JOSÉ DE SAN MARTIN.
JOSÉ DE SAN MARTIN.
Bernardo O’Higgins was born in Chillan, Chile, in 1776, an illegitimate son of Ambrosio O’Higgins. He was educated in England, where he imbibed republican sentiments. He returned to Chile a few years before his father’s death, and immediately identified himself with the revolutionists. By the year 1813 he was at the head of their forces. He proved to be a man of wonderful activity, although not of military training. Troubles between the Carreras and O’Higgins were unfortunate forthe patriot cause, but the latter was in the right and the jealousies of the former thwarted him at every turn. After several years of possession of the capitol by the revolutionists the loyalist forces under General Osorio recaptured Santiago, and O’Higgins was compelled to flee. The general fled to Mendoza and there joined General San Martin, who was greatly impressed by the Irishman. For several years the destinies of these two men were linked and intertwined.
José de San Martin was a noble character, and his life was actuated by unselfish principles. There was, according to the best accounts, a moral grandeur in his character, which places him in the rank of the world’s great leaders and patriots. No doubt he had his faults, which may have been serious enough, but his life was far above his contemporaries, and he has given us a sample of self abnegation which is well worth remembering. He gave his sword to the best interests of the human race, and when he found that his presence might not serve the cause of humanity in the nations he had liberated, he went into exile and poverty.[4]
Here is a pen picture of San Martin writtenby one who interviewed him at Lima: “On the 25th of June I had an interview with General San Martin on board a little schooner anchored in Callao Roads. There was little at first sight in his appearance to engage attention, but when he arose and began to speak his great superiority over every other person I have seen in South America was sufficiently apparent. He received us in a very simple style on the deck of his vessel, dressed in a surtout coat and a large fur cap, seated at a table made of a few loose planks laid along the top of two empty casks. Upon this occasion his views and feelings were decidedly stated. ‘The contest in Peru,’ said he ‘is not a war of conquest and culture, but entirely of opinion. It is a war of new and liberal principles against prejudices, bigotry and tyranny. I do not want military recognition; I have no ambition to become conqueror of Peru; I want solely to liberate the country from oppression.’”
In 1822 San Martin decided that he wanted to meet Bolivar. A meeting was arranged between the two to take place at Guayaquil, on the coast of Ecuador. Bolivar had driven the Spaniards from Venezuela, Colombia andEcuador, but had not proceeded farther south. San Martin wished to cooperate with him in the subjugation of Peru. Bolivar came to the city with some fifteen hundred men, and entered the city under arches of triumph. San Martin arrived by sea on a little vessel called the Macedonia. He landed and passed through files of soldiers who had been drawn up to do him honour. When the two heroes met they embraced, entered the house arm in arm and were left alone. What actually occurred no one knows, as neither of the principals ever revealed the conversation. It is known, however, from subsequent events, that San Martin decided upon self abnegation, which, he believed, would be best for the cause of liberty. A great ball was given to the two heroes, which was preceded by a banquet. Bolivar loved these festive occasions, but San Martin avoided them whenever possible.
After his return to Peru San Martin wrote to Bolivar as follows: “My decision is irrevocable. I have convened the Congress of Peru; the day after its meeting I shall leave for Chile, believing that my presence is the only obstacle that keeps you from going to Peru with your army.”
Upon his resigning his office San Martin delivered a speech, of which the following is a part. “I have witnessed the declaration of independence of the states of Chile and Peru. I hold in my possession the standard which Pizarro brought to enslave the empire of the Incas. I have ceased to be a public man. Thus I am more than rewarded for ten years spent in revolution and warfare. My promises to the countries in which I warred are fulfilled—to make them independent and leave to their will the elections of the governments. The presence of a fortunate soldier, however disinterested he may be, is dangerous to newly constituted states. I am also disgusted with hearing that I wish to make myself a sovereign. Nevertheless, I shall always be ready to make the last sacrifice for the liberty of the country, but in the class of the private individual, and no other. With respect to my public conduct, my compatriots (as is generally the case) will be divided in their opinions. Their children will pronounce the true verdict. Peruvians! I leave your national representation established. If you impose implicit confidence in it, you will triumph. If not, anarchy will swallow you up. May success preside overyour destinies, and may they be crowned with felicity and peace!”
There were at least five great battles that decided the liberty of South America. One of the greatest of these was that of Maipo, or Maipu, which was fought on Chilean soil. Although this battle lasted only a few hours, it was the result of years of careful preparation by San Martin. In 1814 San Martin, who was then in Buenos Aires, decided that the best way to free Argentina was to drive the Spaniards from the West Coast, as that was the principal seat of their power. He accordingly sought the governorship of the province of Cuyo, which bordered on Chile, and repaired there to begin his real preparation. Thejunta, that governed Buenos Aires, gave him a small body of troops, which San Martin had already drilled and made effective soldiers. To these were added Chilean exiles, slaves who had been freed, and others whom he could gather at Mendoza, in the foothills of the Andes, which was his capitol. For two years he trained these men, gathered his artillery and ammunition and made his preparation to cross the passes of the Andes. No detail had been omitted by this careful organizer. To no onedid he reveal his plans until he was ready for the start, then his army, which numbered about four thousand, was divided into two bodies, which proceeded through different passes across the border into Chile. More than seven thousand mules had been collected for the soldiers to ride, and every mule was shod. Specially designed sledges had been constructed on which to carry the guns. Jerked beef, parched corn and other supplies had been prepared for food in large quantities.
The lonely and desolate passes of the mountains suddenly disgorged a well-equipped and disciplined army on Chilean soil. The royalist forces were taken by surprise, although reports had from time to time reached the commander. General Maroto concentrated his forces on the ridge of Chacabuco, whose yellowish-brown hills are almost devoid of vegetation. There was no definite road over this ridge, which consisted of an intricate complexity of steep-sided little valleys, or barrancas. General San Martin divided his forces, the command of one section being given to O’Higgins. Both sections attacked the Spanish forces vigorously, and the latter soon gave way through the very force of the onslaught.
O’Higgins formed his infantry in a solid column, and with drums beating, advanced against the enemy’s front. The men were greatly fatigued by their march, and the sun was beating down fiercely. After a slight repulse O’Higgins and his infantry made a bayonet charge. The shock was terrible, and the Spanish lines first wavered and then broke and ran. The defeat was decisive for the royalist forces. The Spaniards left two-thirds of their number on the field of battle or in the hands of the victors. The loss of San Martin was insignificant, for his casualties did not exceed one hundred and fifty. The Spanish governor abandoned Santiago that same night, and General San Martin and his army entered it two days later, on the 14th of February, 1817, in triumph.
When the army reached Santiago a popular assembly was convened. The dictatorship was offered to San Martin, but he declined. O’Higgins was then selected and accepted. The country, however, was in a deplorable condition. The new dictator exiled a bishop and many priests, shut up traitorous women in convents and began vigorous measures to preserve order. But the war was not yetover. Several sanguinary engagements followed.
General Osorio landed with an army at Talcahuano and slowly proceeded northward. San Martin and O’Higgins endeavoured to entice him as far as the river Maule, after the country had been thoroughly devastated. General Osorio made an unexpected night attack at Cancha-Rayada and inflicted a terrible defeat on the patriotic forces. San Martin retreated in good order, and took up his position along a ridge of low hills about two miles from Santiago. Osorio established himself on a similar ridge. Between the two forces was a plain about half a mile in width. On this plain was fought the battle of Maipo on the 5th of April, 1818.
The day was exquisitely beautiful, and the sky was clear and serene. San Martin opened with a strong artillery fire from both his right and left flank. He then ordered a general advance. The horse grenadiers, who had accompanied him from Argentina, charged the Spanish lines furiously. Other battalions charged the royalist right, which was made up of veterans of the Peninsular wars. The Spanish cavalry were driven from the field. SanMartin brought his reserves into action and the Spaniards began an orderly retreat. They withdrew to the buildings and walled enclosures of ahacienda. These were soon broken down by the patriot guns. The closing scenes were horrible. The infuriated patriots showed no mercy, and thepatiosand gardens were soon littered with the dead. The result, after several hours of fierce fighting, was of a most decisive character. The Spaniards’ loss was nearly three thousand. The remainder were flying in every direction, with the enemy in close pursuit. Osorio finally reached Talcahuano with only ten men, the remnant of the original force of five thousand that entered the battle of Maipo. The revolutionists’ loss was eight hundred killed and one thousand wounded. Spain at last realized the strength of her opposition.
The war for liberty now turns toward Peru. Soon after the decisive battle of Maipo San Martin reverted to his original plan to invade Peru. Thejuntaat Buenos Aires commanded him to return to Argentina and aid them in that city. But he refused to be drawn into the local struggle between the different factions that were seeking to obtain control of thegovernment. He began work on his new expedition with the same careful and methodical plans to gather about him an effective army as he had at Mendoza. The survivors of that army were loyal to their commander, and they willingly volunteered for this new enterprise. Others were added, and all were carefully drilled. Supplies and ammunition were gathered. It was not until 1820, however, that San Martin was ready to embark for Peru with an army of four thousand one hundred men. This force was conveyed to the Peruvian coast by the Chilean navy under command of Lord Cochrane, who played an important part in driving the Spaniards from this coast and liberating Chile and Peru from their domination.
The name of Lord Cochrane is an honoured one in Chile, and the visitor will find numerous monuments and memorials to that British soldier of fortune. Thomas Cochrane was the tenth Earl of Dundonald, and was born in Armsfield, Scotland, on the 14th of December, 1775. He became a member of the House of Commons, and was an officer in the royal navy. One writer says of him: “He was, after the death of Nelson, the most notablenaval commander in that age of glory.” He had made a reputation for himself as a daring officer during the Peninsular War. In 1814 he was accused of spreading a report of the death of Napoleon, and was fined, and expelled from the navy and Commons. He was also sentenced to a year in prison, which he served.
Angered and embittered by what he considered the unjust treatment of his country, Lord Cochrane accepted a commission from the revolutionary party of Chile to take charge of their little navy. He arrived in that country on the 28th of November, 1818. For the construction and equipment of this little fleet ladies had given their jewels, and even church plate had been contributed. He arrived in time to cooperate with San Martin in the movement that was then being formulated for the advance against the Spaniards in Peru. Maipo had already been won. With four little vessels conveying the transports Cochrane started for Callao and arrived there safely. The Spanish gunboats were anchored under the protection of the batteries on shore. A terrific fire was opened on theO’Higgins, which was the flagship, as the other boats were not able to get within range because of a calm. Cochrane’senthusiasm was caught by the crew, and they successfully withstood the onslaught of several hundred guns. TheEsmeralda, the best ship of the Spaniards, was captured by strategy. Cochrane always led his men in person, and was ever in the midst of the greatest danger. His courage and recklessness soon won for the doughty admiral the name of “El Diablo.” He declared and maintained a blockade of the entire Peruvian coast. He used fire-ships which scattered terror amongst the enemy. His vigorous tactics made his name feared by the Spaniards and Peruvians, so that the battle was half won before it was begun. And yet his crews and officers would be generally considered unsatisfactory, for they were composed for the most part of adventurers. He captured Valdivia by a clever ruse, which was the strongest fortified place on the Pacific coast.
Cochrane had the misfortune of a bad temper, and quarrelled with nearly every one in authority. He could not understand San Martin’s deliberation in attacking Peru, so that these two men, both able and honest, could not work together. He quarrelled with O’Higgins and others. He drove the Spanish fleet off the Pacific waters from Guayaquil south. Hecleared the waters of pirates, and to him in great part was due the emancipation of Chile and Peru—all of this in two and one-half years. Cochrane finally left Chile and commanded the Brazilian navy from 1823-5, which position he resigned because of charges of insubordination. He then went to Greece and commanded their army for two years. Finally his good name was cleared in England and he returned to his native country, and had achieved the high rank of rear-admiral in the British navy when he died at the ripe old age of eighty-five.
The victory of Maipo, although won at great loss, forever settled the Spanish power in Chile. Absolute independence from Spain was at once proclaimed. O’Higgins managed to introduce a few reforms, but the country was still lawless, disturbed and unsettled. Armed bands of robbers, calling themselves royalists, attacked haciendas and villages, and murdered travellers. The dictator did the best he could and introduced many reforms in procedure. Even these improvements seemed to bring discontent. He was always optimistic, which was not for the best. Some men in whom he placed confidence betrayed it. The priests were insidiousin their preaching, as they favoured the royalty. The Indians were incited to rebellion whenever possible.
Traitors arose among the malcontents. Others were jealous of O’Higgins. San Martin and Lord Cochrane were both appointed to head the opposition, but each declined. One General Freire consented. An assembly was convened, which the dictator attended. After a stormy scene O’Higgins resigned his office rather than plunge the country into civil war. The withdrawal of his firm but kindly hand was a great loss to Chile. He went to Peru, where he died an exile at Lima in 1842.
The long struggle with Spain had accustomed the Chileans to military service, and the control of the country naturally fell into the hands of the military element. Once the common danger disappeared, intrigue and personal ambition ran riot and led to a condition of affairs bordering on anarchy. Chile, however, never acquired the revolutionary habit to such an extent as its neighbours, for there was a powerful landed aristocracy whose interests lay in the cultivation of the soil, for which peace was necessary. Anarchy lasted only for a few years, and then followed four decadesduring which time four successive presidents ruled the country for two terms of five years each.
After the resignation of O’Higgins, in January, 1823, Congress offered the dictatorship to General Freire, who was then marching against the capital with a considerable force. A constitution was promulgated, but it proved to be only so much waste paper, for Freire soon suspended it. He quarrelled with the Church authorities, banished the Bishop of Santiago and issued decrees confiscating ecclesiastical property. Congress was dissolved. A new election was ordered, but only a few members were chosen. Political confusion followed, but another Congress was elected that limited the dictator’s powers. He maintained his position only by the use of sheer force.
In 1826 Freire succeeded in driving the Spaniards from the island of Chiloé, which was their last stronghold. This victory temporarily strengthened his prestige somewhat, although the liberals were daily becoming stronger. A financial crisis was impending as the expenses exceeded the revenues. Freire was temporarily replaced by Manuel Blanco Encalada. But things became worse and Freirewas recalled. This restoration lasted only a few months when he resigned in favour of General Pinto. Pinto succeeded for a while in suppressing the disturbances, and endeavoured to introduce some reforms in the army and finances. A new Congress wrestled with the constitutional problem. Rivalries among the leaders were too much for him. It was too easy for the aristocratic landlords to get up an army from among their peons, or inquilinos. A whole series of presidents and dictators followed in the next couple of years. Social as well as political anarchy reigned supreme. Disorders were prevalent, robberies occurred daily and life was unsafe.
Order was gradually coming out of chaos, however, for peace began to appear above the political horizon. With the battle of Lircay the conservatives, under General Prieto and Bulnes, won a decisive victory over the other elements. Freire fled and a horrible slaughter followed, for the victors were merciless. Freire himself and his partisans were banished to Peru, and his sympathizers removed from the army.
CONGRESS PALACE, SANTIAGO.
CONGRESS PALACE, SANTIAGO.
At the election in 1831, General Don Joaquin Prieto was chosen chief magistrate. Althoughhe owed his elevation to the military power, the new President did not attempt the role of dictator at first. He was ably seconded by his chief cabinet officer, Señor Portales, one of the ablest statesmen that Chile has produced. After two years of careful preparation a new constitution was promulgated in 1833. Although it has been amended from time to time to meet new conditions, just as has our own constitution, this instrument has remained the fundamental law of the land. It gave to Chile a strong and stable government. The foundation of the government, under the franchise conditions, was the property-holding class. Political power originated in an oligarchy which obtained control of Congress. Although such a possibility was not designed in the constitution, it gradually developed a government by dictators. This was due to the turbulent character of the people. Extraordinary powers were granted from time to time in order to suppress revolutionary outbreaks. These powers included the right to suspend the constitutional guarantees, to imprison and exile political suspects without trial, and to adopt such other arbitrary measures as the executive might deem advisable. All of thesepowers were invoked by President Prieto before the end of his first term.
As there was no constitutional inhibition against a second term Prieto was reelected in 1836, and Portales retained his portfolio. All branches of the government had been reformed over the former chaotic conditions, and industrial progress had been rapid. The credit of the country was good, and interest was paid promptly. Life in the new republic, however, was not dull. It was sometimes necessary to put down disorders with a firm hand. Opponents were banished without mercy. Peru seemed to have favoured those who sought refuge on her soil, and war was declared against that republic. Several battles were fought, and Chile captured the entire Peruvian navy, consisting of three vessels. Portales was killed, and a serious repulse finally compelled Prieto to make peace. This caused trouble at home, and it gave Prieto’s enemies a chance to denounce the war and its outcome. A new expedition was sent against Peru under General Bulnes, and this expedition was successful. The Bolivian-Peruvian dictator was overwhelmingly defeated, and this success made Chile the dominant power on the PacificCoast, a position which it has retained ever since.
At the election in 1841 General Manuel Bulnes was chosen president. He was a very distinguished soldier. Owing to his training as a soldier, President Bulnes had little idea of any method of administration other than by force. His course toward political opponents was severe, and all attempts to dispute his authority were crushed with an iron hand. Nevertheless, during the ten years administration of Bulnes, prosperity made great strides and Chile became a nation of influence and importance. The growth of the customs revenues placed the government finances on a sound footing. The President fostered education and other reforms. A more liberal religious atmosphere began to grow up. Mines were discovered and opened. The Liberals began to be more numerous, but Bulnes was outspoken in his opposition to them. In spite of their opposition he succeeded in selecting Manuel Montt as his own successor in 1851.
The new President was a civilian and had been a member of the Supreme Court, and many reforms were expected from him. More would probably have been granted by him, forhis standing was of the highest, had not a serious disturbance broken out just a few days after his inauguration. The headquarters of the revolutionists were at Concepción. Proceeding toward the capital they won several small victories. The decisive battle of Loncomilla followed, however, in which the government was victorious, but not until five thousand Chileans had lost their lives in this internecine warfare. Peace and general amnesty followed this victory, and equilibrium was quickly established. Montt welcomed liberals among his followers. A number of administrative reforms were adopted, although the liberal program was strenuously opposed. New treaties with the leading commercial nations were negotiated. Nevertheless the policy of centralizing the entire government with the bureaucracy of Santiago was followed up. Many leading liberals were exiled. During his second term Montt attempted to grant a greater degree of political liberties, but insurrections broke out in the north and south, and there was bloody rioting in Valparaiso. This led to a renewal of drastic measures. Montt finally came into open rupture with Congress, because it favoured the return of his political enemies,among whom were some of the ablest men in the republic. The clergy were angry because they were compelled to submit their decisions to the civil tribunals. He became more and more dictatorial in his methods. Newspapers were suppressed, meetings dispersed, and agitators imprisoned. President Montt succeeded in putting down the various insurrections. In spite of defeat on the field of battle the liberals in fact won a victory, for their cause was forced on the government. It was obliged to make some concessions in order to prevent a renewal of the conflict. The government was in this condition when Montt’s second term reached an end in 1861.
José Joaquin Perez, a man of high personal prestige, was unanimously chosen as Montt’s successor. From the very commencement of his administration Chile began to enjoy a freedom unknown in the preceding thirty years. Criticism of the government was encouraged, instead of being treated as a crime to be punished by imprisonment or banishment. The policy of President Perez was one of conciliation, in order to unite the discordant elements. A law was at once passed granting amnesty to political offenders. The extraordinary powersheretofore granted to dictatorial presidents was not even asked for by Perez, nor did he need it. Railroads were opened up, and colonists began to come in. Fierce parliamentary struggles over certain reform measures followed in Congress, and there were many changes of ministry.
The only serious disturbance of the Perez administration was a brief war with Spain, which occurred in 1864-5. The dispute was primarily between Spain and Peru, but Chile took the part of the latter, for fear that Spain might seek to reestablish her authority in South America. As a result Valparaiso was blockaded by the Spaniards and bombarded. Millions of dollars worth of property were destroyed in a few hours, but the Chileans would not yield and grant the apology demanded. Public feeling ran very high for a few months. Chile had only one war-ship, but this boat captured a Spanish gunboat. This so humiliated the Spanish commander, Admiral Pareja, that he suicided. Although the war did not officially end for many years, nothing hostile was done by Spain after the bombardment of Valparaiso. Perez was reelected as a matter of course in 1866, and finished his secondterm. Pressure for amendments to the constitution had become very strong, for the foreign influences were becoming noticeable. A measure was passed forbidding a president to be reelected to succeed himself, and this marks an important step in the evolution of political ideals. A desperate effort was made to enfranchise all who could read and write. This measure, although favoured by Perez, was defeated, but the property qualification was greatly reduced. In every way the two administrations of President Perez marked the beginning of a new era in Chilean affairs. The rights of the people began to receive greater consideration from politicians.
The election of 1871 was hotly contested. The liberals were very aggressive. The conservatives united with the moderates, and Federico Errázuriz, an astute politician, was chosen. This election practically marks the elimination of the conservatives as an important element for several presidential terms. It was not long after this election until more radical elements controlled Congress, and Errázuriz sided with the liberals in their program of reforms. The great issue was the amenability of the clergy to the civil law. Theanti-clerical party forced through this law, and made concessions to Protestant worship. The requirement of obligatory teaching of the Catholic religion in the public schools was greatly modified. The Archbishop promptly excommunicated all who voted for these laws, and the breach between the liberals and clericals was further widened. The administration of President Errázuriz was marked by considerable internal improvement and the beginning of a greater navy, which was soon to be very useful. Political reforms went forward with increasing momentum, but not without the usual results. As soon as the liberals had things in their power, the various factions into which they were divided began to intrigue among themselves for congressional majorities. Material prosperity had continued until the great world panic of 1873. The government customs fell and financial troubles followed, but the debt was successfully refunded. One of the most remarkable features of this administration was that the same Prime Minister held his office during the entire term of four years without interruption.
The election of 1876 brought out several candidates. In former years the retiring Presidenthad practically selected his successor. More liberal ideas now prevailed, and the Chileans were called upon to decide for themselves who should be their chief magistrate. There were three active candidates, among whom was Señor Anibal Pinto, who was nominated by the moderates and elected. President Pinto was a man of studious habits and a strong advocate of peaceful measures. And yet this man of peace was called upon to preside over the nation during one of its most severe trials. Never did he falter, even when war became necessary, and never did he waver in his determination to protect Chilean interests.
The dispute with Argentina over the southern boundary had by this time become acute. Public feeling in both republics had reached such a stage that peace was threatened. A previous treaty had declared that the boundary should be the same as in colonial times. This was hazy and uncertain, because that section had been and still was uninhabited. No one had ever been concerned about it. Chile had always claimed the Andes to the east and Cape Horn to the south. Punta Arenas had been founded thirty-five years previously without serious opposition from Argentina. For yearsthis controversy continued between the two countries, but impending war with Peru hastened a treaty. The territorial limitations were finally decided upon and Chile practically got all that she had contended for. Chile obtained practical control of both ends of the Straits, although the channel was declared neutral and neither nation can erect any fortifications along it.
A severe economic crisis, due to the depression in the mining industry, also disturbed this administration, but this situation was met as well as it could be. But all the troubles of President Pinto pale before the sanguinary war conducted against the combined forces of Peru and Bolivia, in which the lives of twenty thousand of his subjects were sacrificed.
The early Spaniards were very little interested in geography, and the boundaries between the provinces were often very vaguely described. Since the independence of the various provinces these boundary lines have been the cause of many disputes, and, in many instances, have nearly plunged neighbouring republics into bloody war. The most serious dispute still unsettled is between Peru and Ecuador, which involves a large part of the territory of the latter republic.
The older readers will remember that, when they studied geography, Bolivia had a stretch of sea coast along the desert of Atacama. For a considerable time after independence was secured little attention was paid to Atacama, since it was regarded as worthless for colonization. Chile claimed sovereignty, and its jurisdiction was generally recognized. The year 1840 brought a change. In that yearthe wealth of fertilizer along that coast began to be exploited. Disputes soon arose between Chile and Bolivia as to the boundary line. The various claims made by Bolivia were inconsistent. War threatened, and diplomatic relations between the two countries were broken off. The outbreak of hostilities between Spain and Peru united the two countries against what they considered a common enemy. A treaty was drawn up in 1866 by which the 24th degree of south latitude was agreed upon as the actual boundary, although the Chileans were allowed to continue their operations in the nitrate regions beyond that line. Furthermore, Chile was to pay over to Bolivia half the customs received between the 24th and 25th degrees, and Bolivia was to hand over to Chile half the customs received between the 23rd and 24th degrees, south latitude. It was also provided that neither party to the treaty could alienate its rights to a foreign government.
DIGGING NITRATE.
DIGGING NITRATE.
This treaty gave rise to continual disputes. Chile regarded this settlement as a final solution of the dispute, but Bolivia refused or neglected to live up to her part of the agreement. By a later treaty Chile renounced herclaims between these two degrees, with the agreement on the part of Bolivia that the export duties on mineral products from that zone should not be increased, and that Chilean industries and citizens should not be subjected to higher taxes than then prevailed. This treaty was to remain in force for twenty-five years. The capital invested in that zone was almost exclusively Chilean, and the labourers employed were also of that nationality. Peru had large interests in the nitrate industry and began to intrigue with Bolivia, in order to prevent a ruinous competition in the market. So long as Chilean enterprise was left free this monopoly was impossible. As the interests of Peru and Bolivia were opposed to those of Chile, these two republics, in 1872, entered into a secret treaty of alliance. Like many state secrets this one became public, and Chile began to prepare for a conflict, which seemed impending, by purchasing ironclads and in other ways strengthening her navy.
In 1870 a revolution occurred in Bolivia, and a new government came into power which refused to carry out the provisions of the last treaty entered into with Chile. It, furthermore, at the alleged suggestion of Peru, attemptedto increase the taxes upon all nitrate exports, in absolute violation of its treaty obligations. The manager of a Chilean company was imprisoned, and the property was confiscated on his refusal to pay the enhanced tax. Chile issued an ultimatum through her diplomatic representative. Upon the refusal of the Bolivian government to recede, Chile landed troops at Antofagasta and took possession of that city. Bolivia declared war against Chile on the 1st of March, 1879, and, because Peru refused to abrogate the secret treaty between it and Bolivia, Chile declared war against Peru the following month. Most writers lay the blame for the war entirely upon the aggressiveness and covetousness of Chile, but a careful study of the situation shows great moderation on the part of Chile for a long period of time.
It was generally believed that the Peruvian navy was far superior to that of Chile, but, as a matter of fact, they were pretty evenly matched. For several years Chile had steadily strengthened her naval forces. Peru had suffered from internal dissensions and corrupt administrations, and was ill prepared for war. Bolivia was in still worse condition. At thetime of the outbreak of hostilities the only available arms were fifteen hundred Remington rifles, and the stock of ammunition was small; the rest of the army was equipped with old flint-lock muskets. The bulk of both the Peruvian and Bolivian armies were Indians. The Chilean army was not large at the time of the declaration of war, but its personnel, man for man, was far superior to either of its adversaries. The Chileans were likewise prompt and energetic in their preparations for war. The land forces were increased, and both naval and army supplies were accumulated at strategic points. Because of the long stretch of sea coast it was inevitable that the navies of the two countries would bear the brunt of the fighting, as subsequent events proved.
The naval war was opened with the blockade of Iquique by the Chileans. With Iquique as a rendezvous the Chilean navy visited various ports, and inflicted serious damage to commercial interests. The aim was to deprive Peru of her main source of revenue. Peru had an intrepid and doughty admiral by the name of Grau, who commanded the Peruvian fleet, of which theHuascarwas the flagship. While the main part of the Chilean navy was awayfrom Iquique, two Peruvian boats appeared in that harbour. TheHuascarrammed and sank theEsmeralda, one of the best of the Chilean ships, after four hours of heavy firing. It was at this fight that Arturo Prat, who was in command of theEsmeralda, made a hero of himself by leaping upon the deck of theHuascar. “Follow me,” said this brave officer, as he boarded theHuascar, sword in hand. The ships, however, separated so quickly that only one man was able to follow him. Prat rushed along the deck of the ship as though he himself had captured it. “Surrender, Captain,” said Admiral Grau, “we wish to save the life of a hero.” Prat refused, and was soon cut down while still fighting with his sword. TheEsmeraldasank with colours flying, and only fifty out of a crew of two hundred were saved. Before the conflict ended, however, Peru also lost one vessel, theIndependencia, which ran upon the rocks while pursuing the ChileanCovadonga.
For four months Admiral Grau traversed the Pacific coast from Arica to Valparaiso. He prevented the transport of the Chilean army northward. Discontent grew rapidly. The Chileans decided that they could do nothinguntil they rid themselves of this doughty seaman. Their navy was divided into two squadrons, both of which began patrolling the coast. TheHuascarwas accompanied by the BolivianUnion. These two vessels were cruising together near Antofagasta on October 8th, 1879. When the mist, which had been thick, lifted, they made out three distinct clouds of smoke toward the northeast. These were soon recognized as one of the Chilean squadrons. Admiral Grau fled, but soon ran into the other squadron approaching him from the direction in which he was fleeing. The Admiral at once decided that the only thing to do was to close with theCochranebefore the other boats could come up, and steamed straight for that boat. None of the shots of either boat were effective until they were in close quarters, when a chance shot disabled theHuascar’sturret. Grau tried to ram theCochrane, but the latter was too quick for her. By this time the ChileanBlancohad come up and added her shots to those of her sister boat. A shot struck the conning-tower, in which the Admiral was stationed, and blew that commander into atoms. A little later the second officer, and then the next one in seniority, were killed, which demoralized thePeruvian crew. One-third of the officers and men had been either killed or wounded when the vessel was finally surrendered. This fight is interesting not only because it was one of the deciding events of the war, but it was the first fight between modern ironclads. The entire engagement lasted but little over an hour. After repairs theHuascarwas incorporated into the Chilean navy.
The capture of theHuascargave the Chileans the absolute command of the sea, and enabled them to land an army wherever they pleased along the coast. Nor did the Chileans delay their onward march. A Chilean army of ten thousand men, well-equipped, had been landed at Antofagasta, and other regiments were in Valparaiso ready to embark as occasion arose. On the 28th of October this army was embarked on fifteen transports convoyed by four men-of-war. The destination was kept a profound secret, but a few days later they steamed into the harbour of Pisagua. A small force of Bolivians defended this port, but they were unable to prevent the landing of the Chilean troops. A brief skirmish ensued but the Bolivians were soon in retreat. The allied forces of Peruvians and Bolivians had an armyof some nineteen thousand men at Iquique. These men were marched out to meet the invaders. The march of these forces across the desert regions was difficult because of the lack of provisions, and especially the scant supply of water, from which the troops greatly suffered in many instances. The Chileans had established themselves at Dolores and San Francisco, where there was an abundant supply of fresh water.
The majority of the allied armies were Inca and Aymara Indians. They had generally been recruited by force. Villages would be surrounded, and all the men that could be caught were impressed into the ranks. They were generally obedient and brave, and were capable of enduring hunger, thirst and fatigue such as would have overwhelmed white troops. They were unequalled in their capacity to make long marches with scant supplies of food and water. In no other way could the Chileans have been withstood. The wives of many accompanied them. These women are calledrabonas, and were regularly recognized. As soon as a halt was made these women immediately busied themselves in preparing the food. After the battles they ministered to thewounded. Callous to all danger hundreds of these faithful helpmates met death on the field of carnage.
The first battle occurred at San Francisco and Porvenir. The vanguard of the allies was made up of Indians from the Lake Titicaca district. They were led by the brave Colonel Espinar. As these forces led a charge against the Chilean guns a bullet pierced his forehead, and he fell mortally wounded. A cry of grief and horror fell from his countrymen and their courage failed. Disputing every inch of ground they fell back to the main body of troops. The battle so gallantly fought resulted in a decisive victory for the Chileans.
General Buendia, commander of the allied forces, retreated to the village of Tarapacá, which was a collection of mud huts. It is situated in a narrow but fertile valley not to exceed six hundred yards in width, and he there awaited the attack which he knew was soon to follow. With practically no cavalry and a dozen antiquated field-guns the prospect was not alluring. The odds seemed hopeless. He was not kept long in suspense. A force under Colonel Arteaga consisting of picked men, cavalry and artillery soon appeared. The aimwas the complete destruction of the allied army. For this purpose the force had been divided into three divisions.
A mist hung over the little valley while the Peruvian army rested with stacked arms. Suddenly a muleteer galloped up to the commander and reported the enemy approaching. Then two others reported the other divisions. It looked as though they were being surrounded and caught in a trap. Then came the call to arms. The men responded and advanced up the bluffs against a withering fire. The stoical Indians saw their leaders fall, but they set their teeth and continued the advance. The Chileans at last found their equals. The allied forces were embarrassed by a lack of artillery, but fought desperately. Many were the deeds of heroism of that day. After a few hours of fighting they captured some guns from the enemy and used them to good advantage. The result of the battle was a decided victory for the allies, their only real victory of the war on land. San Francisco was atoned for, and the loss of theHuascaravenged. The total loss was twelve hundred men, about equally divided. The allies nevertheless retreated across the desert to Tacna, as it was impossibleto maintain an army in the interior and they were not strong enough to recapture Iquique. In this way General Buendia saved the flower of his army. In several battles of this campaign several thousand troops were lost on each side, but, as a result, the Chileans came into control of all of the nitrate country. Several months later Tacna was captured, and, with the battle of Arica, which has heretofore been described, all of present-day Chile was in control of the victors.
The disasters to the armies of the allies caused revolutions in both Peru and Bolivia, and the President of each of those countries fled to Europe. Armed revolts arose and fighting took place in the streets of Lima. The position of Peru was desperate. With her navy destroyed Peru could no longer defend herself against the aggressions of the enemy on the sea. The Chileans blockaded Callao, and a marauding expedition under Captain Lynch bombarded a number of coast towns. Captain Lynch had been ordered to ravage the whole coast north of Callao, and he executed his instructions to the letter, destroying government and private property in every direction. Several Chilean boats were sunk in theharbour of Callao through ingenious schemes of the Peruvians. On one occasion the Chileans saw a boat loaded with fresh provisions. They began to transfer these supplies to theLoa. As the last of the cargo was being hoisted aboard, a terrific explosion occurred that sank theLoa. It was no doubt due to an infernal machine that had been placed in the bottom. TheCovadongawas destroyed by a similar explosion on a small boat captured in the harbour by the Chileans.
The United States offered its mediation in October, 1880, and commissioners of the three countries met on board the corvetteLackawannaof the United States navy, in the harbour of Arica. The first meeting took place on the 22nd of October, when the American minister took the chair and announced the purpose of the convention. He added that the American representatives would take no part in the discussion, but would be glad to help with friendly suggestions. The Chilean commissioners presented a memorandum of their demands, which was in substance what was eventually granted, but the Peruvians refused such hard terms, thinking that foreign intervention would save them. Chile absolutely refusedarbitration or a full war indemnity, and the convention broke up without any progress having been made towards peace.
The delay of a few months in the progress of the war had enraged the volatile Chileans, and those in charge of the war finally decided that it would be necessary to capture Lima. An expeditionary force of thirty thousand men of all arms was organized, transports were purchased and the resources of the country were taxed to the utmost to carry on this expedition. The army was formed into three divisions, one of which, under Captain Patrick Lynch, was ordered to land at Pisco. A second division was instructed to disembark at Curayaco Bay, which was one hundred miles nearer the capital than Pisco. The first division was ordered to march by land northward to join the second division in the final attack upon the capital.
At Lima all was confusion as the news of the actual advance of the Chileans towards the capital reached that city. “The City of the Kings,” as Pizarro had named it, the wealthy and prosperous capital of modern Peru, was now threatened with all the horrors of war. The population of the city at that time hasbeen estimated at one hundred thousand souls, of whom at least fifteen thousand were foreigners. The inhabitants were pleasure-loving, and there was a very large irresponsible element, composed in part of negroes and Indians, that meant trouble in those dark days. The flower of the Peruvian army had been destroyed. Thousands rested on the deserts of Tarapacá, and the sand hills of Tacna and Arica. Those seasoned troops that were in the city had become more or less disorganized. A decree was issued ordering every male resident in Lima between the ages of sixteen and sixty, of whatever trade, profession and calling, to join the army. Gay and thoughtless youths, students, idlers and the vicious were all brought together in the ranks under this order. It is easy to make such decrees, but a decree does not make an army. It takes months to create an efficient fighting force. However brave these Peruvians might be, they were not trained in military service, and they lacked the qualities of the seasoned soldiers of the Chilean army. From three to six in the afternoon all business was suspended by Presidential decree, and these drafted troops were drilled. The call to arms was made by thetolling of the bell in the great cathedral. The artillery was inferior, and it could not compete with the Krupp and Armstrong guns with which the invaders were provided.
Nicolas de Pierola, who was at the head of the army, with the title of Supreme Chief, realized the danger, and strove in the best way possible to prepare for it. At a meeting of all the generals and naval officers, plans were evolved to protect the city. As soon as it became known that the invading army had landed to the south of Lima the preparations were devoted to protecting the city from that direction. As the time was short it was not possible to prepare extensive fortifications. A chain of sandhills, which ran through Chorrillos, about ten miles from the city to the south, was chosen as the first line of defense. These hills formed a sort of natural barrier, and breastworks were thrown up at various places along them, and these newly-recruited and hastily-drilled troops were stationed along this first line of defense, which was at least six miles long. A second line of defense just outside Miraflores, and four miles nearer the capital, was established, and thousands of these troops were stationed there. The time wastoo short to create very formidable fortifications.
The first division of the Chilean army landed at Pisco on the 13th of December, and immediately began its march overland. Villages and plantations were destroyed along the route, and the record of Captain Lynch is a rather cruel one. On the 25th a junction of the two divisions was made at Curayaco. These two bodies proceeded to Lurin, a small village lying in a beautiful little valley, and remained there about three weeks, while making their final preparations for the capture of the capital. This time was spent in reconnoitering and collecting provisions for the final campaign. The Chilean army at this time consisted of an effective force of twenty-six thousand men, with seventy long range field guns, and a considerable body of cavalry. Most of these troops were thoroughly disciplined men, who had had experience in previous campaigns. They were under the command of General Baquedano, who had made a record for himself in this war.
The battle of Chorrillos began at dawn on the morning of the 13th of January, 1881. The Peruvians were taken by surprise, but resistedbravely. It was not long, however, until their right flank was driven back, and then various other points of defense were carried at the point of the bayonet. The Chilean cavalry completed the victory by pursuing and cutting down fugitives in every direction, until the plains for several miles were covered with the dead bodies of the Peruvians. The Peruvians fell back in more or less disorder to the second line of defense, which was only six miles distant from the city itself. An armistice was arranged by the diplomatic corps at Lima on the 15th, in the hope of preventing any more bloodshed and averting the horrors of a battle just outside the capital. This was done at the request of the Peruvian commander-in-chief, and the Chilean general agreed that it should last until midnight of the 15th. Through some misunderstanding some shots were exchanged, and each party believed that the other had violated its agreement, so that the battle of Miraflores was fought on that date. The defense of the Peruvians was brave, as they were fighting for their homes and the city which all of them loved. The battle extended over the entire line of the second defense, which was not less than four miles.The battle began early in the afternoon, and a number of warships in the harbour near there assisted in the assault by firing their long range guns. The ammunition of the defenders ran low and the defense began to weaken. The Chileans made a bayonet charge, and one breastwork after another was captured. For almost four hours the defense was maintained, but at the end of that time the Chileans were victors. The village of Miraflores was burned; the pleasant country homes surrounding it were sacked, the crops destroyed and the work of devastation was terrible. On the 16th, Lima was surrendered to the Chilean general by the Municipal Alcalde, and possession was to be given on the following day. The intervening night was a night of terror, and, had it not been for the voluntary service of the foreign colony, the whole city might have been sacked by the disorderly elements in it.
The Chilean commander entered Lima on the 16th and established himself in the palace. He immediately took possession of the revenues, policed the city, and endeavoured to restore peaceful conditions to such an extent as they could be under a military government by a hated foe. A million pesos a month was leviedupon the citizens, and they were required to meet it. The conduct of the Chileans was reprehensible in that they became vandals. A great part of the valuable library, filled with almost priceless volumes, was looted and some of it sold as junk on the streets. Pictures and statues were removed and taken to Chile, where they may still be seen. The Chileans, coming from the same stock and claiming allegiance to the same church, did not seem to have any consideration for a fallen foe.
Before a treaty could be entered into it was necessary to have a government established with which to treat. Several attempts were made, but no one could be found who dared sign a treaty that would permanently alienate a portion of the country. The Chileans refused to treat with Pierola, so that he resigned. Calderon assumed the presidency, but the congress refused him authority to alienate any territory. Admiral Montero next attempted the seemingly impossible and failed. At length General Iglesias called a convention of his compatriots in the northern districts, and it was decided to adopt measures that would secure the speedy retirement of the Chileans, no matter at what sacrifice. He declared himselfPresident, and his pretensions were supported by the Chileans. A treaty was arranged with Chile, which was signed provisionally on the 23rd of October, 1883, and is known as the Treaty of Ancon. Five days later the Peruvian flag was again hoisted in Lima, and the Chileans left the country. It was a number of years later before a treaty of peace was arranged with Bolivia, although no further fighting took place.
It is quite possible that the last word has not yet been spoken in the nitrate controversy between Chile and Peru. The feeling of Peruvians toward their late foe is intensely bitter. They all look forward to another day of war, and predict that Peru will retake from Chile all that she has lost. If some ambitious leader should arise in Peru and secure the presidency, another war might easily follow. At the present time Peru’s finances would not warrant such a step. It is to be hoped that both nations will seriously consider the ultimate consequences of war, and make unnecessary the reference of mooted questions to the arbitrament of the field of battle.
The successful conclusion of the war with Peru and Bolivia began a new era in Chile. The control of the nitrate fields meant an immense revenue for the government, and everyone wanted a chance to reap some profit. Politics absorbed the public attention, and the holding of office became the most popular occupation. Material prosperity followed. The Chileans believed themselves invincible on land and sea. With outside troubles settled for the time being internal dissensions arose, and the fight between the clergy and the anti-clericals broke out with renewed energy. The time seemed ripe for the settlement of disturbing questions arising out of the union of church and state.
A new presidential election became necessary soon after the capture of Lima, and while the victorious troops were still in possession of that city. Through the influence of PresidentPinto, Don Domingo Santa Maria (which, in English, means Sunday Saint Mary) was chosen as his successor. The opposition tried to centre on General Baquedano, the popular hero of the recent war, but the prestige of the government was too powerful. He was a liberal and had been banished for his opinions by President Montt. The conservatives by this time were in a great minority. Santa Maria was bitterly opposed to clerical influence in political affairs, and this led to bitter opposition from that quarter. The President proclaimed that the time had come for absolute liberty of conscience, civil marriage and the secularization of the cemeteries. Heretofore the priests alone had charge of the registers of births, deaths and marriages, were alone able to perform marriages, and in the cemeteries only those baptized into the Roman Catholic church were permitted interment in consecrated ground. All other political questions were held in abeyance during this controversy, and feeling became intense. The President was obliged to use all his official prestige in order to secure a majority in Congress, but he succeeded in passing a law requiring civil marriage, freeing the cemeteriesand establishing a special official for the registration of births, deaths and marriages. These were, indeed, valuable reforms, and reflect credit on the administration of Santa Maria. Serious disorders resulted as the 1886 election approached, in which several persons lost their lives. Several men had the presidential bee in their bonnets and were backed by an active following. Nevertheless, in spite of all opposition, Santa Maria’s chief cabinet officer, and the man who had been most active in carrying out his program, Balmaceda, was chosen to succeed his chief, through the active aid of the administration and its official influence.
Since the close of the war with Peru, the most noted name in Chilean history is that of José Manuel Balmaceda. He was inaugurated President on the 18th of September, 1886, and his term was destined to be marked by stirring events. This man was, as a contemporary describes him, “about fifty years of age, six feet in height, of spare build and broad sloping forehead, with a good, humourous eye and wears generally on his face a half-playful, half-cynical smile.” His opponents call him a tyrant, a usurper and a dictator, but historiansgenerally credit him with being a man far ahead of his time.
The first position of prominence held by Balmaceda, except as a member of Congress, was in the cabinet of President Santa Maria. Educated for the priesthood, he had been saved from that career by the opposition of his father, and later he became one of the most radical opponents of the Church, and one of the leaders in the fight for the separation of Church and State, which had been carried on during the term of his predecessor. He had been one of the most active and influential advocates of the radical programs of thereformistas. At the time of Balmaceda’s election the country was divided into no less than six different parties, ranging from the fiercest radicals to the most conservative churchmen. The civil marriage law, which had been inaugurated during the term of Santa Maria, as well as some other anti-church legislation, had aroused the opposition of all the clergy. The priests went so far as to refuse to perform a religious ceremony for any one who had been married by civil officers, and had even excommunicated the President and his cabinet who supported that measure. The women, whowere especially under the domination of the priests, used all of their influence in opposition to the new marriage law. Nevertheless, with all of this opposition, ladies’ entreaties and priests’ absolution could not prevent the election of Balmaceda, who was chosen by a coalition of the radical elements, even though they were somewhat loosely cohered.
Balmaceda took the reins of government at an exceedingly unfortunate period. I have already had occasion to state the predominating influence of Congress in the government, and the possibilities it gave for an obstinate Congress to embarrass the President. It had become one of the unwritten laws that the resignation of a ministry should follow an adverse vote on any measure. In other words a ministry could only hold office when it represented a majority in Congress. As no power was given the President to dissolve that body when an adverse majority existed, so that an appeal might be made to the country, the President was greatly hampered. The last year of Santa Maria’s administration had brought about a serious condition of affairs. Violent scenes were enacted in Congress in the fight between the supporters of the Presidentand his opponents. The revenue and appropriation bills had expired, and a filibuster on the part of the opposition had prevented new ones from being enacted.
It was at this crisis that Balmaceda was inaugurated. He faced the situation courageously, and proceeded to collect the taxes and pay the expenses in accordance with the provisions of the expired law. This situation was accepted by the country, for a prosperity had fallen upon Chile such as the country had never known. In spite of reckless expenditures the revenues from the nitrate fields, which had been taken from Peru, mounted up so rapidly that the surplus soon reached immense sums. Mining industries of all kinds were exceedingly flourishing. Balmaceda, who was both clever and capable, as well as sincere, entered upon a campaign to educate the people, and no less than fifteen hundred public schools were established by him. Hospitals, health offices, fire brigades and other progressive institutions were aided liberally. Many public works, including railways and colonization schemes, were fostered, salaries were raised, and the Araucanian Indians were admitted as citizens of the republic. New election laws werepassed, which had for their purpose the development of real democratic government.
Nevertheless beneath the outward prosperity a smouldering fire was burning. The slogan of Balmaceda “Chile for the Chileans” aroused the opposition of foreign interests. The reduction of ecclesiastical fees and stipends, and the enforcement of the civil marriage law, kept the opposition of the clergy alive. The jealousy of the old families, who had heretofore been supreme in the government, to the new democratic measures advocated by Balmaceda were aroused. Furthermore the election of Balmaceda was really not by a party, but the result of a temporary coalition of three discordant elements. By 1889 Balmaceda had succeeded in arousing the enmity of practically all the parties. The progressive elements had split into nationals, liberals, dissentient-liberals and radicals. Continual changes in his cabinet followed, and one group was substituted for another every few months. It had been the ambition of Balmaceda to unite all the liberal elements into one party, but in this he had signally failed.
Balmaceda soon found himself without amajority in Congress, and with no prospect of securing one. Heretofore a majority had sometimes been acquired by the trading of votes among the different factions in exchange for a share of patronage. Even this method no longer availed. The idea gradually became prevalent that the President was plotting to build up a strong personal following, in order to establish a dictatorship and replace with it the power of Congress. Circumstances, as much as anything else, practically forced Balmaceda into this position. He believed in himself and his own motives, and the selfishness of the different liberal groups irritated him. All of this turmoil was galling to a man of the character of Balmaceda. Reformation of various evils was his aim, but he found himself thwarted at every turn. He soon grasped the fact that if he could control Congress, he could settle the vexed questions which, in his opinion, retarded the development of his country. Furthermore, he gave a wider interpretation to the constitution in relation to the powers of the executive than did the legislative body.
Congress finally refused to pass appropriation bills or vote supplies for the army, and, in retaliation, Balmaceda dissolved Congress,which he claimed he had a right to do under the constitution of 1833. In January, 1890, he appointed a cabinet composed exclusively of personal followers, and these new ministers announced that they would hold office so long as they were satisfactory to the President, regardless of Congress. A definite rupture was inevitable, for the breach had become so wide that temporizing was impossible. Balmaceda must either resign or assume dictatorial powers. He chose the latter.
TheComision Conservada, which safeguards the interests of Congress when that body is not in session, demanded that that body be convoked. Balmaceda ignored the request. A mass meeting in Santiago denounced the President. The opposition finally became so bold that ajuntawas formed, of which Captain Jorge Montt, a naval officer, was the head. The particular charges made by the revolutionists were that the President had no right to maintain any military forces after the appropriations for its support were exhausted. Balmaceda retaliated with a proclamation that he would follow the precedent established when he came into office, would collect taxes and maintain the public service by executive authorityuntil the assembling of the next Congress. He expressly disclaimed any intention of establishing a dictatorship, but refused to allow Congress to interfere with the executive functions of the government. As neither party would recede actual war soon followed.
Through the influence of Captain Montt the entire navy, with the exception of a couple of torpedo boats, adhered to the revolutionists. On the night of January 6th, 1891, the Vice-President of the Senate and the President of the Chamber of Deputies embarked on theBlanco Encaladawith Captain Montt, and the revolution was begun. A cargo of war material designed for the government was captured and the naval stores at Talcahuana seized. On the 10th a skirmish occurred between the shore batteries at Valparaiso and some boats of the navy, and in this engagement the first blood in this civil war was shed. From this time events moved forward with great rapidity. The majority of the aristocracy espoused the cause of the revolutionists, and this move had great influence. Although several attempts were made to produce mutiny among the troops they remained loyal to Balmaceda.
The disaffection of the entire navy was both a surprise and disappointment to Balmaceda, but he immediately placed the army on a war footing and increased their pay. A reward of two years pay was offered to the crew of any man-of-war if the vessel deserted the revolutionary cause, but this inducement had no effect. Balmaceda placed the troops in several parts of the country, where he thought they would be most useful in defense. The natural conditions of Chile, however, hindered him. As the revolutionists had control of the sea, it was impossible for Balmaceda to relieve the small garrisons at Iquique, Antofagasta and Pisagua, the nitrate ports. The revolutionists, after a few short skirmishes, obtained possession of these places. Pisagua fell first, and a couple of bloody battles were fought for its possession and then recovery. The troops at Iquique were withdrawn to resist the land forces, and marines were landed who captured it.