FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[1]“Dentro dal monte sta dritto un gran veglio,Che tiene volte le spalle inver Damiata,E Roma guarda sì, come suo speglio.”—Dante,Inferno, 14, 101.[2]1 Pet. v. 13; Apocal. xvii. 18, xviii. 2, 20.[3]St. Aug. Epist. 137, ad Volusianum, § 15-16.A.D.412. It is remarkable that Volusian, who held the highest offices in the Roman Empire, and among the rest was Prefect of the City, was not converted either by the genius or the saintliness of Augustine. But more than twenty years after this letter, aboutA.D.435, he was sent on an embassy from the Emperor of the West to the Emperor of the East at Constantinople. His niece, St. Melania the younger, left the seclusion of her monastery at Jerusalem, and travelled all the intervening distance to see him. When he met in the garb of humility and poverty the niece whom he remembered at Rome in all the splendour of youth, rank, and beauty at the head of the Roman nobility, he was so impressed by the force of Christian charity which had wrought such a change, that he was converted and baptized by the Patriarch Proclus, and died shortly afterwards. God did by the sight of the nun what he had not done by the learning of the theologian and the philosopher.[4]The words which Cerialis addressed to the Gauls, as recorded by Tacitus, Hist. 4, 74, apply in all their force to the times when the trans-migration of the northern tribes took effect, four hundred years after they were written. “Octingentorum annorum fortuna disciplinaque compages hæc coaluit, quæ convelli sine exitio convellentium non potest.” And every city of the Roman empire could testify to the truth of what he added: “Sed vobis maximum discrimen penes quos aurum et opes, præcipuæ bellorum causæ.”[5]De Civ. Dei, xvi. 28.[6]Ps. lxxxvi. 5.[7]St. Aug. cont. Faustum, 22, 17. Antiqua enim res est prænuntiativa immolatio sanguinis, futuram passionem Mediatoris ab initio generis humani testificans; hanc enim primus Abel obtulisse in sacris litteris invenitur.[8]Leo XIII., in the great Encyclical of June 29, 1881, says: “It is also of great importance that they by whose authority public affairs are administered may be able to command the obedience of citizens, so that their disobedience is a sin. But no man possesses in himself or of himself the right to constrain the free-will of others by the bonds of such a command as this. That power belongs solely to God, the Creator of all things and the Lawgiver; and those who exercise it must exercise it as communicated to them by God. ‘There is one lawgiver and judge who is able to destroy and to deliver’ (James iv. 12).”[9]Bossuet sums up the state in these six points: Politique, &c. Art. 1.[10]Welsh,i.e., foreigner, not speaking a language understood.[11]St. Augustine.[12]Politique, &c., lib. vii. art. 2.[13]Nägelsbach, Homerische Theologie, 275.[14]See Bianchi, vol. iii. ch. ii.[15]Ἵεροδιδάσκαλοι εἴτε ἱερόνομοι, εἴτε ἱεροφύλακες, εἴτε, ὡς ἡμεῖς ἀξιοῦμεν, ἱεροφάνται. Dionys. Halic., 1. 2.[16]Bianchi, Sect. VI.[17]Bianchi, p. 23.[18]See Die Harmonie des alten und des neuen Testamentes, von Dr. Konrad Martin, p. 190.[19]Philo de Monarchia, lib. 2. Legation to Caius, quoted by Vincenzi, p. 21.[20]Observe in St. Clement’s Epistle how it is assumed as undoubted that bishop, priest, and deacon had succeeded to the three orders of the levitical worship.[21]1 Peter ii. 25; Heb. x. 21, iii. 1, v. 10; Matt. xxiii. 8; Luke xxii. 29; John xx. 21; Matt. xxviii. 20; John xxi. 15.[22]S. Thos. de Reg. Prin., lib. I. c. 14, translated.[23]Taparelli, Saggio teoretico di dritto naturale.[24]Bossuet.[25]See Ephes. iv. 11-16.[26]Bossuet.[27]De Regimine Principis, lib. I. c. xv.[28]Mansi, Collectio Conciliorum, xx. p. 75.[29]I am indebted to Phillipps’ “Kirchenrecht” for this illustration of marriage. It is a work to which I am under many obligations.[30]Contr. Epist. Manichæi, cap. 5, tom. 8, 154.[31]2 Cor. v. 20; Ephes. vi. 19, 20; 2 Cor. iii. 6.[32]1 Cor. iv. 1: ὑπηρέτας χριστοῦ καὶ οἰκονόμους μυστηρίων Θεοῦ.[33]1 Tim. ii. 7; 2 Tim. i. 11.[34]Isaias vi. 1; Ezech. iv. 32; Dan. vii. 9.[35]Compare the strikingly similar and almost contemporary passage in the letter of St Ignatius to the Ephesians: “For Jesus Christ, our inseparable life, is the mind of the Father, as also the bishops, appointed throughout the earth, are in the mind of Christ.”[36]Baur, Kirchengeschichte der drei ersten Jahrhunderte, p. 272, remarks, “Nicht ohne Grund hat man daher schon in den Engeln, an welche die den sieben Gemeinden der Apocalypse bestimmten Schreiben gerichtet sind, einen Ausdruck der Episcopatsidee gesehen—da die den sieben Engeln entsprechenden Sterne alle zusammen in der Hand Christi sind, in ihm also ihre Einheit haben, so kann durch den Engel, welchen jede Gemeinde hat, nichts anders ausgedrückt sein, als die Beziehung, die sie mit Christus als dem einen Haupte aller Gemeinden und der ganzen Kirche verknüpft.”[37]“Ideo septem scribi ecclesias ut una Catholica septiformi gratiæ spiritu plena designetur.”—Cornel. a L. in loco.“Wherefore in the Apocalypse the whole Church is represented by the sevenfold number of the Churches.”—St. Greg., 1. B. 23,Morals. on Job. “Propter quod et Johannes Apostolus ad septem scribit ecclesias, eo modo se ostendens ad unius plenitudinem scribere.”—St. Aug. de Civ. Dei, xvii. 4.[38]John xv. 16.[39]Heb. xiii. 20; John x. 11, xxi. 16; Ps. ii. 9: Sept. Matt. ii. 6, in translating Mic. v. 2, where its equivalent is ἄρχοντα τοῦ Ισραὴλ; Apoc. xix. 15; the same word, ποιμαίνειν, is used in all these passages.[40]De Consideratione ad Eugenium Papam, 2, 8.[41]Contra Hæreses, 3, 3.[42]For the date of the epistle, as at the end of the century, see the arguments in the Prolegomena, pp. 22, 23, of Funk’s “Opera Patrum Apostolicorum.”[43]St. Clement to the Corinthians, 37 and following sections, in which I follow generally Dr. Lightfoot’s translation, with a few changes.[44]Ὁ Δεσπότης.[45]προσφορὰς καὶ λειτουργίας, sacrificial terms, belonging to the Holy Eucharist.[46]τὴν λειτουργίαν αὐτῶν.[47]On this passage Bianchi, “Della Potestà e della Politia della Chiesa,” vol. iii. p. 158, remarks: “In oltre era noto a San Girolamo il senso della Chiesa intorno all’ ecclesiastica gerarchia d’ ordine, che ella ne’ tre gradi de’ Vescovi, de’ Preti, e de’ Ministri, ovvero de’ Diaconi, sotto il cui nome altri Ministri inferiori si comprendono, discendeva dal Vecchio Testamento, e da origine divina, cioè dall’ ordine stabilito da Dio nel sommo Sacerdote, ne’ Sacerdoti inferiori, e ne’ Leviti: i quali gradi diversi nella potestà componevano la gerarchia della vecchia Chiesa.” St. Jerome himself says, Ep. 101 ad Evangelum: “Et ut sciamus traditiones Apostolicas sumptas de V. Testamento, quod Aaron et filii ejus atque Levitæ in templo fuerunt, hoc sibi Episcopi et Presbyteri, et Diaconi vindicent in Ecclesia.”[48]καθίοτανον τὰς ἀπαρχὰς αύτῶν, δοκιμάσαντες τῷ πνεύματι, εἰς ἐπισκόπους καὶ διακόνους τῶν μελλόντων πιστεύειν.[49]τῆς λειτουργίας—ἐπισκοπῆς ἀποβαλεῖν.[50]Sections 58, 59.[51]Section 63.[52]Luke x. 16.[53]Irenæus, iii. 1—ἐπειτα Ἰωάννης, ὁ μαθητὴς τοῦ Κυρίου, ὁ καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ στῆθος αὐτοῦ ἀναπεσών καὶ αὐτὸς ἐξέδωκε τὸ ἐυαγγέλιον, ἐν Ἐφέσῳ τῆς Ἀσίας διατρίβων.[54]I note this because Dr. Lightfoot, in his recent edition of St. Clement’s complete letter, not knowing how to meet the very strong proof of the Primacy contained in the newly recovered part, suggests that the Primacy belonged not to the bishop of the Roman Church, but to the Roman Church. This is so total a misstatement of the position held by every bishop in his See as to smack of Presbyterianism. But when he goes on to attribute the Primacy thus located in the Roman Church to a supposed superior sanctity residing in the members of that Church, he would seem to be substituting a pure invention of his own for history.[55]Eusebius, Hist. 2, 3. The words are so specific that it is desirable to give the original: καὶ δῆτα ἀνὰ πάσας πόλεις τε καὶ κώμας πληθυούσης ἅλωνος δίκην μυρίανδροι καὶ παμπλήθεις ἀθρόως ἐκκλησίαι συνεστήκεσαν. The last word indicates the regular formation of a Church, that hierarchical constitution of the bishop, with his attendant ministry, without which, in the words of St. Ignatius, ἐκκλησία ὀυ καλεῖται. I have used Cruse’s translation, altering it occasionally.[56]Lib. iii. 4.[57]Titus i. 5-9.[58]Lib. iii. 37.[59]Eusebius appears to say that the Apostle Peter came to Rome very shortly after he had discomfited Simon Magus in Samaria. See lib. ii. 14.[60]Hist. 2, 25.[61]Eusebius, Hist. 7, 19; and Præp. Evan. lib. 3, towards the end, quoted by Bianchi, 3, 137.[62]Tertullian, De Præscriptione Hæreticorum, 20, 21, Dr. Holmes’ translation, with a word or two altered.[63]Irenæus, 4, 33, 8. The same is set forth with great force in Book 5, 20.[64]Ep. 43, 11: “Nec in illis solis episcopis Afris erat Ecclesia, ut omne judicium ecclesiasticum vitasse viderentur qui se judicio eorum præsentari noluissent. Millia quippe collegarum transmarina restabant, ubi apparebat eos judicari posse, qui videbantur Afros vel Numidas collegas habere suspectos.”[65]St. Hilary on Ps. 14, 3; St. Cyprian, Ep. 52.[66]See Dom Chamard, L’Etablissement du Christianisme, p. 141.[67]Sacerdotes; as ἐκκλησία means a Bishop’s See, sosacerdotesmeant a bishop; that word in the language of the day signified the bishop who presided in each Church, pre-eminently theSacerdos, as offering the Sacrifice of the Altar. See Coustant. Rom. Pont. Epist., p. 856.[68]Orat. 17, 8; Ep. 224, Africano.[69]ἀρχή. Bianchi, 3, 475.[70]See Bianchi, 3, 484.[71]Irenæus, 3, 4.[72]Hist., 4, 7, speaking of the time of Hadrian and the Gnostic heresies.[73]St. Cyprian, De Unit. Ecc. 4, and Epis. 52.[74]De Marca, De Concordia Sacerdotii et Imperii, lib. 6, 1.[75]St. Leo I., Ep. 14.[76]De Unitate Ecclesiæ, 4.[77]Ps. xliv. 17.[78]Cont. Epist. Manichæi, 5.[79]θεία τις καὶ ἄμαχος δύναμις τοῦ ταῦτα προειποντος καὶ τελέσαντος.—St. Chrysostom, tom. i. p. 579.[80]Against the Jews and Gentiles to demonstrate that Christ is God, tom. i. p. 558, and pp. 574, 577, 578.[81]The contrast is marked in the original by totally distinct words, which the rendering both by the same wordaltarwould efface: 1. βωμοὺς, altars of the religion with bloody sacrifices; 2. θυσιαστήρια, which are altars whereon the Unbloody Sacrifice is offered.[82]“A quibus traducem fidei et semina doctrinæ cæteræ exinde ecclesiæ mutuatæ sunt.”Tradux, the vine branch carried along above the ground from the parent stem, so that there is but one tree. Tertullian, De Præscrip. Hæret. 20.[83]Franzelin, De Verbo Incarnato, p. 520.[84]Plato, Euthyphron, 14.[85]Nägelsbach, Homerische Theologie, 207; Id., Nachhomerische Theologie, 193.[86]The Banquet, p. 188e.[87]Lasaulx, Die Sühnopfer (extracts from), pp. 234-270.[88]προηρόσια.[89]προχαριστήρια.[90]3, 12.[91]Ruinart, Acta Martyrum, pp. 350 and 527.[92]Contr. Faustum, l. 22, s. 17, tom. viii. 370.[93]S. Tho. contr. Gentilis, 3, 120.[94]Agamemnon, 1520.[95]The above account of human sacrifices is drawn from Lasaulx’s treatise, pp. 237-255. He gives a profusion of examples, with their references in ancient authors.[96]Luke xxii. 20; John vi. 52.[97]See Council of Trent, sess. 22, cap. i.[98]1 Cor. xi. 26.[99]Acts ii. 46.[100]John iii. 16.[101]Council of Trent, sess. 22, cap. ii.[102]Justin. Apol. i. 66.[103]Franzelin, De SS. Eucharistiæ Sacramento et Sacrificio, p. 81.[104]Eusebius Cæs.: περὶ τῆς τοῦ Πάσχα ἑορτῆς, cap. 7.[105]Heb. ii. 12.[106]Franzelin, De SS. Eucharistiæ Sacramento, p. 111.[107]S. Chrys. Hom. in Joan, 46, c. 3, tom. viii. 272.[108]St. Aug. De Civitate Dei, lib. 10, c. 6 and 20.[109]S. Chrys. 16 Hom. on the Hebrews, tom. xii. p. 168.[110]Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς, Θεοῦ Υιὸς, Σωτήρ = Ἰχθύς.[111]Zach. vi. 13.[112]τό ἄμαχον γένος, St. Chrys., above quoted.[113]See Hagemann, Die römische Kirche, p. 558.[114]Bianchi, vol. iii. pp. 120, 121.[115]Aug. l. iv. De Bapt. c. Donat. cap. ult. (B. 120 note).[116]Innocent. Ep. 18, c. 1.[117]S. Greg. I., 1. 6, Ep. 39; 8, Ep. 35.[118]Bianchi, 3, 137.[119]Bianchi, 3, 136.[120]The Council of Antioch, in the year 341, almost repeats this canon, and lays it down as of universal application.[121]Bianchi, 3, 132.[122]The following paragraph is a translation from Cardinal Hergenröther’s History, vol. i. pp. 196, 197, sec. 228.[123]Bianchi, 3, 468; quoting the constitution of Pope John XXII.[124]Bianchi, 3, 440. The wordSacerdosis here used as the proper appellation of the bishop in his diocese by Cyprian, Ep. 57, according to the usage in the third century, as the wordEcclesiaindicates the diocese; the argument being that if complete obedience were rendered to the bishop in the diocese, there would be complete peace in the whole Church ruled by the Collegium of Bishops.[125]This paragraph translated from Bianchi, 3, 445.[126]Bianchi, 3, 457, 458; St. Augustine in Ps. cxviii.[127]Bianchi, 3, 474, 475.[128]Bianchi, 3, 444; Apostol. Canon, 66 and 74.[129]Bianchi, 3, 500, translated.[130]Bianchi, 3, 485, translated.[131]1 Cor. ix. 14.[132]Bianchi, 3, 526, 527.[133]1 Cor. xvi. 1.[134]Bianchi, 3, 536, translated.[135]1 Cor. xi. 22.[136]An incident mentioned of Alexander Severus.[137]John xx. 30, xxi. 25, xvi. 12.[138]Renaudot, Dissertatio de Liturgiarum Orientalium Origine et Auctoritate, p. li.[139]St. Cœlestini, Ep. 21, Coustant, p. 493. The part quoted is supposed to have been added to St. Cœlestine’s letter (which refers to the death of St. Augustine as having just happened) a little later, but was always joined with it afterwards from the beginning of the sixth century.[140]Franzelin, De Traditione, Thesis vii. p. 49.[141]Translated from Franzelin, Tractatus da Traditione Divina et Scriptura, pp. 50-53, down to “The Teaching Office.”[142]As,e.g., Rom. xvi. 17; 1 Cor. vii. 17, xi. 23, xiv. 33, xv. 12; 2 Cor. i. 18; Gal. i. 18; Phil. iv. 9; Colos. ii. 6, 7; 1 Thess. iv. 2; 2 Thess. ii. 14; 2 Tim. ii. 2; Heb. ii. 3, referred to by Franzelin, but especially Ephes. iv. 11-16, which is of itself sufficient to decide the whole question.[143]St. Irenæus, iii. 24.[144]See Franzelin, De Traditione, p. 134.[145]Corpus Christianorum: τὸ ἔθνος Χριστιανὸν.[146]παρέδοσαν, in which is signified that the whole was a παράδοσις,traditio, delivery. On the two meanings of the wordtradition, the one the unwritten word of God, the other the whole doctrine of salvation as handed down by the Fathers, see Kleutgen’s Theologie der Vorzeit, tom. i. p. 73, and v. p. 405.[147]ὑπήρεται τοῦ λόγου.[148]Origen was followed by his pupil Heraclas; then the great Dionysius, afterwards bishop; Pierius, Achillas, Theognostus, Serapion, Peter the Martyr (Reischl in Möhler, i. 377).[149]τέλειοι; ἀκροώμενοι, oraudientes; γονυκλίνοντες or εὐχόμενοι;competentes,electi, or φωτιζόμενοι. Bingham, Antiq., B. x.; Suicer, Thes. in verb. κατηχέω.[150]Newman’s Arians, pp. 45, 46.[151]See upon this use of the Creed, Möhler, Kirchengeschichte, i. 343-347.[152]Sermon 212.[153]On this subject see Newman’s Arians, pp. 137-142.[154]As St. Irenæus says, 3, 24, and Origen, Contr. Celsus, 6, 48.[155]See Kleutgen’s Theologie der Vorzeit, v. 404-409.[156]Ibid., pp. 395-404.[157]For which see Franzelin, De Traditione, pp. 228-237.[158]Baur observes, p. 432: “Erst die Regierung Nero’s führte auf ihrer würdigen Weise die Christen in die Geschichte ein.”[159]Tertullian, Apol. 21.[160]Matt. xxiii. 34-36.[161]Joseph. Antiq., viii. 8; Tacitus, Hist. i. 22.[162]Baur remarks, p. 433: “Die neronische Verfolgung war der erste Anfang alles dessen, was das Christenthum von dem römischen Staat, so lange er keine andere Ansicht von ihm hatte, bei jeder Gelegenheit auf’s Neue erwarten musste.”[163]μαρτυρήσας ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων.—St. Clem. 5.[164]2 Cor. xi. 24.[165]Tertullian, Ad Nationes, 14, translation in Clarke’s edition.[166]Acts xxi. 20.[167]See Schwane, Dogmengeschichte, i. 68.[168]Tertull. Apol., 5.[169]Matt. x. 16.[170]See this learnedly brought out by Hagemann in his introduction to “Die römische Kirche.”[171]See Stöckl, Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Philosophie, p. 244.[172]2 Peter ii. 14.[173]Möhler, Patrologie, p. 51.[174]See Möhler, Patrologie, p. 423.[175]Heinrich, Dogmatische Theologie, i. 71.[176]Ibid., i. 70.[177]Newman, Causes of Success of Arianism, pp. 215, 216.[178]Newman, Notes on St. Athanasius, pp. 51, 261, 264, 452, 250, 247, 150, 82, 312.[179]Newman, “Causes of the Rise and Successes of Arianism,” p. 252, a treatise which I have found a storehouse of information respecting the Church of the first three centuries.[180]Magisterio.[181]Mansi, tom. ii. pp. 469-477.[182]See Josephus, Jud. Antiq., l. 18, c. 4.[183]See St. Basil, Ep. 141.[184]For instances, see the utmost incredible account in De Civitate Dei vi. 9; and, again, Clement of Alexandria, Cohortatio, p. 81 (Potter’s ed.); what I have said is in exact accordance with St. Athanasius, de Inc. Verbi, sec. 46.[185]A fragment of this apology is preserved for us in Eusebius’ History, iv. 26.[186]1 Cor. xv. 6.[187]As Baur, Die drei ersten Jahrhunderte, p. 464, attests.[188]St. Greg. I Epist. xi. 66.[189]Irenæus, iv. 33, 9.[190]Eusebius, Hist., v. 1.[191]Clement, Strom., ii. 20, p. 494, τοὺς γνωστικοὺς, τοὺς τοῦ κόσμου μειζονας.[192]Apologeticus, cap. 12.[193]1 Cor. i. 17, ii. 9.[194]See Schwane, Dogmengeschichte, i. 557.[195]Panegyric of the Martyrs by the Deacon Constantine.[196]Clement of Alex., Cohortatio, sec. 10, p. 85. It might be fruitful to compare the view of the world taken by the Christian Clement with that taken by the pessimist Schopenhauer.[197]The words inserted seem here to have fallen out of the text.[198]Clement of Alex., Strom. vi., at the end.[199]Tertullian, Apology, 50; Edinburgh translation.[200]Cont. Cels., 1, 67; 2, 48; 2, 79; 1, 46; 8, 47; Edinburgh translation.[201]Irenæus, 2, 32.[202]Athanasius, De Incarnatione Verbi Dei, c. 46-48.[203]Gieseler, i. 208.[204]As admitted by Friedländer, Sittengeschichte Roms., iii. 458, 459, and see the argument of Celsus in Origen, 8, 45.[205]On Psalm xxxvi. 3.[206]St. Thomas, Cont. Gent., 3, 99.[207]St. Cyprian, Ep. 8.[208]Sermon 281.[209]St. Thomas, Contra Gent., 1, 6.[210]Constantine’s letter to the Church of Alexandria, recorded by Socrates, Hist. 1, 9.

[1]“Dentro dal monte sta dritto un gran veglio,Che tiene volte le spalle inver Damiata,E Roma guarda sì, come suo speglio.”—Dante,Inferno, 14, 101.

[1]

“Dentro dal monte sta dritto un gran veglio,Che tiene volte le spalle inver Damiata,E Roma guarda sì, come suo speglio.”—Dante,Inferno, 14, 101.

“Dentro dal monte sta dritto un gran veglio,Che tiene volte le spalle inver Damiata,E Roma guarda sì, come suo speglio.”

—Dante,Inferno, 14, 101.

[2]1 Pet. v. 13; Apocal. xvii. 18, xviii. 2, 20.

[3]St. Aug. Epist. 137, ad Volusianum, § 15-16.A.D.412. It is remarkable that Volusian, who held the highest offices in the Roman Empire, and among the rest was Prefect of the City, was not converted either by the genius or the saintliness of Augustine. But more than twenty years after this letter, aboutA.D.435, he was sent on an embassy from the Emperor of the West to the Emperor of the East at Constantinople. His niece, St. Melania the younger, left the seclusion of her monastery at Jerusalem, and travelled all the intervening distance to see him. When he met in the garb of humility and poverty the niece whom he remembered at Rome in all the splendour of youth, rank, and beauty at the head of the Roman nobility, he was so impressed by the force of Christian charity which had wrought such a change, that he was converted and baptized by the Patriarch Proclus, and died shortly afterwards. God did by the sight of the nun what he had not done by the learning of the theologian and the philosopher.

[4]The words which Cerialis addressed to the Gauls, as recorded by Tacitus, Hist. 4, 74, apply in all their force to the times when the trans-migration of the northern tribes took effect, four hundred years after they were written. “Octingentorum annorum fortuna disciplinaque compages hæc coaluit, quæ convelli sine exitio convellentium non potest.” And every city of the Roman empire could testify to the truth of what he added: “Sed vobis maximum discrimen penes quos aurum et opes, præcipuæ bellorum causæ.”

[5]De Civ. Dei, xvi. 28.

[6]Ps. lxxxvi. 5.

[7]St. Aug. cont. Faustum, 22, 17. Antiqua enim res est prænuntiativa immolatio sanguinis, futuram passionem Mediatoris ab initio generis humani testificans; hanc enim primus Abel obtulisse in sacris litteris invenitur.

[8]Leo XIII., in the great Encyclical of June 29, 1881, says: “It is also of great importance that they by whose authority public affairs are administered may be able to command the obedience of citizens, so that their disobedience is a sin. But no man possesses in himself or of himself the right to constrain the free-will of others by the bonds of such a command as this. That power belongs solely to God, the Creator of all things and the Lawgiver; and those who exercise it must exercise it as communicated to them by God. ‘There is one lawgiver and judge who is able to destroy and to deliver’ (James iv. 12).”

[9]Bossuet sums up the state in these six points: Politique, &c. Art. 1.

[10]Welsh,i.e., foreigner, not speaking a language understood.

[11]St. Augustine.

[12]Politique, &c., lib. vii. art. 2.

[13]Nägelsbach, Homerische Theologie, 275.

[14]See Bianchi, vol. iii. ch. ii.

[15]Ἵεροδιδάσκαλοι εἴτε ἱερόνομοι, εἴτε ἱεροφύλακες, εἴτε, ὡς ἡμεῖς ἀξιοῦμεν, ἱεροφάνται. Dionys. Halic., 1. 2.

[16]Bianchi, Sect. VI.

[17]Bianchi, p. 23.

[18]See Die Harmonie des alten und des neuen Testamentes, von Dr. Konrad Martin, p. 190.

[19]Philo de Monarchia, lib. 2. Legation to Caius, quoted by Vincenzi, p. 21.

[20]Observe in St. Clement’s Epistle how it is assumed as undoubted that bishop, priest, and deacon had succeeded to the three orders of the levitical worship.

[21]1 Peter ii. 25; Heb. x. 21, iii. 1, v. 10; Matt. xxiii. 8; Luke xxii. 29; John xx. 21; Matt. xxviii. 20; John xxi. 15.

[22]S. Thos. de Reg. Prin., lib. I. c. 14, translated.

[23]Taparelli, Saggio teoretico di dritto naturale.

[24]Bossuet.

[25]See Ephes. iv. 11-16.

[26]Bossuet.

[27]De Regimine Principis, lib. I. c. xv.

[28]Mansi, Collectio Conciliorum, xx. p. 75.

[29]I am indebted to Phillipps’ “Kirchenrecht” for this illustration of marriage. It is a work to which I am under many obligations.

[30]Contr. Epist. Manichæi, cap. 5, tom. 8, 154.

[31]2 Cor. v. 20; Ephes. vi. 19, 20; 2 Cor. iii. 6.

[32]1 Cor. iv. 1: ὑπηρέτας χριστοῦ καὶ οἰκονόμους μυστηρίων Θεοῦ.

[33]1 Tim. ii. 7; 2 Tim. i. 11.

[34]Isaias vi. 1; Ezech. iv. 32; Dan. vii. 9.

[35]Compare the strikingly similar and almost contemporary passage in the letter of St Ignatius to the Ephesians: “For Jesus Christ, our inseparable life, is the mind of the Father, as also the bishops, appointed throughout the earth, are in the mind of Christ.”

[36]Baur, Kirchengeschichte der drei ersten Jahrhunderte, p. 272, remarks, “Nicht ohne Grund hat man daher schon in den Engeln, an welche die den sieben Gemeinden der Apocalypse bestimmten Schreiben gerichtet sind, einen Ausdruck der Episcopatsidee gesehen—da die den sieben Engeln entsprechenden Sterne alle zusammen in der Hand Christi sind, in ihm also ihre Einheit haben, so kann durch den Engel, welchen jede Gemeinde hat, nichts anders ausgedrückt sein, als die Beziehung, die sie mit Christus als dem einen Haupte aller Gemeinden und der ganzen Kirche verknüpft.”

[37]“Ideo septem scribi ecclesias ut una Catholica septiformi gratiæ spiritu plena designetur.”—Cornel. a L. in loco.“Wherefore in the Apocalypse the whole Church is represented by the sevenfold number of the Churches.”—St. Greg., 1. B. 23,Morals. on Job. “Propter quod et Johannes Apostolus ad septem scribit ecclesias, eo modo se ostendens ad unius plenitudinem scribere.”—St. Aug. de Civ. Dei, xvii. 4.

[38]John xv. 16.

[39]Heb. xiii. 20; John x. 11, xxi. 16; Ps. ii. 9: Sept. Matt. ii. 6, in translating Mic. v. 2, where its equivalent is ἄρχοντα τοῦ Ισραὴλ; Apoc. xix. 15; the same word, ποιμαίνειν, is used in all these passages.

[40]De Consideratione ad Eugenium Papam, 2, 8.

[41]Contra Hæreses, 3, 3.

[42]For the date of the epistle, as at the end of the century, see the arguments in the Prolegomena, pp. 22, 23, of Funk’s “Opera Patrum Apostolicorum.”

[43]St. Clement to the Corinthians, 37 and following sections, in which I follow generally Dr. Lightfoot’s translation, with a few changes.

[44]Ὁ Δεσπότης.

[45]προσφορὰς καὶ λειτουργίας, sacrificial terms, belonging to the Holy Eucharist.

[46]τὴν λειτουργίαν αὐτῶν.

[47]On this passage Bianchi, “Della Potestà e della Politia della Chiesa,” vol. iii. p. 158, remarks: “In oltre era noto a San Girolamo il senso della Chiesa intorno all’ ecclesiastica gerarchia d’ ordine, che ella ne’ tre gradi de’ Vescovi, de’ Preti, e de’ Ministri, ovvero de’ Diaconi, sotto il cui nome altri Ministri inferiori si comprendono, discendeva dal Vecchio Testamento, e da origine divina, cioè dall’ ordine stabilito da Dio nel sommo Sacerdote, ne’ Sacerdoti inferiori, e ne’ Leviti: i quali gradi diversi nella potestà componevano la gerarchia della vecchia Chiesa.” St. Jerome himself says, Ep. 101 ad Evangelum: “Et ut sciamus traditiones Apostolicas sumptas de V. Testamento, quod Aaron et filii ejus atque Levitæ in templo fuerunt, hoc sibi Episcopi et Presbyteri, et Diaconi vindicent in Ecclesia.”

[48]καθίοτανον τὰς ἀπαρχὰς αύτῶν, δοκιμάσαντες τῷ πνεύματι, εἰς ἐπισκόπους καὶ διακόνους τῶν μελλόντων πιστεύειν.

[49]τῆς λειτουργίας—ἐπισκοπῆς ἀποβαλεῖν.

[50]Sections 58, 59.

[51]Section 63.

[52]Luke x. 16.

[53]Irenæus, iii. 1—ἐπειτα Ἰωάννης, ὁ μαθητὴς τοῦ Κυρίου, ὁ καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ στῆθος αὐτοῦ ἀναπεσών καὶ αὐτὸς ἐξέδωκε τὸ ἐυαγγέλιον, ἐν Ἐφέσῳ τῆς Ἀσίας διατρίβων.

[54]I note this because Dr. Lightfoot, in his recent edition of St. Clement’s complete letter, not knowing how to meet the very strong proof of the Primacy contained in the newly recovered part, suggests that the Primacy belonged not to the bishop of the Roman Church, but to the Roman Church. This is so total a misstatement of the position held by every bishop in his See as to smack of Presbyterianism. But when he goes on to attribute the Primacy thus located in the Roman Church to a supposed superior sanctity residing in the members of that Church, he would seem to be substituting a pure invention of his own for history.

[55]Eusebius, Hist. 2, 3. The words are so specific that it is desirable to give the original: καὶ δῆτα ἀνὰ πάσας πόλεις τε καὶ κώμας πληθυούσης ἅλωνος δίκην μυρίανδροι καὶ παμπλήθεις ἀθρόως ἐκκλησίαι συνεστήκεσαν. The last word indicates the regular formation of a Church, that hierarchical constitution of the bishop, with his attendant ministry, without which, in the words of St. Ignatius, ἐκκλησία ὀυ καλεῖται. I have used Cruse’s translation, altering it occasionally.

[56]Lib. iii. 4.

[57]Titus i. 5-9.

[58]Lib. iii. 37.

[59]Eusebius appears to say that the Apostle Peter came to Rome very shortly after he had discomfited Simon Magus in Samaria. See lib. ii. 14.

[60]Hist. 2, 25.

[61]Eusebius, Hist. 7, 19; and Præp. Evan. lib. 3, towards the end, quoted by Bianchi, 3, 137.

[62]Tertullian, De Præscriptione Hæreticorum, 20, 21, Dr. Holmes’ translation, with a word or two altered.

[63]Irenæus, 4, 33, 8. The same is set forth with great force in Book 5, 20.

[64]Ep. 43, 11: “Nec in illis solis episcopis Afris erat Ecclesia, ut omne judicium ecclesiasticum vitasse viderentur qui se judicio eorum præsentari noluissent. Millia quippe collegarum transmarina restabant, ubi apparebat eos judicari posse, qui videbantur Afros vel Numidas collegas habere suspectos.”

[65]St. Hilary on Ps. 14, 3; St. Cyprian, Ep. 52.

[66]See Dom Chamard, L’Etablissement du Christianisme, p. 141.

[67]Sacerdotes; as ἐκκλησία means a Bishop’s See, sosacerdotesmeant a bishop; that word in the language of the day signified the bishop who presided in each Church, pre-eminently theSacerdos, as offering the Sacrifice of the Altar. See Coustant. Rom. Pont. Epist., p. 856.

[68]Orat. 17, 8; Ep. 224, Africano.

[69]ἀρχή. Bianchi, 3, 475.

[70]See Bianchi, 3, 484.

[71]Irenæus, 3, 4.

[72]Hist., 4, 7, speaking of the time of Hadrian and the Gnostic heresies.

[73]St. Cyprian, De Unit. Ecc. 4, and Epis. 52.

[74]De Marca, De Concordia Sacerdotii et Imperii, lib. 6, 1.

[75]St. Leo I., Ep. 14.

[76]De Unitate Ecclesiæ, 4.

[77]Ps. xliv. 17.

[78]Cont. Epist. Manichæi, 5.

[79]θεία τις καὶ ἄμαχος δύναμις τοῦ ταῦτα προειποντος καὶ τελέσαντος.—St. Chrysostom, tom. i. p. 579.

[80]Against the Jews and Gentiles to demonstrate that Christ is God, tom. i. p. 558, and pp. 574, 577, 578.

[81]The contrast is marked in the original by totally distinct words, which the rendering both by the same wordaltarwould efface: 1. βωμοὺς, altars of the religion with bloody sacrifices; 2. θυσιαστήρια, which are altars whereon the Unbloody Sacrifice is offered.

[82]“A quibus traducem fidei et semina doctrinæ cæteræ exinde ecclesiæ mutuatæ sunt.”Tradux, the vine branch carried along above the ground from the parent stem, so that there is but one tree. Tertullian, De Præscrip. Hæret. 20.

[83]Franzelin, De Verbo Incarnato, p. 520.

[84]Plato, Euthyphron, 14.

[85]Nägelsbach, Homerische Theologie, 207; Id., Nachhomerische Theologie, 193.

[86]The Banquet, p. 188e.

[87]Lasaulx, Die Sühnopfer (extracts from), pp. 234-270.

[88]προηρόσια.

[89]προχαριστήρια.

[90]3, 12.

[91]Ruinart, Acta Martyrum, pp. 350 and 527.

[92]Contr. Faustum, l. 22, s. 17, tom. viii. 370.

[93]S. Tho. contr. Gentilis, 3, 120.

[94]Agamemnon, 1520.

[95]The above account of human sacrifices is drawn from Lasaulx’s treatise, pp. 237-255. He gives a profusion of examples, with their references in ancient authors.

[96]Luke xxii. 20; John vi. 52.

[97]See Council of Trent, sess. 22, cap. i.

[98]1 Cor. xi. 26.

[99]Acts ii. 46.

[100]John iii. 16.

[101]Council of Trent, sess. 22, cap. ii.

[102]Justin. Apol. i. 66.

[103]Franzelin, De SS. Eucharistiæ Sacramento et Sacrificio, p. 81.

[104]Eusebius Cæs.: περὶ τῆς τοῦ Πάσχα ἑορτῆς, cap. 7.

[105]Heb. ii. 12.

[106]Franzelin, De SS. Eucharistiæ Sacramento, p. 111.

[107]S. Chrys. Hom. in Joan, 46, c. 3, tom. viii. 272.

[108]St. Aug. De Civitate Dei, lib. 10, c. 6 and 20.

[109]S. Chrys. 16 Hom. on the Hebrews, tom. xii. p. 168.

[110]Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς, Θεοῦ Υιὸς, Σωτήρ = Ἰχθύς.

[111]Zach. vi. 13.

[112]τό ἄμαχον γένος, St. Chrys., above quoted.

[113]See Hagemann, Die römische Kirche, p. 558.

[114]Bianchi, vol. iii. pp. 120, 121.

[115]Aug. l. iv. De Bapt. c. Donat. cap. ult. (B. 120 note).

[116]Innocent. Ep. 18, c. 1.

[117]S. Greg. I., 1. 6, Ep. 39; 8, Ep. 35.

[118]Bianchi, 3, 137.

[119]Bianchi, 3, 136.

[120]The Council of Antioch, in the year 341, almost repeats this canon, and lays it down as of universal application.

[121]Bianchi, 3, 132.

[122]The following paragraph is a translation from Cardinal Hergenröther’s History, vol. i. pp. 196, 197, sec. 228.

[123]Bianchi, 3, 468; quoting the constitution of Pope John XXII.

[124]Bianchi, 3, 440. The wordSacerdosis here used as the proper appellation of the bishop in his diocese by Cyprian, Ep. 57, according to the usage in the third century, as the wordEcclesiaindicates the diocese; the argument being that if complete obedience were rendered to the bishop in the diocese, there would be complete peace in the whole Church ruled by the Collegium of Bishops.

[125]This paragraph translated from Bianchi, 3, 445.

[126]Bianchi, 3, 457, 458; St. Augustine in Ps. cxviii.

[127]Bianchi, 3, 474, 475.

[128]Bianchi, 3, 444; Apostol. Canon, 66 and 74.

[129]Bianchi, 3, 500, translated.

[130]Bianchi, 3, 485, translated.

[131]1 Cor. ix. 14.

[132]Bianchi, 3, 526, 527.

[133]1 Cor. xvi. 1.

[134]Bianchi, 3, 536, translated.

[135]1 Cor. xi. 22.

[136]An incident mentioned of Alexander Severus.

[137]John xx. 30, xxi. 25, xvi. 12.

[138]Renaudot, Dissertatio de Liturgiarum Orientalium Origine et Auctoritate, p. li.

[139]St. Cœlestini, Ep. 21, Coustant, p. 493. The part quoted is supposed to have been added to St. Cœlestine’s letter (which refers to the death of St. Augustine as having just happened) a little later, but was always joined with it afterwards from the beginning of the sixth century.

[140]Franzelin, De Traditione, Thesis vii. p. 49.

[141]Translated from Franzelin, Tractatus da Traditione Divina et Scriptura, pp. 50-53, down to “The Teaching Office.”

[142]As,e.g., Rom. xvi. 17; 1 Cor. vii. 17, xi. 23, xiv. 33, xv. 12; 2 Cor. i. 18; Gal. i. 18; Phil. iv. 9; Colos. ii. 6, 7; 1 Thess. iv. 2; 2 Thess. ii. 14; 2 Tim. ii. 2; Heb. ii. 3, referred to by Franzelin, but especially Ephes. iv. 11-16, which is of itself sufficient to decide the whole question.

[143]St. Irenæus, iii. 24.

[144]See Franzelin, De Traditione, p. 134.

[145]Corpus Christianorum: τὸ ἔθνος Χριστιανὸν.

[146]παρέδοσαν, in which is signified that the whole was a παράδοσις,traditio, delivery. On the two meanings of the wordtradition, the one the unwritten word of God, the other the whole doctrine of salvation as handed down by the Fathers, see Kleutgen’s Theologie der Vorzeit, tom. i. p. 73, and v. p. 405.

[147]ὑπήρεται τοῦ λόγου.

[148]Origen was followed by his pupil Heraclas; then the great Dionysius, afterwards bishop; Pierius, Achillas, Theognostus, Serapion, Peter the Martyr (Reischl in Möhler, i. 377).

[149]τέλειοι; ἀκροώμενοι, oraudientes; γονυκλίνοντες or εὐχόμενοι;competentes,electi, or φωτιζόμενοι. Bingham, Antiq., B. x.; Suicer, Thes. in verb. κατηχέω.

[150]Newman’s Arians, pp. 45, 46.

[151]See upon this use of the Creed, Möhler, Kirchengeschichte, i. 343-347.

[152]Sermon 212.

[153]On this subject see Newman’s Arians, pp. 137-142.

[154]As St. Irenæus says, 3, 24, and Origen, Contr. Celsus, 6, 48.

[155]See Kleutgen’s Theologie der Vorzeit, v. 404-409.

[156]Ibid., pp. 395-404.

[157]For which see Franzelin, De Traditione, pp. 228-237.

[158]Baur observes, p. 432: “Erst die Regierung Nero’s führte auf ihrer würdigen Weise die Christen in die Geschichte ein.”

[159]Tertullian, Apol. 21.

[160]Matt. xxiii. 34-36.

[161]Joseph. Antiq., viii. 8; Tacitus, Hist. i. 22.

[162]Baur remarks, p. 433: “Die neronische Verfolgung war der erste Anfang alles dessen, was das Christenthum von dem römischen Staat, so lange er keine andere Ansicht von ihm hatte, bei jeder Gelegenheit auf’s Neue erwarten musste.”

[163]μαρτυρήσας ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων.—St. Clem. 5.

[164]2 Cor. xi. 24.

[165]Tertullian, Ad Nationes, 14, translation in Clarke’s edition.

[166]Acts xxi. 20.

[167]See Schwane, Dogmengeschichte, i. 68.

[168]Tertull. Apol., 5.

[169]Matt. x. 16.

[170]See this learnedly brought out by Hagemann in his introduction to “Die römische Kirche.”

[171]See Stöckl, Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Philosophie, p. 244.

[172]2 Peter ii. 14.

[173]Möhler, Patrologie, p. 51.

[174]See Möhler, Patrologie, p. 423.

[175]Heinrich, Dogmatische Theologie, i. 71.

[176]Ibid., i. 70.

[177]Newman, Causes of Success of Arianism, pp. 215, 216.

[178]Newman, Notes on St. Athanasius, pp. 51, 261, 264, 452, 250, 247, 150, 82, 312.

[179]Newman, “Causes of the Rise and Successes of Arianism,” p. 252, a treatise which I have found a storehouse of information respecting the Church of the first three centuries.

[180]Magisterio.

[181]Mansi, tom. ii. pp. 469-477.

[182]See Josephus, Jud. Antiq., l. 18, c. 4.

[183]See St. Basil, Ep. 141.

[184]For instances, see the utmost incredible account in De Civitate Dei vi. 9; and, again, Clement of Alexandria, Cohortatio, p. 81 (Potter’s ed.); what I have said is in exact accordance with St. Athanasius, de Inc. Verbi, sec. 46.

[185]A fragment of this apology is preserved for us in Eusebius’ History, iv. 26.

[186]1 Cor. xv. 6.

[187]As Baur, Die drei ersten Jahrhunderte, p. 464, attests.

[188]St. Greg. I Epist. xi. 66.

[189]Irenæus, iv. 33, 9.

[190]Eusebius, Hist., v. 1.

[191]Clement, Strom., ii. 20, p. 494, τοὺς γνωστικοὺς, τοὺς τοῦ κόσμου μειζονας.

[192]Apologeticus, cap. 12.

[193]1 Cor. i. 17, ii. 9.

[194]See Schwane, Dogmengeschichte, i. 557.

[195]Panegyric of the Martyrs by the Deacon Constantine.

[196]Clement of Alex., Cohortatio, sec. 10, p. 85. It might be fruitful to compare the view of the world taken by the Christian Clement with that taken by the pessimist Schopenhauer.

[197]The words inserted seem here to have fallen out of the text.

[198]Clement of Alex., Strom. vi., at the end.

[199]Tertullian, Apology, 50; Edinburgh translation.

[200]Cont. Cels., 1, 67; 2, 48; 2, 79; 1, 46; 8, 47; Edinburgh translation.

[201]Irenæus, 2, 32.

[202]Athanasius, De Incarnatione Verbi Dei, c. 46-48.

[203]Gieseler, i. 208.

[204]As admitted by Friedländer, Sittengeschichte Roms., iii. 458, 459, and see the argument of Celsus in Origen, 8, 45.

[205]On Psalm xxxvi. 3.

[206]St. Thomas, Cont. Gent., 3, 99.

[207]St. Cyprian, Ep. 8.

[208]Sermon 281.

[209]St. Thomas, Contra Gent., 1, 6.

[210]Constantine’s letter to the Church of Alexandria, recorded by Socrates, Hist. 1, 9.

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