourth resolution, Mr. Loring paid a high eulogium to Senator Sumner, who, he said, would live in history with Adams and Hancock, for his adherence to and courageous advocacy of great principles, and his remarkable record since the war of the Rebellion broke out. Men might say that Mr. Sumner was an impracticable theorist; but it was to him, more than to any other man, that we owed the defeat of the iniquitous Louisiana proposition in the last Congress, the success of which would have established a precedent fraught with great danger to the nation.”[208]
The resolution, adopted by the House March 14, and the Senate April 7, 1866, was as follows:—
“Resolved, That, while thus expressing our confidence in our Senatorial and Representative delegations in Congress, and the determination of the people to stand by them, we are also impelled to take notice of the recent charges made by name against one of the Senators of this State, Hon. Charles Sumner, in the lately published speech of the President of the United States, and to declare that the language used and the charges made by the President are unbecoming the elevated station occupied by him, an unjust reflection upon Massachusetts, and without the shadow of justification or defence founded upon the private or public record of our eminent Senator.”
“Resolved, That, while thus expressing our confidence in our Senatorial and Representative delegations in Congress, and the determination of the people to stand by them, we are also impelled to take notice of the recent charges made by name against one of the Senators of this State, Hon. Charles Sumner, in the lately published speech of the President of the United States, and to declare that the language used and the charges made by the President are unbecoming the elevated station occupied by him, an unjust reflection upon Massachusetts, and without the shadow of justification or defence founded upon the private or public record of our eminent Senator.”
A copy of the resolutions, containing the foregoing, engrossed on parchment, was forwarded to Mr. Sumner by the Governor of Massachusetts, Hon. Alexander H. Bullock, with a letter, saying, “This I take great personal pleasure in asking you to accept and preserve.”
The Aldermen of Boston, by a resolution, under date of March 2d, interposed their “indignant conviction of the utter falsehood” of the charges against Mr. Sumner.[209]
This testimony may be closed by that of a Massachusetts pen. In the New YorkIndependent, Mrs. Lydia Maria Child, replying to the President, said:—
“Let any man capable of forming an opinion independent of party prejudice look candidly at the whole course of the Hon. Charles Sumner, and say whether any nation was ever blessed with a public man intellectually more able and consistent, and morally more courageous, pure, and noble. What a tower of strength he has been in times of difficulty and danger! How brave and steadfast he has been in the midst of denunciations and threats! How much he has suffered in the cause of Freedom! and how calmly and heroically he suffered, never boasting or complaining! What herculean labor he has performed, and every particle of that labor to sustain and advance those principles of justice and freedom which form the only sure basis of a republic! I am glad to see that Boston has, at last, by the voice of its city government, shown due appreciation of the services rendered to the country by that truly great and good man.”
“Let any man capable of forming an opinion independent of party prejudice look candidly at the whole course of the Hon. Charles Sumner, and say whether any nation was ever blessed with a public man intellectually more able and consistent, and morally more courageous, pure, and noble. What a tower of strength he has been in times of difficulty and danger! How brave and steadfast he has been in the midst of denunciations and threats! How much he has suffered in the cause of Freedom! and how calmly and heroically he suffered, never boasting or complaining! What herculean labor he has performed, and every particle of that labor to sustain and advance those principles of justice and freedom which form the only sure basis of a republic! I am glad to see that Boston has, at last, by the voice of its city government, shown due appreciation of the services rendered to the country by that truly great and good man.”
Such was the conflict then raging, with Truth gaining new strength daily.
From his first arrival in Washington as a Senator, as far back as 1851, Mr. Sumner had been pursued by menace of personal violence. At the beginning of the present session he received a warning,[210]while the head of the military police reported to him at least one conspiracy against his life, with regard to which he had evidence. The prevailing bitterness, especially after the speech of President Johnson, arrested the attention of Hon. A. P. Granger, a retired Representative in Congress from the State of New York, whose experience in the anxious days of Kansas, when Mr. Sumner suffered personal violence, put him on his guard. In a letter from Syracuse, New York, he expressed his present anxiety:—
“Permit me to say a word as to your personal safety. There are many of our best men who think more of that than you do. No man living that Treason would so much rejoice to see struck down as yourself; and many there are who would strike, if they dared. I know you think little of danger; but fear for your country, if not for yourself. Do not keep your room alone, night or day. Seldom or never go out after nightfall, and let your painful experience and the character of the foe teach you to be ever on guard.”
“Permit me to say a word as to your personal safety. There are many of our best men who think more of that than you do. No man living that Treason would so much rejoice to see struck down as yourself; and many there are who would strike, if they dared. I know you think little of danger; but fear for your country, if not for yourself. Do not keep your room alone, night or day. Seldom or never go out after nightfall, and let your painful experience and the character of the foe teach you to be ever on guard.”