[19]With Gen. Richard Butler, who was killed in the final battle, second in command.––R. G. T.
With Gen. Richard Butler, who was killed in the final battle, second in command.––R. G. T.
[20]Early in September, 1791. St. Clair had 2,000 men, fifty per cent less than had been promised him by the war department.––R. G. T.
Early in September, 1791. St. Clair had 2,000 men, fifty per cent less than had been promised him by the war department.––R. G. T.
[21]Fort Hamilton, a stockade with four bastions, was on the Big Miami, 24 miles from Fort Washington (Cincinnati), on the site of the present Hamilton, O. Fort Jefferson, built of logs laid horizontally, was six miles south of the present Greenville, O. The army left Fort Jefferson, October 24.––R. G. T.
Fort Hamilton, a stockade with four bastions, was on the Big Miami, 24 miles from Fort Washington (Cincinnati), on the site of the present Hamilton, O. Fort Jefferson, built of logs laid horizontally, was six miles south of the present Greenville, O. The army left Fort Jefferson, October 24.––R. G. T.
[22]The army then numbered 1,400 men, and was encamped at the site of the present Fort Recovery, O., 55 miles away, as the crow flies, from the head of the Maumee, the objective point of the expedition.––R. G. T.
The army then numbered 1,400 men, and was encamped at the site of the present Fort Recovery, O., 55 miles away, as the crow flies, from the head of the Maumee, the objective point of the expedition.––R. G. T.
[23]He lay sick in his tent, when the action opened, but arose and acted with remarkable courage throughout the fight. General Butler was acting commandant while St. Clair was ill, and was credibly informed by his scouts, the night before the battle, of the proximity of the enemy. But he took no precautions against surprise, neither did he communicate his news to his superior. Upon Butler’s head appears to rest much of the blame for the disaster.––R. G. T.
He lay sick in his tent, when the action opened, but arose and acted with remarkable courage throughout the fight. General Butler was acting commandant while St. Clair was ill, and was credibly informed by his scouts, the night before the battle, of the proximity of the enemy. But he took no precautions against surprise, neither did he communicate his news to his superior. Upon Butler’s head appears to rest much of the blame for the disaster.––R. G. T.
[24]The Americans lost 37 officers and 593 men, killed and missing, and 31 officers and 252 men, wounded. SeeSt. Clair Papers, edited by William Henry Smith (Cincinnati: Robert Clarke & Co., 1882), for official details of the disaster. For Simon Girty’s part, consult Butterfield’sHistory of the Girtys, passim.––R. G. T.
The Americans lost 37 officers and 593 men, killed and missing, and 31 officers and 252 men, wounded. SeeSt. Clair Papers, edited by William Henry Smith (Cincinnati: Robert Clarke & Co., 1882), for official details of the disaster. For Simon Girty’s part, consult Butterfield’sHistory of the Girtys, passim.––R. G. T.
[25]St. Clair arrived at Fort Washington, on his return, November 8––R. G. T.
St. Clair arrived at Fort Washington, on his return, November 8––R. G. T.
[26]This expedition under Gen. Charles Scott, one of the Kentucky committee of safety, was made in June, 1791, against the Miami and Wabash Indians. It was followed in August by a second expedition under Gen. James Wilkinson. In the course of the second campaign, at the head of 500 Kentuckians, Wilkinson laid waste the Miami village of L’Anguille, killing and capturing 42 of the savages.––R. G. T.
This expedition under Gen. Charles Scott, one of the Kentucky committee of safety, was made in June, 1791, against the Miami and Wabash Indians. It was followed in August by a second expedition under Gen. James Wilkinson. In the course of the second campaign, at the head of 500 Kentuckians, Wilkinson laid waste the Miami village of L’Anguille, killing and capturing 42 of the savages.––R. G. T.
Footnotes for Chapter 18
[1]Drake, inAboriginal Races of North America(15th ed.), p. 616, cites the Waggoner massacre as “the first exploit in which we find Tecumseh engaged.” L. V. McWhorter sends me this interesting note, giving the local tradition regarding the affair: “John Waggoner lived on Jesse’s Run, more than two miles above its junction with Hacker’s Creek. While engaged in burning logs in his clearing, he was sitting upon a log, with a handspike lying across his lap. It was thought that Tecumseh mistook this tool for a gun, and was nervous. But three in number, the Indians had entered the district with some trepidation. Over Sunday, while the settlers were holding religious services in West’s Fort, the savages lay in a neighboring ravine. The dogs of the settlement barked furiously at them, and ran toward their hiding place, trying to lead their masters; but the latter supposed that the animals had merely scented wolves, hence paid no attention to them. Tecumseh was but thirty paces from Waggoner when he fired, and it is singular that he missed, for the latter was a large man and in fair view. Waggoner sprang up and started for his cabin, a short distance only, but when about fifteen yards away saw an Indian chasing one of the children around the house. Waggoner was unarmed; his gun was in the house, but he feared to enter, so ran for help to the cabin of Hardman, a neighbor. But Hardman was out hunting, and there was no gun left there. The screams of his family were now plainly heard by Waggoner, and he was with difficulty restrained from rushing back to help them, unarmed. Jesse Hughes carried the news into the fort, and a rescue party at once set out. Mrs. Waggoner and her three youngest children had been carried across the ridge to where is now Rev. Mansfield McWhorter’s farm, on McKenley’s Run, and here they were tomahawked and scalped. Henry McWhorter helped to carry the bodies to the fort, but made no mention of their being ‘mangled in the most barbarous and shocking manner.’”The boy Peter, then eight years old, remained with the Indians for twenty years. The manner of his return, as related to me by Mr. McWhorter, was singular, and furnishes an interesting and instructive romance of the border. One Baker, one of John Waggoner’s neighbors, went to Ohio to “squat,” and on Paint Creek saw Peter with a band of Indians, recognizing him by the strong family resemblance. Baker at once wrote to the elder Waggoner, telling him of his discovery, and the latter soon visited the Paint Creek band, with a view to inducing his son to return home. But Peter was loth to go. He was united to a squaw, and by her had two children. In tears, she bitterly opposed his going. When finally he yielded to parental appeals, he promised her he would soon be back again. When the time for his return to the forest came, his relatives kept him under guard; when it had passed, he was afraid to return to his Indian relatives, having broken his word. Gradually he became reconciled in a measure to his new surroundings, but was ever melancholy, frequently lamenting that he had left his savage family. “Some time after his return to civilization,” continues McWhorter, “an Indian woman, supposed to be his wife, passed through the Hacker Creek settlements, inquiring for Peter, and going on toward the East. She appeared to be demented, and sang snatches of savage songs. Peter never knew of her presence, nor would any one inform her of his whereabouts. He was reticent about his life among the Indians, and no details of that feature of his career became known to his white friends.”Tecumseh, who is said to have been born on Hacker’s Creek, possibly at a village near the mouth of Jesse’s Run, visited the white settlements there, after the peace, and told the whites of his experiences in connection with the Waggoner massacre.––R. G. T.
Drake, inAboriginal Races of North America(15th ed.), p. 616, cites the Waggoner massacre as “the first exploit in which we find Tecumseh engaged.” L. V. McWhorter sends me this interesting note, giving the local tradition regarding the affair: “John Waggoner lived on Jesse’s Run, more than two miles above its junction with Hacker’s Creek. While engaged in burning logs in his clearing, he was sitting upon a log, with a handspike lying across his lap. It was thought that Tecumseh mistook this tool for a gun, and was nervous. But three in number, the Indians had entered the district with some trepidation. Over Sunday, while the settlers were holding religious services in West’s Fort, the savages lay in a neighboring ravine. The dogs of the settlement barked furiously at them, and ran toward their hiding place, trying to lead their masters; but the latter supposed that the animals had merely scented wolves, hence paid no attention to them. Tecumseh was but thirty paces from Waggoner when he fired, and it is singular that he missed, for the latter was a large man and in fair view. Waggoner sprang up and started for his cabin, a short distance only, but when about fifteen yards away saw an Indian chasing one of the children around the house. Waggoner was unarmed; his gun was in the house, but he feared to enter, so ran for help to the cabin of Hardman, a neighbor. But Hardman was out hunting, and there was no gun left there. The screams of his family were now plainly heard by Waggoner, and he was with difficulty restrained from rushing back to help them, unarmed. Jesse Hughes carried the news into the fort, and a rescue party at once set out. Mrs. Waggoner and her three youngest children had been carried across the ridge to where is now Rev. Mansfield McWhorter’s farm, on McKenley’s Run, and here they were tomahawked and scalped. Henry McWhorter helped to carry the bodies to the fort, but made no mention of their being ‘mangled in the most barbarous and shocking manner.’”
The boy Peter, then eight years old, remained with the Indians for twenty years. The manner of his return, as related to me by Mr. McWhorter, was singular, and furnishes an interesting and instructive romance of the border. One Baker, one of John Waggoner’s neighbors, went to Ohio to “squat,” and on Paint Creek saw Peter with a band of Indians, recognizing him by the strong family resemblance. Baker at once wrote to the elder Waggoner, telling him of his discovery, and the latter soon visited the Paint Creek band, with a view to inducing his son to return home. But Peter was loth to go. He was united to a squaw, and by her had two children. In tears, she bitterly opposed his going. When finally he yielded to parental appeals, he promised her he would soon be back again. When the time for his return to the forest came, his relatives kept him under guard; when it had passed, he was afraid to return to his Indian relatives, having broken his word. Gradually he became reconciled in a measure to his new surroundings, but was ever melancholy, frequently lamenting that he had left his savage family. “Some time after his return to civilization,” continues McWhorter, “an Indian woman, supposed to be his wife, passed through the Hacker Creek settlements, inquiring for Peter, and going on toward the East. She appeared to be demented, and sang snatches of savage songs. Peter never knew of her presence, nor would any one inform her of his whereabouts. He was reticent about his life among the Indians, and no details of that feature of his career became known to his white friends.”
Tecumseh, who is said to have been born on Hacker’s Creek, possibly at a village near the mouth of Jesse’s Run, visited the white settlements there, after the peace, and told the whites of his experiences in connection with the Waggoner massacre.––R. G. T.
[2]It must be acknowledged that many of these militia forays against the Indians partook of the nature of buccaneering. The spoils were often considerable. Clark, in his Kaskaskia campaign (1778), captured so much booty, in property and slaves, that he declares his men were made “almost rich.”––R. G. T.
It must be acknowledged that many of these militia forays against the Indians partook of the nature of buccaneering. The spoils were often considerable. Clark, in his Kaskaskia campaign (1778), captured so much booty, in property and slaves, that he declares his men were made “almost rich.”––R. G. T.
[3]In the spring of 1792, Major Trueman, Colonel Hardin, and Mr. Freeman were dispatched from Fort Washington by different routes, to open peace negotiations, but they were murdered by the savages. Gen. Rufus Putnam, aided by Hekewelder, the Moravian, succeeded in binding the Wabash and Illinois Indians to keep the peace. Later, Benjamin Lincoln, Timothy Pickering, and Beverly Randolph were ordered by the president to go to the Maumee to conclude a general treaty which Indians had declared their willingness to enter into. But the commissioners were detained at Niagara by sham conferences with Gov. John Graves Simcoe, of Canada, until the middle of July, when the Indians sent them word that unless they would in advance “agree that the Ohio shall remain the boundary between us,” the proposed “meeting would be altogether unnecessary.” The commissioners declined to accept this ultimatum, and returned home. Meanwhile, General Wayne was prosecuting preparations for an active campaign against the hostiles.––R. G. T.
In the spring of 1792, Major Trueman, Colonel Hardin, and Mr. Freeman were dispatched from Fort Washington by different routes, to open peace negotiations, but they were murdered by the savages. Gen. Rufus Putnam, aided by Hekewelder, the Moravian, succeeded in binding the Wabash and Illinois Indians to keep the peace. Later, Benjamin Lincoln, Timothy Pickering, and Beverly Randolph were ordered by the president to go to the Maumee to conclude a general treaty which Indians had declared their willingness to enter into. But the commissioners were detained at Niagara by sham conferences with Gov. John Graves Simcoe, of Canada, until the middle of July, when the Indians sent them word that unless they would in advance “agree that the Ohio shall remain the boundary between us,” the proposed “meeting would be altogether unnecessary.” The commissioners declined to accept this ultimatum, and returned home. Meanwhile, General Wayne was prosecuting preparations for an active campaign against the hostiles.––R. G. T.
[4]On a plain near the old French-Indian-English trading village, called Logstown (just below the present Economy, Pa., on the north side of the Ohio, 18 miles below Pittsburg), Wayne’s army lay encamped from November, 1792, to April 30, 1793. The army was fancifully called the “Legion of the United States,” and the camp was known as Legionville. From here, Wayne proceeded to Cincinnati, and took up his headquarters in Fort Washington.––R. G. T.
On a plain near the old French-Indian-English trading village, called Logstown (just below the present Economy, Pa., on the north side of the Ohio, 18 miles below Pittsburg), Wayne’s army lay encamped from November, 1792, to April 30, 1793. The army was fancifully called the “Legion of the United States,” and the camp was known as Legionville. From here, Wayne proceeded to Cincinnati, and took up his headquarters in Fort Washington.––R. G. T.
[5]Fishing Creek enters the Ohio 128 miles below Pittsburgh. At its mouth is now the town of New Martinsville, W. Va.––R. G. T.
Fishing Creek enters the Ohio 128 miles below Pittsburgh. At its mouth is now the town of New Martinsville, W. Va.––R. G. T.
[6]This was an expedition made by Gen. James Wilkinson, second in command under Wayne, in December, 1793. He marched to the field from Fort Washington at the head of a thousand men, and left a garrison at the new fort.––R. G. T.
This was an expedition made by Gen. James Wilkinson, second in command under Wayne, in December, 1793. He marched to the field from Fort Washington at the head of a thousand men, and left a garrison at the new fort.––R. G. T.
[7]McWhorter says that the capture of the Cozad boys took place at the mouth of Lanson Run, near Berlin, W. Va. The boy who was killed was but six years of age; crying for his mother, an Indian grasped him by the heels and cracked his head against a tree,––a favorite method of murdering white children, among Indian war parties. “Jacob yelled once, after starting with the Indians, but was knocked down by a gun in the hands of one of the savages. When he came to his senses, a squaw was dragging him up hill by one foot. He remained with the Indians for about two years, being adopted into a chief’s family. He died in 1862, in his eighty-ninth year.”––R. G. T.
McWhorter says that the capture of the Cozad boys took place at the mouth of Lanson Run, near Berlin, W. Va. The boy who was killed was but six years of age; crying for his mother, an Indian grasped him by the heels and cracked his head against a tree,––a favorite method of murdering white children, among Indian war parties. “Jacob yelled once, after starting with the Indians, but was knocked down by a gun in the hands of one of the savages. When he came to his senses, a squaw was dragging him up hill by one foot. He remained with the Indians for about two years, being adopted into a chief’s family. He died in 1862, in his eighty-ninth year.”––R. G. T.
[8]Thirtieth of June.––R. G. T.
Thirtieth of June.––R. G. T.
[9]The white loss, in killed, was 22, including Major McMahon.––R. G. T.
The white loss, in killed, was 22, including Major McMahon.––R. G. T.
[10]The force started August 8. Besides the regulars, were about 1,100 mounted Kentucky militia, under Gen. Charles Scott.––R. G. T.
The force started August 8. Besides the regulars, were about 1,100 mounted Kentucky militia, under Gen. Charles Scott.––R. G. T.
[11]Hence the popular name of the engagement, “Battle of Fallen Timbers.”––R. G. T.
Hence the popular name of the engagement, “Battle of Fallen Timbers.”––R. G. T.
[12]Alexander McKee, the renegade, of whom mention has frequently been made in foregoing pages.––R. G. T.
Alexander McKee, the renegade, of whom mention has frequently been made in foregoing pages.––R. G. T.
[13]Later authorities place the white loss at 107, killed and wounded.––R. G. T.
Later authorities place the white loss at 107, killed and wounded.––R. G. T.
431
INDEX.