IIIaCICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Pg 280]IIIaCICERO ATTICO SAL.Scr. in Arcano VII Id. Apr. a. 705A. d.VIIIdus alteram tibi eodem die hanc epistulam dictavi et pridie dederam mea manu longiorem. Visum te aiunt in regia, nec reprehendo, quippe cum ipse istam reprehensionem non fugerim. Sed exspecto tuas litteras neque iam sane video, quid exspectem, sed tamen, etiamsi nihil erit, id ipsum ad me velim scribas.Caesar mihi ignoscit per litteras, quod non venerim, seseque in optimam partem id accipere dicit. Facile patior, quod scribit, secum Titinium et Servium questos esse, quia non idem sibi quod mihi remisisset. Homines ridiculos! qui, cum filios misissent ad Cn. Pompeium circumsedendum, ipsi in senatum venire dubitarint. Sed tamen exemplum misi ad te Caesaris litterarum.IVCICERO ATTICO SAL.Scr. in Cumano XVII K. Mai. a. 705Multas a te accepi epistulas eodem die omnes diligenter scriptas, eam vero, quae voluminis instar erat, saepe legendam, sicuti facio. In qua non frustra laborem suscepisti, mihi quidem pergratum fecisti. Quare, ut id, quoad licebit, id est quoad scies, ubi simus, quam saepissime facias, te vehementer rogo. Ac deplorandi quidem, quod cotidie facimus, sit iam nobis aut finis omnino, si potest, aut moderatio quaedam,[Pg 281]IIIaCICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.Arcanum, April 7,B.C.49On the 7th of April I dictate this letter, the second on the same day, and yesterday I dispatched a longer one in my own handwriting. It is said you have been seen in the Regia,[124]and I don't blame you, since I laid myself open to the same blame. But I await a letter from you. I don't see what news I can expect; but still, even if there is none, I wish you would just tell me that.[124]The official residence of Caesar asPontifex maximus.Caesar has written to excuse me for not coming to Rome, and says that he takes it in good part. I am not concerned at his saying that Titinius and Servius have complained to him for not allowing them the same privilege as he did to me. What fools they are! They send their sons to besiege Pompey, and themselves hesitate to enter the House. However, I send you a copy of Caesar's letter.IVCICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.Cumae, April 14,B.C.49I have received a lot of letters from you on the same day, all of them written with care and one, which is as big as a book, worth reading several times, as I am doing. Your labour has not been in vain: you have gratified me very much. And so I beseech you continue to write as often as you can, so long as it is possible, that is, so long as you know where I am. And as for our daily lamentations let us make an end of them once for all, if we can, or at

[Pg 280]

Scr. in Arcano VII Id. Apr. a. 705

A. d.VIIIdus alteram tibi eodem die hanc epistulam dictavi et pridie dederam mea manu longiorem. Visum te aiunt in regia, nec reprehendo, quippe cum ipse istam reprehensionem non fugerim. Sed exspecto tuas litteras neque iam sane video, quid exspectem, sed tamen, etiamsi nihil erit, id ipsum ad me velim scribas.

Caesar mihi ignoscit per litteras, quod non venerim, seseque in optimam partem id accipere dicit. Facile patior, quod scribit, secum Titinium et Servium questos esse, quia non idem sibi quod mihi remisisset. Homines ridiculos! qui, cum filios misissent ad Cn. Pompeium circumsedendum, ipsi in senatum venire dubitarint. Sed tamen exemplum misi ad te Caesaris litterarum.

Scr. in Cumano XVII K. Mai. a. 705

Multas a te accepi epistulas eodem die omnes diligenter scriptas, eam vero, quae voluminis instar erat, saepe legendam, sicuti facio. In qua non frustra laborem suscepisti, mihi quidem pergratum fecisti. Quare, ut id, quoad licebit, id est quoad scies, ubi simus, quam saepissime facias, te vehementer rogo. Ac deplorandi quidem, quod cotidie facimus, sit iam nobis aut finis omnino, si potest, aut moderatio quaedam,

[Pg 281]IIIaCICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.Arcanum, April 7,B.C.49On the 7th of April I dictate this letter, the second on the same day, and yesterday I dispatched a longer one in my own handwriting. It is said you have been seen in the Regia,[124]and I don't blame you, since I laid myself open to the same blame. But I await a letter from you. I don't see what news I can expect; but still, even if there is none, I wish you would just tell me that.[124]The official residence of Caesar asPontifex maximus.Caesar has written to excuse me for not coming to Rome, and says that he takes it in good part. I am not concerned at his saying that Titinius and Servius have complained to him for not allowing them the same privilege as he did to me. What fools they are! They send their sons to besiege Pompey, and themselves hesitate to enter the House. However, I send you a copy of Caesar's letter.IVCICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.Cumae, April 14,B.C.49I have received a lot of letters from you on the same day, all of them written with care and one, which is as big as a book, worth reading several times, as I am doing. Your labour has not been in vain: you have gratified me very much. And so I beseech you continue to write as often as you can, so long as it is possible, that is, so long as you know where I am. And as for our daily lamentations let us make an end of them once for all, if we can, or at

[Pg 281]

Arcanum, April 7,B.C.49

On the 7th of April I dictate this letter, the second on the same day, and yesterday I dispatched a longer one in my own handwriting. It is said you have been seen in the Regia,[124]and I don't blame you, since I laid myself open to the same blame. But I await a letter from you. I don't see what news I can expect; but still, even if there is none, I wish you would just tell me that.

[124]The official residence of Caesar asPontifex maximus.

Caesar has written to excuse me for not coming to Rome, and says that he takes it in good part. I am not concerned at his saying that Titinius and Servius have complained to him for not allowing them the same privilege as he did to me. What fools they are! They send their sons to besiege Pompey, and themselves hesitate to enter the House. However, I send you a copy of Caesar's letter.

Cumae, April 14,B.C.49

I have received a lot of letters from you on the same day, all of them written with care and one, which is as big as a book, worth reading several times, as I am doing. Your labour has not been in vain: you have gratified me very much. And so I beseech you continue to write as often as you can, so long as it is possible, that is, so long as you know where I am. And as for our daily lamentations let us make an end of them once for all, if we can, or at

[Pg 282]quod profecto potest. Non enim iam, quam dignitatem, quos honores, quem vitae statum amiserim, cogito, sed quid consecutus sim, quid praestiterim, qua in laude vixerim, his denique in malis quid intersit inter me et istos, quos propter omnia amisimus. Hi sunt, qui, nisi me civitate expulissent, obtinere se non putaverant posse licentiam cupiditatum suarum. Quorum societatis et sceleratae consensionis fides quo eruperit, vides.Alter ardet furore et scelere, nec remittit aliquid, sed in dies ingravescit; modo Italia expulit, nunc alia ex parte persequi, ex alia provincia exspoliare conatur, nec iam recusat, sed quodam modo postulat, ut, quem ad modum est, sic etiam appelletur tyrannus. Alter, is qui nos sibi quondam ad pedes stratos ne sublevabat quidem, qui se nihil contra huius voluntatem facere posse, elapsus e soceri manibus ac ferro bellum terra et mari comparat, non iniustum ille quidem, sed cum pium tum etiam necessarium, suis tamen civibus exitiabile, nisi vicerit, calamitosum, etiamsi vicerit. Horum ego summorum imperatoram non modo res gestas non antepono meis, sed ne fortunam quidem ipsam; qua illi florentissima, nos duriore conflictati videmur. Quis enim potest aut deserta per se patria aut oppressa beatus esse? Et, si, ut nos a te admonemur, recte in illis libris diximus nihil esse bonum, nisi quod honestum, nihil malum, nisi[Pg 283]any rate moderate them, which we certainly can. For I have given up thinking of the dignity, the honours and the position I have lost: I think of what I have attained, what I have done, the glory of my career, in short what a difference there is even in our present straits between me and those through whom I have lost all. They are the people who thought they could not attain their extravagant desires without expelling me from the State: and you see now what has come of their coalition in a criminal conspiracy.The one burns with a madman's lust for crime, which does not cool one whit, but rather increases day by day. He has just driven Pompey from Italy, now on one side of the world he is pursuing him, on the other he is trying to rob him of his province: and he no longer refuses, nay, he practically demands, to be called a tyrant, as he is. The other, who once would not even give me a helping hand, when I threw myself at his feet, declaring he could do nothing against Caesar's will, now, having slipped from the grasp of his father-in-law's mailed hand, is preparing war by land and sea. The war is not unjust on his part, nay, it is even righteous and necessary; but, unless he conquers, it will be fatal to his fellow-countrymen; and, even if he does conquer, it will be disastrous. These are our great men; but I do not hold their achievements one whit superior to mine, nor even their fortune, though they may seem to have basked in fortune's smiles while I have met her frowns. For who can be happy, when he has caused his country to be deserted or enslaved? And if, as you admonish me, I was right in saying in those books of mine that nothing is good, save

[Pg 282]

quod profecto potest. Non enim iam, quam dignitatem, quos honores, quem vitae statum amiserim, cogito, sed quid consecutus sim, quid praestiterim, qua in laude vixerim, his denique in malis quid intersit inter me et istos, quos propter omnia amisimus. Hi sunt, qui, nisi me civitate expulissent, obtinere se non putaverant posse licentiam cupiditatum suarum. Quorum societatis et sceleratae consensionis fides quo eruperit, vides.

Alter ardet furore et scelere, nec remittit aliquid, sed in dies ingravescit; modo Italia expulit, nunc alia ex parte persequi, ex alia provincia exspoliare conatur, nec iam recusat, sed quodam modo postulat, ut, quem ad modum est, sic etiam appelletur tyrannus. Alter, is qui nos sibi quondam ad pedes stratos ne sublevabat quidem, qui se nihil contra huius voluntatem facere posse, elapsus e soceri manibus ac ferro bellum terra et mari comparat, non iniustum ille quidem, sed cum pium tum etiam necessarium, suis tamen civibus exitiabile, nisi vicerit, calamitosum, etiamsi vicerit. Horum ego summorum imperatoram non modo res gestas non antepono meis, sed ne fortunam quidem ipsam; qua illi florentissima, nos duriore conflictati videmur. Quis enim potest aut deserta per se patria aut oppressa beatus esse? Et, si, ut nos a te admonemur, recte in illis libris diximus nihil esse bonum, nisi quod honestum, nihil malum, nisi

[Pg 283]any rate moderate them, which we certainly can. For I have given up thinking of the dignity, the honours and the position I have lost: I think of what I have attained, what I have done, the glory of my career, in short what a difference there is even in our present straits between me and those through whom I have lost all. They are the people who thought they could not attain their extravagant desires without expelling me from the State: and you see now what has come of their coalition in a criminal conspiracy.The one burns with a madman's lust for crime, which does not cool one whit, but rather increases day by day. He has just driven Pompey from Italy, now on one side of the world he is pursuing him, on the other he is trying to rob him of his province: and he no longer refuses, nay, he practically demands, to be called a tyrant, as he is. The other, who once would not even give me a helping hand, when I threw myself at his feet, declaring he could do nothing against Caesar's will, now, having slipped from the grasp of his father-in-law's mailed hand, is preparing war by land and sea. The war is not unjust on his part, nay, it is even righteous and necessary; but, unless he conquers, it will be fatal to his fellow-countrymen; and, even if he does conquer, it will be disastrous. These are our great men; but I do not hold their achievements one whit superior to mine, nor even their fortune, though they may seem to have basked in fortune's smiles while I have met her frowns. For who can be happy, when he has caused his country to be deserted or enslaved? And if, as you admonish me, I was right in saying in those books of mine that nothing is good, save

[Pg 283]

any rate moderate them, which we certainly can. For I have given up thinking of the dignity, the honours and the position I have lost: I think of what I have attained, what I have done, the glory of my career, in short what a difference there is even in our present straits between me and those through whom I have lost all. They are the people who thought they could not attain their extravagant desires without expelling me from the State: and you see now what has come of their coalition in a criminal conspiracy.

The one burns with a madman's lust for crime, which does not cool one whit, but rather increases day by day. He has just driven Pompey from Italy, now on one side of the world he is pursuing him, on the other he is trying to rob him of his province: and he no longer refuses, nay, he practically demands, to be called a tyrant, as he is. The other, who once would not even give me a helping hand, when I threw myself at his feet, declaring he could do nothing against Caesar's will, now, having slipped from the grasp of his father-in-law's mailed hand, is preparing war by land and sea. The war is not unjust on his part, nay, it is even righteous and necessary; but, unless he conquers, it will be fatal to his fellow-countrymen; and, even if he does conquer, it will be disastrous. These are our great men; but I do not hold their achievements one whit superior to mine, nor even their fortune, though they may seem to have basked in fortune's smiles while I have met her frowns. For who can be happy, when he has caused his country to be deserted or enslaved? And if, as you admonish me, I was right in saying in those books of mine that nothing is good, save

[Pg 284]quod turpe sit, certe uterque istorum est miserrimus, quorum utrique semper patriae salus et dignitas posterior sua dominatione et domesticis commodis fuit. Praeclara igitur conscientia sustentor, cum cogito me de re publica aut meruisse optime, cum potuerim, aut certe numquam nisi pie cogitasse, eaque ipsa tempestate eversam esse rem publicam, quam egoXIIIIannis ante prospexerim. Hac igitur conscientia comite proficiscar magno equidem cum dolore nec tam id propter me aut propter fratrem meum, quorum est iam acta aetas, quam propter pueros, quibus interdum videmur praestare etiam rem publicam debuisse. Quorum quidem alter non tam quia filius quam,[125]quia maiore pietate est, me mirabiliter excruciat, alter (o rem miseram! nihil enim mihi accidit in omni vita acerbius) indulgentia videlicet nostra depravatus eo progressus est, quo non audeo dicere. Et exspecto tuas litteras; scripsisti enim te scripturum esse plura, cum ipsum vidisses. Omne meum obsequium in illum fuit cum multa severitate, neque unum eius nec parvum, sed multa magna delicta compressi. Patris autem lenitas amanda potius ab illo quam tam crudeliter neglegenda. Nam litteras eius ad Caesarem missas ita graviter tulimus, ut te quidem celaremus, sed ipsius videremur vitam insuavem reddidisse. Hoc vero eius iter simulatioque pietatis qualis fuerit, non audeo dicere; tantum scio, post Hirtium conventum[125]quia filius quamadded by Malaspina.[Pg 285]what is honourable, and nothing bad, save what is dishonourable, then certainly both of them are most miserable, since both of them have thought less of their country's safety and dignity than of their own high place and private interests. My conscience then is clear and helps to support me, when I think that I have always rendered my country good service, when I could, and assuredly have never harboured any but loyal thoughts, and that the State has been wrecked by the very storm which I foresaw fourteen years ago. With a clear conscience then I shall depart, though the parting will cost me a bitter pang: nor shall I go so much for my own sake or for my brother's—our day is done—as for our children, to whom I think at times we ought to have secured at least a free country. For one of them I feel the most poignant grief—not so much because he is my son, as because he is exceedingly dutiful—while the other unfortunately has turned out the bitterest disappointment of my life. He has been spoiled, I suppose, by our indulgence, and has gone to lengths that I dare not name. I am waiting for your letter too; for you promised to write more fully when you had seen him himself. All my humouring of him has been accompanied by considerable strictness: and I have had to put my foot down not over one fault of his or a small one, but over many grave faults. But his father's kindness should surely have been repaid by affection rather than by such cruel disregard. For we were more annoyed at his sending letters to Caesar than we let you see, but I think we made his life a burden to him. I dare not describe this recent journey of his and his hypocritical pretence of filial duty: I only know that, after he met Hirtius,

[Pg 284]

quod turpe sit, certe uterque istorum est miserrimus, quorum utrique semper patriae salus et dignitas posterior sua dominatione et domesticis commodis fuit. Praeclara igitur conscientia sustentor, cum cogito me de re publica aut meruisse optime, cum potuerim, aut certe numquam nisi pie cogitasse, eaque ipsa tempestate eversam esse rem publicam, quam egoXIIIIannis ante prospexerim. Hac igitur conscientia comite proficiscar magno equidem cum dolore nec tam id propter me aut propter fratrem meum, quorum est iam acta aetas, quam propter pueros, quibus interdum videmur praestare etiam rem publicam debuisse. Quorum quidem alter non tam quia filius quam,[125]quia maiore pietate est, me mirabiliter excruciat, alter (o rem miseram! nihil enim mihi accidit in omni vita acerbius) indulgentia videlicet nostra depravatus eo progressus est, quo non audeo dicere. Et exspecto tuas litteras; scripsisti enim te scripturum esse plura, cum ipsum vidisses. Omne meum obsequium in illum fuit cum multa severitate, neque unum eius nec parvum, sed multa magna delicta compressi. Patris autem lenitas amanda potius ab illo quam tam crudeliter neglegenda. Nam litteras eius ad Caesarem missas ita graviter tulimus, ut te quidem celaremus, sed ipsius videremur vitam insuavem reddidisse. Hoc vero eius iter simulatioque pietatis qualis fuerit, non audeo dicere; tantum scio, post Hirtium conventum

[125]quia filius quamadded by Malaspina.

[Pg 285]what is honourable, and nothing bad, save what is dishonourable, then certainly both of them are most miserable, since both of them have thought less of their country's safety and dignity than of their own high place and private interests. My conscience then is clear and helps to support me, when I think that I have always rendered my country good service, when I could, and assuredly have never harboured any but loyal thoughts, and that the State has been wrecked by the very storm which I foresaw fourteen years ago. With a clear conscience then I shall depart, though the parting will cost me a bitter pang: nor shall I go so much for my own sake or for my brother's—our day is done—as for our children, to whom I think at times we ought to have secured at least a free country. For one of them I feel the most poignant grief—not so much because he is my son, as because he is exceedingly dutiful—while the other unfortunately has turned out the bitterest disappointment of my life. He has been spoiled, I suppose, by our indulgence, and has gone to lengths that I dare not name. I am waiting for your letter too; for you promised to write more fully when you had seen him himself. All my humouring of him has been accompanied by considerable strictness: and I have had to put my foot down not over one fault of his or a small one, but over many grave faults. But his father's kindness should surely have been repaid by affection rather than by such cruel disregard. For we were more annoyed at his sending letters to Caesar than we let you see, but I think we made his life a burden to him. I dare not describe this recent journey of his and his hypocritical pretence of filial duty: I only know that, after he met Hirtius,

[Pg 285]

what is honourable, and nothing bad, save what is dishonourable, then certainly both of them are most miserable, since both of them have thought less of their country's safety and dignity than of their own high place and private interests. My conscience then is clear and helps to support me, when I think that I have always rendered my country good service, when I could, and assuredly have never harboured any but loyal thoughts, and that the State has been wrecked by the very storm which I foresaw fourteen years ago. With a clear conscience then I shall depart, though the parting will cost me a bitter pang: nor shall I go so much for my own sake or for my brother's—our day is done—as for our children, to whom I think at times we ought to have secured at least a free country. For one of them I feel the most poignant grief—not so much because he is my son, as because he is exceedingly dutiful—while the other unfortunately has turned out the bitterest disappointment of my life. He has been spoiled, I suppose, by our indulgence, and has gone to lengths that I dare not name. I am waiting for your letter too; for you promised to write more fully when you had seen him himself. All my humouring of him has been accompanied by considerable strictness: and I have had to put my foot down not over one fault of his or a small one, but over many grave faults. But his father's kindness should surely have been repaid by affection rather than by such cruel disregard. For we were more annoyed at his sending letters to Caesar than we let you see, but I think we made his life a burden to him. I dare not describe this recent journey of his and his hypocritical pretence of filial duty: I only know that, after he met Hirtius,

[Pg 286]arcessitum a Caesare, cum eo de meo animo a suis rationibus alienissimo et consilio relinquendi Italiam; et haec ipsa timide. Sed nulla nostra culpa est, natura metuenda est. Haec Curionem, haec Hortensi filium, non patrum culpa corrupit.Iacet in maerore meus frater neque tam de sua vita quam de mea metuit. Huic tu huic tu malo adfer consolationes, si ullas potes; maxime quidem illam velim, ea, quae ad nos delata sint, aut falsa esse aut minora. Quae si vera sint, quid futurum sit in hac vita et fuga, nescio. Nam, si haberemus rem publicam, consilium mihi non deesset nec ad severitatem nec ad indulgentiam. Nunc haec sive iracundia sive dolore sive metu permotus gravius scripsi, quam aut tuus in illum amor aut meus postulabat, si vera sunt, ignosces, si falsa, me libente eripies mihi hunc errorem. Quoquo modo vero se res habebit, nihil adsignabis nec patruo nec patri.Cum haec scripsissem, a Curione mihi nuntiatum est eum ad me venire. Venerat enim is in Cumanum vesperi pridie, id est Idibus. Si quid igitur eius modi sermo eius attulerit, quod ad te scribendum sit, id his litteris adiungam.Praeteriit villam meam Curio iussitque mihi nuntiari mox se venturum cucurritque Puteolos, ut ibi contionaretur. Contionatus est, rediit, fuit ad me sane diu. O rem foedam! Nosti hominem; nihil occultavit, in primis nihil esse certius, quam ut[Pg 287]he was summoned to Caesar's presence, and discussed the difference between my views and his own and my plan of leaving Italy. Even that I write with hesitation. But it is no fault of mine: it is his disposition which must cause us anxiety. That is what corrupted Curio and Hortensius' son, not their fathers' fault.My brother is prostrate with grief, though he does not fear for his own life so much as for mine. It is to him, to him more than me, I want you to offer consolation, if you can. The best consolation would be that what we have heard was false or exaggerated. If it was true, I fail to see what will come of this runaway existence. For if the constitution were still intact, I should know what to do both in the way of severity and in the way of kindness. Now, under the sway of some passion, be it wrath or sorrow or fear, I have written more bitterly than either your affection for him or mine warrants. If what I have said is true, you will pardon me: if it is false, I shall be only too glad to have the error removed. However it may be, you must not blame his uncle or his father.When I had got so far, I received a message from Curio that he was coming to see me. He came to his place here yesterday evening, that is on the 13th. If any point worth mentioning to you occurs in our conversation, I will add it to this letter.Curio passed by my house, and sent a message saying he was coming very soon. Then he hurried off to make a speech at Puteoli. He made his speech, returned and stayed a very long time. How disgusting! You know the sort of man he is: he hid nothing. In the first place he is quite sure that all

[Pg 286]

arcessitum a Caesare, cum eo de meo animo a suis rationibus alienissimo et consilio relinquendi Italiam; et haec ipsa timide. Sed nulla nostra culpa est, natura metuenda est. Haec Curionem, haec Hortensi filium, non patrum culpa corrupit.

Iacet in maerore meus frater neque tam de sua vita quam de mea metuit. Huic tu huic tu malo adfer consolationes, si ullas potes; maxime quidem illam velim, ea, quae ad nos delata sint, aut falsa esse aut minora. Quae si vera sint, quid futurum sit in hac vita et fuga, nescio. Nam, si haberemus rem publicam, consilium mihi non deesset nec ad severitatem nec ad indulgentiam. Nunc haec sive iracundia sive dolore sive metu permotus gravius scripsi, quam aut tuus in illum amor aut meus postulabat, si vera sunt, ignosces, si falsa, me libente eripies mihi hunc errorem. Quoquo modo vero se res habebit, nihil adsignabis nec patruo nec patri.

Cum haec scripsissem, a Curione mihi nuntiatum est eum ad me venire. Venerat enim is in Cumanum vesperi pridie, id est Idibus. Si quid igitur eius modi sermo eius attulerit, quod ad te scribendum sit, id his litteris adiungam.

Praeteriit villam meam Curio iussitque mihi nuntiari mox se venturum cucurritque Puteolos, ut ibi contionaretur. Contionatus est, rediit, fuit ad me sane diu. O rem foedam! Nosti hominem; nihil occultavit, in primis nihil esse certius, quam ut

[Pg 287]he was summoned to Caesar's presence, and discussed the difference between my views and his own and my plan of leaving Italy. Even that I write with hesitation. But it is no fault of mine: it is his disposition which must cause us anxiety. That is what corrupted Curio and Hortensius' son, not their fathers' fault.My brother is prostrate with grief, though he does not fear for his own life so much as for mine. It is to him, to him more than me, I want you to offer consolation, if you can. The best consolation would be that what we have heard was false or exaggerated. If it was true, I fail to see what will come of this runaway existence. For if the constitution were still intact, I should know what to do both in the way of severity and in the way of kindness. Now, under the sway of some passion, be it wrath or sorrow or fear, I have written more bitterly than either your affection for him or mine warrants. If what I have said is true, you will pardon me: if it is false, I shall be only too glad to have the error removed. However it may be, you must not blame his uncle or his father.When I had got so far, I received a message from Curio that he was coming to see me. He came to his place here yesterday evening, that is on the 13th. If any point worth mentioning to you occurs in our conversation, I will add it to this letter.Curio passed by my house, and sent a message saying he was coming very soon. Then he hurried off to make a speech at Puteoli. He made his speech, returned and stayed a very long time. How disgusting! You know the sort of man he is: he hid nothing. In the first place he is quite sure that all

[Pg 287]

he was summoned to Caesar's presence, and discussed the difference between my views and his own and my plan of leaving Italy. Even that I write with hesitation. But it is no fault of mine: it is his disposition which must cause us anxiety. That is what corrupted Curio and Hortensius' son, not their fathers' fault.

My brother is prostrate with grief, though he does not fear for his own life so much as for mine. It is to him, to him more than me, I want you to offer consolation, if you can. The best consolation would be that what we have heard was false or exaggerated. If it was true, I fail to see what will come of this runaway existence. For if the constitution were still intact, I should know what to do both in the way of severity and in the way of kindness. Now, under the sway of some passion, be it wrath or sorrow or fear, I have written more bitterly than either your affection for him or mine warrants. If what I have said is true, you will pardon me: if it is false, I shall be only too glad to have the error removed. However it may be, you must not blame his uncle or his father.

When I had got so far, I received a message from Curio that he was coming to see me. He came to his place here yesterday evening, that is on the 13th. If any point worth mentioning to you occurs in our conversation, I will add it to this letter.

Curio passed by my house, and sent a message saying he was coming very soon. Then he hurried off to make a speech at Puteoli. He made his speech, returned and stayed a very long time. How disgusting! You know the sort of man he is: he hid nothing. In the first place he is quite sure that all

[Pg 288]omnes, qui lege Pompeia condemnati essent, restituerentur. Itaque se in Sicilia eorum opera usurum. De Hispaniis non dubitabat, quin Caesaris essent. Inde ipsum cum exercitu, ubicumque Pompeius esset. Eius interitum finem belli[126]fore. Propius factum esse nihil, nisi[127]plane iracundia elatum voluisse Caesarem occidi Metellum tribunum pl. Quod si esset factum, caedem magnam futuram fuisse. Permultos hortatores esse caedis, ipsum autem non voluntate aut natura non esse crudelem, sed quod popularem putaret esse clementiam. Quodsi populi stadium amisisset, crudelem fore. Eumque perturbatum, quod intellegeret se apud ipsam plebem offendisse de aerario. Itaque, ei cum certissimum fuisset, antequam proficisceretur, contionem habere, ausum non esse vehementerque animo perturbato profectum. Cum autem ex eo quaererem, quid videret, quem eventum, quam rem publicam, plane fatebatur nullam spem reliquam. Pompei classem timebat. Quae si exisset, se de Sicilia abiturum. "Quid isti," inquam, "sex tui fasces? si a senatu, cur laureati? si ab ipso, cur sex?" "Cupivi," inquit, "ex senatus consulto surrupto; nam aliter non poterat. At ille impendio nunc magis odit senatum. A me," inquit, "omnia proficiscentur,"[126]belliManutius; illiMSS.[127]nisiSchmidt; eiMSS.[Pg 289]those condemned by Pompey's law are going to be recalled: and so he is going to make use of their services in Sicily. He had no doubt about Caesar getting the two Spains and said he would start from them with an army to wherever Pompey might be. Pompey's death would be the end of the war. Caesar had been carried away by anger into wishing to have the tribune Metellus killed and he had had a narrow shave. If it had happened, there would have been an enormous massacre. Many had spoken in favour of a massacre: and Caesar himself was not by nature and inclination averse to cruelty, but he thought that mild measures would win popularity. But, if he lost popular favour, he would be cruel. He had been put out when he found that he had offended the populace itself by seizing the treasury: and so, though he had fully made up his mind to harangue the people before leaving, he had not ventured to do so, and he had gone off in a very disturbed state of mind. But when I asked Curio what he looked forward to, what end, and what constitution, he confessed openly that there was no hope left. He was afraid of Pompey's fleet, and, if it put to sea, he should desert Sicily. I asked, what was the meaning of his six lictors, why their staves were laurelled, if the Senate gave them to him, and why there were six, if Caesar gave them.[128]He said, "I wanted to snatch a vote from the House for them (for it could not be done openly): but Caesar hates the Senate like poison, and declares that all such authority will[128]Six lictors were the regular number for the propraetor of Sicily; but their staves would not be laurelled as Curio had not won a victory over a public enemy. If appointed alegatusto Caesar he might have had proconsular powers and twelve lictors.

[Pg 288]

omnes, qui lege Pompeia condemnati essent, restituerentur. Itaque se in Sicilia eorum opera usurum. De Hispaniis non dubitabat, quin Caesaris essent. Inde ipsum cum exercitu, ubicumque Pompeius esset. Eius interitum finem belli[126]fore. Propius factum esse nihil, nisi[127]plane iracundia elatum voluisse Caesarem occidi Metellum tribunum pl. Quod si esset factum, caedem magnam futuram fuisse. Permultos hortatores esse caedis, ipsum autem non voluntate aut natura non esse crudelem, sed quod popularem putaret esse clementiam. Quodsi populi stadium amisisset, crudelem fore. Eumque perturbatum, quod intellegeret se apud ipsam plebem offendisse de aerario. Itaque, ei cum certissimum fuisset, antequam proficisceretur, contionem habere, ausum non esse vehementerque animo perturbato profectum. Cum autem ex eo quaererem, quid videret, quem eventum, quam rem publicam, plane fatebatur nullam spem reliquam. Pompei classem timebat. Quae si exisset, se de Sicilia abiturum. "Quid isti," inquam, "sex tui fasces? si a senatu, cur laureati? si ab ipso, cur sex?" "Cupivi," inquit, "ex senatus consulto surrupto; nam aliter non poterat. At ille impendio nunc magis odit senatum. A me," inquit, "omnia proficiscentur,"

[126]belliManutius; illiMSS.

[127]nisiSchmidt; eiMSS.

[Pg 289]those condemned by Pompey's law are going to be recalled: and so he is going to make use of their services in Sicily. He had no doubt about Caesar getting the two Spains and said he would start from them with an army to wherever Pompey might be. Pompey's death would be the end of the war. Caesar had been carried away by anger into wishing to have the tribune Metellus killed and he had had a narrow shave. If it had happened, there would have been an enormous massacre. Many had spoken in favour of a massacre: and Caesar himself was not by nature and inclination averse to cruelty, but he thought that mild measures would win popularity. But, if he lost popular favour, he would be cruel. He had been put out when he found that he had offended the populace itself by seizing the treasury: and so, though he had fully made up his mind to harangue the people before leaving, he had not ventured to do so, and he had gone off in a very disturbed state of mind. But when I asked Curio what he looked forward to, what end, and what constitution, he confessed openly that there was no hope left. He was afraid of Pompey's fleet, and, if it put to sea, he should desert Sicily. I asked, what was the meaning of his six lictors, why their staves were laurelled, if the Senate gave them to him, and why there were six, if Caesar gave them.[128]He said, "I wanted to snatch a vote from the House for them (for it could not be done openly): but Caesar hates the Senate like poison, and declares that all such authority will[128]Six lictors were the regular number for the propraetor of Sicily; but their staves would not be laurelled as Curio had not won a victory over a public enemy. If appointed alegatusto Caesar he might have had proconsular powers and twelve lictors.

[Pg 289]

those condemned by Pompey's law are going to be recalled: and so he is going to make use of their services in Sicily. He had no doubt about Caesar getting the two Spains and said he would start from them with an army to wherever Pompey might be. Pompey's death would be the end of the war. Caesar had been carried away by anger into wishing to have the tribune Metellus killed and he had had a narrow shave. If it had happened, there would have been an enormous massacre. Many had spoken in favour of a massacre: and Caesar himself was not by nature and inclination averse to cruelty, but he thought that mild measures would win popularity. But, if he lost popular favour, he would be cruel. He had been put out when he found that he had offended the populace itself by seizing the treasury: and so, though he had fully made up his mind to harangue the people before leaving, he had not ventured to do so, and he had gone off in a very disturbed state of mind. But when I asked Curio what he looked forward to, what end, and what constitution, he confessed openly that there was no hope left. He was afraid of Pompey's fleet, and, if it put to sea, he should desert Sicily. I asked, what was the meaning of his six lictors, why their staves were laurelled, if the Senate gave them to him, and why there were six, if Caesar gave them.[128]He said, "I wanted to snatch a vote from the House for them (for it could not be done openly): but Caesar hates the Senate like poison, and declares that all such authority will

[128]Six lictors were the regular number for the propraetor of Sicily; but their staves would not be laurelled as Curio had not won a victory over a public enemy. If appointed alegatusto Caesar he might have had proconsular powers and twelve lictors.

[Pg 290]"Cur autem sex?" "QuiaXIInolui; nam licebat." Tum ego "Quam vellem," inquam, "petisse ab eo, quod audio Philippum impetrasse! Sed veritus sum, quia ille a me nihil impetrabat." "Libenter," inquit, "tibi concessisset. Verum puta te impetrasse; ego enim ad eum scribam, ut tu ipse voles, de ea re nos inter nos locutos. Quid autem illius interest, quoniam in senatum non venis, ubi sis? Quin nunc ipsum minime offendisses eius causam, si in Italia non fuisses." Ad quae ego me recessum et solitudinem quaerere, maxime quod lictores haberem. Laudavit consilium. "Quid ergo?" inquam; "nam mihi cursus in Graeciam per tuam provinciam est, quoniam ad mare superum milites sunt." "Quid mihi," inquit, "optatius?" Hoc loco multa perliberaliter. Ergo hoc quidem est profectum, ut non modo tuto, verum etiam palam navigaremus.Reliqua in posterum diem distulit; ex quibus scribam ad to si quid erit epistula dignum. Sunt autem, quae praeterii, interregnumne esset exspectaturus, an, quo modo dixerit ille quidem ad se deferri consulatum, sed se nolle in proximum annum. Et alia sunt, quae exquiram. Iurabat ad summam, quod nullo negotio facere solet, amicissimum mihi Caesarem esse. "Dubito equidem," inquam. "Scripsit ad me Dolabella." "Dic, quid?" Adfirmabat eum scripsisse, quod me cuperet ad urbem venire, illum quidem gratias agere maximas et non modo probare, sed etiam gaudere. Quid quaeris? acquievi, Levata[Pg 291]proceed from him." "But why six?" "Because I didn't want twelve, though I could have had them." I said: "I wish I had asked for what I hear Philippus has got from him: but I was afraid to ask, as he got nothing from me." He replied: "He would willingly have given you permission. But take it that you did get it. I will write to him just as you wish, and say we have spoken about the matter. What does it matter to him where you are, as you do not attend the House? If you were not in Italy at this very moment, it would not damage his cause in the least." I responded that I was looking for a retired and solitary retreat, especially because I still had my lictors in attendance. He agreed with me. "How about this then," said I. "My way through to Greece lies through your province, as the Adriatic is guarded." "There is nothing I should like better," he said, and added many very handsome remarks. So something has come of it: I could sail not only in safety, but openly.The rest he put off for the next day: I will write and tell you if there is anything worth mentioning. But there are some things I omitted to ask: whether Caesar was going to wait for an interregnum, or what he meant by saying that he had been offered the consulship but had refused it for the next year. And there are other points I must ask about. Finally he swore—though to be sure he makes no bones about swearing—that Caesar was very friendly to me. I expressed my doubt. He said he had heard from Dolabella. I asked what he said, and he declared he said Caesar had thanked him warmly for wanting me to go to Rome, and not only approved but showed pleasure. Of course I felt relieved.

[Pg 290]

"Cur autem sex?" "QuiaXIInolui; nam licebat." Tum ego "Quam vellem," inquam, "petisse ab eo, quod audio Philippum impetrasse! Sed veritus sum, quia ille a me nihil impetrabat." "Libenter," inquit, "tibi concessisset. Verum puta te impetrasse; ego enim ad eum scribam, ut tu ipse voles, de ea re nos inter nos locutos. Quid autem illius interest, quoniam in senatum non venis, ubi sis? Quin nunc ipsum minime offendisses eius causam, si in Italia non fuisses." Ad quae ego me recessum et solitudinem quaerere, maxime quod lictores haberem. Laudavit consilium. "Quid ergo?" inquam; "nam mihi cursus in Graeciam per tuam provinciam est, quoniam ad mare superum milites sunt." "Quid mihi," inquit, "optatius?" Hoc loco multa perliberaliter. Ergo hoc quidem est profectum, ut non modo tuto, verum etiam palam navigaremus.

Reliqua in posterum diem distulit; ex quibus scribam ad to si quid erit epistula dignum. Sunt autem, quae praeterii, interregnumne esset exspectaturus, an, quo modo dixerit ille quidem ad se deferri consulatum, sed se nolle in proximum annum. Et alia sunt, quae exquiram. Iurabat ad summam, quod nullo negotio facere solet, amicissimum mihi Caesarem esse. "Dubito equidem," inquam. "Scripsit ad me Dolabella." "Dic, quid?" Adfirmabat eum scripsisse, quod me cuperet ad urbem venire, illum quidem gratias agere maximas et non modo probare, sed etiam gaudere. Quid quaeris? acquievi, Levata

[Pg 291]proceed from him." "But why six?" "Because I didn't want twelve, though I could have had them." I said: "I wish I had asked for what I hear Philippus has got from him: but I was afraid to ask, as he got nothing from me." He replied: "He would willingly have given you permission. But take it that you did get it. I will write to him just as you wish, and say we have spoken about the matter. What does it matter to him where you are, as you do not attend the House? If you were not in Italy at this very moment, it would not damage his cause in the least." I responded that I was looking for a retired and solitary retreat, especially because I still had my lictors in attendance. He agreed with me. "How about this then," said I. "My way through to Greece lies through your province, as the Adriatic is guarded." "There is nothing I should like better," he said, and added many very handsome remarks. So something has come of it: I could sail not only in safety, but openly.The rest he put off for the next day: I will write and tell you if there is anything worth mentioning. But there are some things I omitted to ask: whether Caesar was going to wait for an interregnum, or what he meant by saying that he had been offered the consulship but had refused it for the next year. And there are other points I must ask about. Finally he swore—though to be sure he makes no bones about swearing—that Caesar was very friendly to me. I expressed my doubt. He said he had heard from Dolabella. I asked what he said, and he declared he said Caesar had thanked him warmly for wanting me to go to Rome, and not only approved but showed pleasure. Of course I felt relieved.

[Pg 291]

proceed from him." "But why six?" "Because I didn't want twelve, though I could have had them." I said: "I wish I had asked for what I hear Philippus has got from him: but I was afraid to ask, as he got nothing from me." He replied: "He would willingly have given you permission. But take it that you did get it. I will write to him just as you wish, and say we have spoken about the matter. What does it matter to him where you are, as you do not attend the House? If you were not in Italy at this very moment, it would not damage his cause in the least." I responded that I was looking for a retired and solitary retreat, especially because I still had my lictors in attendance. He agreed with me. "How about this then," said I. "My way through to Greece lies through your province, as the Adriatic is guarded." "There is nothing I should like better," he said, and added many very handsome remarks. So something has come of it: I could sail not only in safety, but openly.

The rest he put off for the next day: I will write and tell you if there is anything worth mentioning. But there are some things I omitted to ask: whether Caesar was going to wait for an interregnum, or what he meant by saying that he had been offered the consulship but had refused it for the next year. And there are other points I must ask about. Finally he swore—though to be sure he makes no bones about swearing—that Caesar was very friendly to me. I expressed my doubt. He said he had heard from Dolabella. I asked what he said, and he declared he said Caesar had thanked him warmly for wanting me to go to Rome, and not only approved but showed pleasure. Of course I felt relieved.

[Pg 292]est enim suspicio illa domestici mali et sermonis Hirtiani. Quam cupio illum dignum esse nobis, et quam ipse me invito, quae pro illo sint, ad suspicandum! Sed opus fuit Hirtio convento? Est profecto nescio quid, sed velim quam minimo. Et tamen eum nondum redisse miramur. Sed haec videbimus.Tu Oppios Terentiae delegabis.[129]Iam enim urbis unum periculum est. Me tamen consilio iuva, pedibusne Regium an hinc statim in navem, et cetera, quoniam commoror. Ego ad te statim habebo, quod scribam, simul ut videro Curionem. De Tirone cura, quaeso, quod facis, ut sciam, quid is agat.[129]delegabisWesenberg: dabisMSS.VCICERO ATTICO SAL.Scr. in Cumano XV K. Mai. a. 705De tota mea cogitatione scripsi ad te antea satis, ut mihi visus sum, diligenter. De die nihil sane potest scribi certi praeter hoc, non ante lunam novam. Curionis sermo postridie eandem habuit fere summam, nisi quod apertius significavit se harum rerum exitum non videre.Quod mihi mandas de Quinto regendo, Ἀρκαδίαν[Pg 293]The suspicion of domestic treachery and of the talk with Hirtius has been removed. How I hope young Quintus is worthy of his family, and how I keep urging myself to note the points in his favour! But need he have visited Hirtius? There is something in the tale, but I hope it may not prove of much consequence. Still I wonder he is not back yet. But we shall see about this.Please introduce Terentia to the Oppii: for there is only one danger in Rome now.[130]As for me, give me the benefit of your advice as to whether I am to go to Regium on foot or to embark straight from here, and on all the other points too, as I am staying here. I shall have something to write as soon as I have seen Curio. Please keep me posted up in news about Tiro's condition, as you have done.[130]The Oppii were moneylenders, and, if the readingunumis right, Cicero must mean that lack of obtaining ready money was the only danger in Rome.VCICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.Cumae, April 16,B.C. 49About the whole of my plans I have written to you before, as I think, exactly. Of the day I can say no more for certain than this, that it will not be before the new moon. Curio's conversation on the next day had practically the same gist, except that he showed still more frankly that he could not see an end to this state of things.50,000 sesterces30,000 sestercesAs for your commission about the control of Quintus, you are asking for the moon.[131]However I[131]Cf. the answer of the Delphic oracle to a Spartan envoy in Herodotus I, 66, Ἀρκαδίαν μ'αἰτεῖς, μέγα μ'αἰτεῖς, οὖτοι δώσω. "Thou askest for Arcadia. 'Tis much thou askest for. I will not give it."

[Pg 292]

est enim suspicio illa domestici mali et sermonis Hirtiani. Quam cupio illum dignum esse nobis, et quam ipse me invito, quae pro illo sint, ad suspicandum! Sed opus fuit Hirtio convento? Est profecto nescio quid, sed velim quam minimo. Et tamen eum nondum redisse miramur. Sed haec videbimus.

Tu Oppios Terentiae delegabis.[129]Iam enim urbis unum periculum est. Me tamen consilio iuva, pedibusne Regium an hinc statim in navem, et cetera, quoniam commoror. Ego ad te statim habebo, quod scribam, simul ut videro Curionem. De Tirone cura, quaeso, quod facis, ut sciam, quid is agat.

[129]delegabisWesenberg: dabisMSS.

Scr. in Cumano XV K. Mai. a. 705

De tota mea cogitatione scripsi ad te antea satis, ut mihi visus sum, diligenter. De die nihil sane potest scribi certi praeter hoc, non ante lunam novam. Curionis sermo postridie eandem habuit fere summam, nisi quod apertius significavit se harum rerum exitum non videre.

Quod mihi mandas de Quinto regendo, Ἀρκαδίαν

[Pg 293]The suspicion of domestic treachery and of the talk with Hirtius has been removed. How I hope young Quintus is worthy of his family, and how I keep urging myself to note the points in his favour! But need he have visited Hirtius? There is something in the tale, but I hope it may not prove of much consequence. Still I wonder he is not back yet. But we shall see about this.Please introduce Terentia to the Oppii: for there is only one danger in Rome now.[130]As for me, give me the benefit of your advice as to whether I am to go to Regium on foot or to embark straight from here, and on all the other points too, as I am staying here. I shall have something to write as soon as I have seen Curio. Please keep me posted up in news about Tiro's condition, as you have done.[130]The Oppii were moneylenders, and, if the readingunumis right, Cicero must mean that lack of obtaining ready money was the only danger in Rome.VCICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.Cumae, April 16,B.C. 49About the whole of my plans I have written to you before, as I think, exactly. Of the day I can say no more for certain than this, that it will not be before the new moon. Curio's conversation on the next day had practically the same gist, except that he showed still more frankly that he could not see an end to this state of things.50,000 sesterces30,000 sestercesAs for your commission about the control of Quintus, you are asking for the moon.[131]However I[131]Cf. the answer of the Delphic oracle to a Spartan envoy in Herodotus I, 66, Ἀρκαδίαν μ'αἰτεῖς, μέγα μ'αἰτεῖς, οὖτοι δώσω. "Thou askest for Arcadia. 'Tis much thou askest for. I will not give it."

[Pg 293]

The suspicion of domestic treachery and of the talk with Hirtius has been removed. How I hope young Quintus is worthy of his family, and how I keep urging myself to note the points in his favour! But need he have visited Hirtius? There is something in the tale, but I hope it may not prove of much consequence. Still I wonder he is not back yet. But we shall see about this.

Please introduce Terentia to the Oppii: for there is only one danger in Rome now.[130]As for me, give me the benefit of your advice as to whether I am to go to Regium on foot or to embark straight from here, and on all the other points too, as I am staying here. I shall have something to write as soon as I have seen Curio. Please keep me posted up in news about Tiro's condition, as you have done.

[130]The Oppii were moneylenders, and, if the readingunumis right, Cicero must mean that lack of obtaining ready money was the only danger in Rome.

Cumae, April 16,B.C. 49

About the whole of my plans I have written to you before, as I think, exactly. Of the day I can say no more for certain than this, that it will not be before the new moon. Curio's conversation on the next day had practically the same gist, except that he showed still more frankly that he could not see an end to this state of things.

50,000 sesterces

30,000 sesterces

As for your commission about the control of Quintus, you are asking for the moon.[131]However I

[131]Cf. the answer of the Delphic oracle to a Spartan envoy in Herodotus I, 66, Ἀρκαδίαν μ'αἰτεῖς, μέγα μ'αἰτεῖς, οὖτοι δώσω. "Thou askest for Arcadia. 'Tis much thou askest for. I will not give it."

[Pg 294]Tamen nihil praetermittam. Atque utinam tu ——, sed molestior non ero. Epistulam ad Vestorium statim detuli, ac valde requirere solebat. Commodius tecum Vettienus est locutus, quam ad me scripserat. Sed mirari satis hominis neglegentiam non queo. Cum enim mihi Philotimus dixisset se HSLemere de Canuleio deversorium illud posse, minoris etiam empturum, si Vettienum rogassem, rogavi, ut, si quid posset, ex ea summa detraheret. Promisit. Ad me nuper se HSXXXemisse; ut scriberem, cui vellem addici; diem pecuniae Idus Novembr. esse. Rescripsi ei stomachosius, cum ioco tamen familiari. Nunc, quoniam agit liberaliter, nihil accuso hominem, scripsique ad eum me a te certiorem esse factum. Tu, de tuo itinere quid et quando cogites, velim me certiorem facias. A. d.XVK. Maias.VICICERO ATTICO SAL.Scr. in Cumano medio m. Apr. a. 705Me adhuc nihil praeter tempestatem moratur. Astute nihil sum acturus. Fiat in Hispania quidlibet; et tamen ire certum est.[132]Meas cogitationes omnis explicavi tibi superioribus litteris. Quocirca hae sunt breves, etiam[133]quia festinabam eramque occupatior.[132]ire certum estWesenberg: recitet etMZb: reticeretZl.[133]etiamMalaspina: et tamenMSS.De Quinto filio fit a me quidem sedulo; sed nosti[Pg 295]shall be guilty of no omission and would that you——. But I will not be too troublesome. The letter I forwarded at once to Vestorius; he kept asking why it was not sent. Vettienus has spoken with you in a tone more accommodating than his letter to me: but I am greatly astonished at the man's carelessness. Philotimus informed me that he could buy that lodge of Canuleius for 400 guineas, and could get it even for less, if I asked Vettienus to act as purchaser. So I did ask Vettienus to get a deduction from that sum, if he could. He promised. Lately he has informed me that he bought it for about £250, and asked me to inform him to whom I wished to convey it, adding that the day for payment was the 13th of November. My reply was somewhat cross, but yet in a familiar joking vein. Now, as he is acting handsomely, I have no charge against him, and I have written to him that you have informed me. Please let me know about your journey, what you intend to do and when.April 16.VICICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.Cumae, April,B.C.49So far nothing stops me beyond the weather. I am not going to play a sharp game. Let what will happen in Spain, I have made up my mind to go. My plans have all been unfolded to you in previous letters; so this is a short one; also because I am in a hurry and rather busy.As for young Quintus "surely I do my best,"[134]you[134]Possibly a reference to TerenceAdelphi44, "Fit sedulo, nihil praetermitto, consuefacio."

[Pg 294]

Tamen nihil praetermittam. Atque utinam tu ——, sed molestior non ero. Epistulam ad Vestorium statim detuli, ac valde requirere solebat. Commodius tecum Vettienus est locutus, quam ad me scripserat. Sed mirari satis hominis neglegentiam non queo. Cum enim mihi Philotimus dixisset se HSLemere de Canuleio deversorium illud posse, minoris etiam empturum, si Vettienum rogassem, rogavi, ut, si quid posset, ex ea summa detraheret. Promisit. Ad me nuper se HSXXXemisse; ut scriberem, cui vellem addici; diem pecuniae Idus Novembr. esse. Rescripsi ei stomachosius, cum ioco tamen familiari. Nunc, quoniam agit liberaliter, nihil accuso hominem, scripsique ad eum me a te certiorem esse factum. Tu, de tuo itinere quid et quando cogites, velim me certiorem facias. A. d.XVK. Maias.

Scr. in Cumano medio m. Apr. a. 705

Me adhuc nihil praeter tempestatem moratur. Astute nihil sum acturus. Fiat in Hispania quidlibet; et tamen ire certum est.[132]Meas cogitationes omnis explicavi tibi superioribus litteris. Quocirca hae sunt breves, etiam[133]quia festinabam eramque occupatior.

[132]ire certum estWesenberg: recitet etMZb: reticeretZl.

[133]etiamMalaspina: et tamenMSS.

De Quinto filio fit a me quidem sedulo; sed nosti

[Pg 295]shall be guilty of no omission and would that you——. But I will not be too troublesome. The letter I forwarded at once to Vestorius; he kept asking why it was not sent. Vettienus has spoken with you in a tone more accommodating than his letter to me: but I am greatly astonished at the man's carelessness. Philotimus informed me that he could buy that lodge of Canuleius for 400 guineas, and could get it even for less, if I asked Vettienus to act as purchaser. So I did ask Vettienus to get a deduction from that sum, if he could. He promised. Lately he has informed me that he bought it for about £250, and asked me to inform him to whom I wished to convey it, adding that the day for payment was the 13th of November. My reply was somewhat cross, but yet in a familiar joking vein. Now, as he is acting handsomely, I have no charge against him, and I have written to him that you have informed me. Please let me know about your journey, what you intend to do and when.April 16.VICICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.Cumae, April,B.C.49So far nothing stops me beyond the weather. I am not going to play a sharp game. Let what will happen in Spain, I have made up my mind to go. My plans have all been unfolded to you in previous letters; so this is a short one; also because I am in a hurry and rather busy.As for young Quintus "surely I do my best,"[134]you[134]Possibly a reference to TerenceAdelphi44, "Fit sedulo, nihil praetermitto, consuefacio."

[Pg 295]

shall be guilty of no omission and would that you——. But I will not be too troublesome. The letter I forwarded at once to Vestorius; he kept asking why it was not sent. Vettienus has spoken with you in a tone more accommodating than his letter to me: but I am greatly astonished at the man's carelessness. Philotimus informed me that he could buy that lodge of Canuleius for 400 guineas, and could get it even for less, if I asked Vettienus to act as purchaser. So I did ask Vettienus to get a deduction from that sum, if he could. He promised. Lately he has informed me that he bought it for about £250, and asked me to inform him to whom I wished to convey it, adding that the day for payment was the 13th of November. My reply was somewhat cross, but yet in a familiar joking vein. Now, as he is acting handsomely, I have no charge against him, and I have written to him that you have informed me. Please let me know about your journey, what you intend to do and when.

April 16.

Cumae, April,B.C.49

So far nothing stops me beyond the weather. I am not going to play a sharp game. Let what will happen in Spain, I have made up my mind to go. My plans have all been unfolded to you in previous letters; so this is a short one; also because I am in a hurry and rather busy.

As for young Quintus "surely I do my best,"[134]you

[134]Possibly a reference to TerenceAdelphi44, "Fit sedulo, nihil praetermitto, consuefacio."

[Pg 296]reliqua. Quod dein me mones, et amice et prudenter me mones, sed erunt omnia facilia, si ab uno illo cavero. Magnum opus est, mirabilia multa, nihil simplex, nihil sincerum. Vellem suscepisses iuvenem regendum; pater enim nimis indulgens, quicquid ego adstrinxi, relaxat. Si sine illo possem, regerem; quod tu potes. Sed ignosco; magnum, inquam, opus est.Pompeium pro certo habemus per Illyricum proficisci in Galliam. Ego nunc, qua et quo, videbo.VIICICERO ATTICO SAL.Scr. in Cumano circ. IX K. Mai. a. 705Ego vero Apuliam et Sipontum et tergiversationem istam probo, nec tuam rationem eandem esse duco quam meam, non quin in re publica rectum idem sit utrique nostrum, sed ea non agitur. Regnandi contentio est, in qua pulsus est modestior rex et probior et integrior et is, qui nisi vincit, nomen populi Romani deleatur necesse est, sin autem vincit, Sullano more exemploque vincet. Ergo hac in contentione neutrum tibi palam sentiendum et tempori serviendum est. Mea causa autem alia est, quod beneficio vinctus ingratus esse non possum, nec tamen in acie me, sed Melitae aut alio in loco simili futurum puto. "Nihil," inquies, "iuvas eum, in quem[Pg 297]know the rest. You go on to advise me, and you advise me like a prudent friend; but all will be simple, if I beware of the youngster. It is a big business; he is full of oddities and has no simplicity or sincerity. I wish you had undertaken his training; for his father is too kind. If I tighten the rein, he loosens it. If I could act without his father, I could manage the youngster, as you can do. But I excuse you. It is, as I say, a big business.Pompey, I am certain, is marching through Illyricum into Gaul. By what route and whither I am now to travel, I shall see.VIICICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.Cumae, April 22(?),B.C.49Yes, I think you are right to hedge, and stay in Apulia and Sipontum: nor do I consider that your case is the same as mine. Of course in the matter of the constitution the right course is the same for both of us: but the constitution is not now in question. It is a struggle between two kings, in which defeat has overtaken the more moderate king, the one who is more upright and honest, the one whose failure means that the very name of the Roman people must be wiped out, though, if he wins the victory, he will use it after the manner and example of Sulla. Therefore in a contest like this you must not openly express your sentiments for either side, but must await the event. My case however is different. I am under the bond of an obligation, and cannot show ingratitude. But yet I do not fancy that I shall be found in the line of battle, but at Malta or some other similar place. You may say I

[Pg 296]

reliqua. Quod dein me mones, et amice et prudenter me mones, sed erunt omnia facilia, si ab uno illo cavero. Magnum opus est, mirabilia multa, nihil simplex, nihil sincerum. Vellem suscepisses iuvenem regendum; pater enim nimis indulgens, quicquid ego adstrinxi, relaxat. Si sine illo possem, regerem; quod tu potes. Sed ignosco; magnum, inquam, opus est.

Pompeium pro certo habemus per Illyricum proficisci in Galliam. Ego nunc, qua et quo, videbo.

Scr. in Cumano circ. IX K. Mai. a. 705

Ego vero Apuliam et Sipontum et tergiversationem istam probo, nec tuam rationem eandem esse duco quam meam, non quin in re publica rectum idem sit utrique nostrum, sed ea non agitur. Regnandi contentio est, in qua pulsus est modestior rex et probior et integrior et is, qui nisi vincit, nomen populi Romani deleatur necesse est, sin autem vincit, Sullano more exemploque vincet. Ergo hac in contentione neutrum tibi palam sentiendum et tempori serviendum est. Mea causa autem alia est, quod beneficio vinctus ingratus esse non possum, nec tamen in acie me, sed Melitae aut alio in loco simili futurum puto. "Nihil," inquies, "iuvas eum, in quem

[Pg 297]know the rest. You go on to advise me, and you advise me like a prudent friend; but all will be simple, if I beware of the youngster. It is a big business; he is full of oddities and has no simplicity or sincerity. I wish you had undertaken his training; for his father is too kind. If I tighten the rein, he loosens it. If I could act without his father, I could manage the youngster, as you can do. But I excuse you. It is, as I say, a big business.Pompey, I am certain, is marching through Illyricum into Gaul. By what route and whither I am now to travel, I shall see.VIICICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.Cumae, April 22(?),B.C.49Yes, I think you are right to hedge, and stay in Apulia and Sipontum: nor do I consider that your case is the same as mine. Of course in the matter of the constitution the right course is the same for both of us: but the constitution is not now in question. It is a struggle between two kings, in which defeat has overtaken the more moderate king, the one who is more upright and honest, the one whose failure means that the very name of the Roman people must be wiped out, though, if he wins the victory, he will use it after the manner and example of Sulla. Therefore in a contest like this you must not openly express your sentiments for either side, but must await the event. My case however is different. I am under the bond of an obligation, and cannot show ingratitude. But yet I do not fancy that I shall be found in the line of battle, but at Malta or some other similar place. You may say I

[Pg 297]

know the rest. You go on to advise me, and you advise me like a prudent friend; but all will be simple, if I beware of the youngster. It is a big business; he is full of oddities and has no simplicity or sincerity. I wish you had undertaken his training; for his father is too kind. If I tighten the rein, he loosens it. If I could act without his father, I could manage the youngster, as you can do. But I excuse you. It is, as I say, a big business.

Pompey, I am certain, is marching through Illyricum into Gaul. By what route and whither I am now to travel, I shall see.

Cumae, April 22(?),B.C.49

Yes, I think you are right to hedge, and stay in Apulia and Sipontum: nor do I consider that your case is the same as mine. Of course in the matter of the constitution the right course is the same for both of us: but the constitution is not now in question. It is a struggle between two kings, in which defeat has overtaken the more moderate king, the one who is more upright and honest, the one whose failure means that the very name of the Roman people must be wiped out, though, if he wins the victory, he will use it after the manner and example of Sulla. Therefore in a contest like this you must not openly express your sentiments for either side, but must await the event. My case however is different. I am under the bond of an obligation, and cannot show ingratitude. But yet I do not fancy that I shall be found in the line of battle, but at Malta or some other similar place. You may say I

[Pg 298]ingratus esse non vis?" Immo minus fortasse voluisset. Sed de hoc videbimus; exeamus modo. Quod ut meliore tempore possimus, facit Adriano mari Dolabella, Fretensi Curio.Iniecta autem mihi spes quaedam est velle mecum Ser. Sulpicium conloqui. Ad eum misi Philotimum libertum cum litteris. Si vir esse volet, praeclara συνοδία, sin autem ——, erimus nos, qui solemus. Curio mecum vixit, iacere Caesarem putans offensione populari Siciliaeque diffidens, si Pompeius navigare coepisset.Quintum puerum accepi vehementer. Avaritiam video fuisse et spem magni congiarii. Magnum hoc malum est, sed scelus illud, quod timueramus, spero nullum fuisse. Hoc autem vitium puto te existimare non a nostra indulgentia, sed a natura profectum. Quem tamen nos disciplina regemus.De Oppiis Veliensibus quid placeat, cum Philotimo videbis. Epirum nostram putabimus, sed alios cursus videbamur habituri.VIIICICERO ATTICO SAL.Scr. in Cumano VI Non. Mai. a. 705Et res ipsa monebat, et tu ostenderas, et ego videbam de iis rebus, quas intercipi periculosum esset, finem inter nos scribendi fieri tempus esse. Sed, cum ad me saepe mea Tullia scribat orans, ut, quid in Hispania geratur, exspectem, et semper[Pg 299]do not help the man to whom I am loth to show ingratitude. No. Perhaps he would have been glad if I had helped him less. But that we shall see. Let me only get away. A fair opportunity is offered now that Dolabella is in the Adriatic and Curio in the straits of Sicily.I have conceived some hope that Servius Sulpicius wishes to see me. I have dispatched Philotimus, my freedman, to him with a letter. If he wishes to play the man, we shall have a fine time together. But if not, well, I shall be my own old self. Curio stayed with me. He thinks that Caesar is falling in popular esteem and he is mistrustful about going to Sicily, if Pompey should begin a naval action.The boy Quintus got it hot when he came. I see it was greed and the hope of a large bounty. This is a great evil; but disloyalty, which I feared, there was I hope none. But this flaw, I fancy you will gather, did not proceed from my spoiling him, but from his own temperament. Still, I must teach him discipline.As to the Oppii of Velia, you will arrange with Philotimus as you think fit. Your place in Epirus I shall regard as my own; but it seems I shall go on another tack.VIIICICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.Cumae, May 2,B.C.49Circumstances advise, you have pointed out, and I see for myself, that it is time there was an end to our correspondence on topics which it is dangerous to have intercepted: but since my daughter often writes beseeching me to await the issue in Spain and

[Pg 298]

ingratus esse non vis?" Immo minus fortasse voluisset. Sed de hoc videbimus; exeamus modo. Quod ut meliore tempore possimus, facit Adriano mari Dolabella, Fretensi Curio.

Iniecta autem mihi spes quaedam est velle mecum Ser. Sulpicium conloqui. Ad eum misi Philotimum libertum cum litteris. Si vir esse volet, praeclara συνοδία, sin autem ——, erimus nos, qui solemus. Curio mecum vixit, iacere Caesarem putans offensione populari Siciliaeque diffidens, si Pompeius navigare coepisset.

Quintum puerum accepi vehementer. Avaritiam video fuisse et spem magni congiarii. Magnum hoc malum est, sed scelus illud, quod timueramus, spero nullum fuisse. Hoc autem vitium puto te existimare non a nostra indulgentia, sed a natura profectum. Quem tamen nos disciplina regemus.

De Oppiis Veliensibus quid placeat, cum Philotimo videbis. Epirum nostram putabimus, sed alios cursus videbamur habituri.

Scr. in Cumano VI Non. Mai. a. 705

Et res ipsa monebat, et tu ostenderas, et ego videbam de iis rebus, quas intercipi periculosum esset, finem inter nos scribendi fieri tempus esse. Sed, cum ad me saepe mea Tullia scribat orans, ut, quid in Hispania geratur, exspectem, et semper

[Pg 299]do not help the man to whom I am loth to show ingratitude. No. Perhaps he would have been glad if I had helped him less. But that we shall see. Let me only get away. A fair opportunity is offered now that Dolabella is in the Adriatic and Curio in the straits of Sicily.I have conceived some hope that Servius Sulpicius wishes to see me. I have dispatched Philotimus, my freedman, to him with a letter. If he wishes to play the man, we shall have a fine time together. But if not, well, I shall be my own old self. Curio stayed with me. He thinks that Caesar is falling in popular esteem and he is mistrustful about going to Sicily, if Pompey should begin a naval action.The boy Quintus got it hot when he came. I see it was greed and the hope of a large bounty. This is a great evil; but disloyalty, which I feared, there was I hope none. But this flaw, I fancy you will gather, did not proceed from my spoiling him, but from his own temperament. Still, I must teach him discipline.As to the Oppii of Velia, you will arrange with Philotimus as you think fit. Your place in Epirus I shall regard as my own; but it seems I shall go on another tack.VIIICICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.Cumae, May 2,B.C.49Circumstances advise, you have pointed out, and I see for myself, that it is time there was an end to our correspondence on topics which it is dangerous to have intercepted: but since my daughter often writes beseeching me to await the issue in Spain and

[Pg 299]

do not help the man to whom I am loth to show ingratitude. No. Perhaps he would have been glad if I had helped him less. But that we shall see. Let me only get away. A fair opportunity is offered now that Dolabella is in the Adriatic and Curio in the straits of Sicily.

I have conceived some hope that Servius Sulpicius wishes to see me. I have dispatched Philotimus, my freedman, to him with a letter. If he wishes to play the man, we shall have a fine time together. But if not, well, I shall be my own old self. Curio stayed with me. He thinks that Caesar is falling in popular esteem and he is mistrustful about going to Sicily, if Pompey should begin a naval action.

The boy Quintus got it hot when he came. I see it was greed and the hope of a large bounty. This is a great evil; but disloyalty, which I feared, there was I hope none. But this flaw, I fancy you will gather, did not proceed from my spoiling him, but from his own temperament. Still, I must teach him discipline.

As to the Oppii of Velia, you will arrange with Philotimus as you think fit. Your place in Epirus I shall regard as my own; but it seems I shall go on another tack.

Cumae, May 2,B.C.49

Circumstances advise, you have pointed out, and I see for myself, that it is time there was an end to our correspondence on topics which it is dangerous to have intercepted: but since my daughter often writes beseeching me to await the issue in Spain and

[Pg 300]adscribat idem videri tibi, idque ipse etiam ex tuis litteris intellexerim, non puto esse alienum me ad te, quid de ea re sentiam, scribere.Consilium istud tunc esset prudens, ut mihi videtur, si nostras rationes ad Hispaniensem casum accommodaturi essemus; quod fieri non debet.[135]Necesse est enim aut, id quod maxime velim, pelli istum ab Hispania, aut trahi id bellum, aut istum, ut confidere videtur, apprehendere Hispanias. Si pelletur, quam gratus aut quam honestus tum erit ad Pompeium noster adventus, cum ipsum Curionem ad eum transiturum putem? Si trahitur bellum, quid exspectem aut quam diu? Relinquitur, ut, si vincimur in Hispania, quiescamus. Id ego contra puto. Istum enim victorem magis relinquendum puto quam victum, et dubitantem magis quam fidentem suis rebus. Nam caedem video, si vicerit, et impetum in privatorum pecunias et exsulum reditum et tabulas novas et turpissimorum honores et regnum non modo Romano homini, sed ne Persae quidem cuiquam tolerabile. Tacita esse poterit indignitas nostra? pati poterunt oculi me cum Gabinio sententiam dicere, et quidem illum rogari prius? praesto esse clientem tuum Clodium, C. Atei Plaguleium, ceteros? Sed cur inimicos conligo, qui meos necessarios a me defensos nec videre in curia sine dolore nec versari inter eos sine dedecore potero? Quid, si ne id quidem est exploratum fore ut mihi liceat? Scribunt enim ad me amici eius me illi nullo modo satis[135]non debetis omitted by the best MSS. and is probably only supplied by conjecture in P.[Pg 301]always adds that you think the same, and this is what I have gathered myself from your letters, I think it is well for me to write to you what I think about it.The advice would be wise, it seems to me, only if I meant to shape my course according to what happens in Spain. That is impossible. For either, as I should much prefer, Caesar must be driven from Spain, or the war will drag on, or Caesar will seize Spain, as he seems to be confident. If Caesar is driven from Spain, you can imagine how pleasing and honourable my arrival will seem to Pompey, when I suppose even Curio will go over to him. If the war drags on, for what am I to wait or how long? The remaining alternative is that I should keep neutral, if we are beaten in Spain. I take the opposite view: for I think I am more bound to desert Caesar as victor than as vanquished, and while he is still doubtful rather than confident about his fortunes: for I foresee a massacre, if he conquers, attack on the wealth of private persons, the recall of exiles, repudiation of debts, high office for the vilest men, and a tyranny intolerable to a Persian much more to a Roman. Will my indignation be able to keep silence? Can my eyes endure to see myself giving my vote along with Gabinius, or indeed Gabinius being asked his opinion before me? Your client Clodius in waiting? Plaguleius, the client of C. Ateius, and all the others? But why do I make a list of opponents, when I shall be unable to see in the House without pain friends whom I have defended or to mix with them without shame? And what if even that may not be allowed to me, for all I know? For Caesar's friends write me that he is not at all

[Pg 300]

adscribat idem videri tibi, idque ipse etiam ex tuis litteris intellexerim, non puto esse alienum me ad te, quid de ea re sentiam, scribere.

Consilium istud tunc esset prudens, ut mihi videtur, si nostras rationes ad Hispaniensem casum accommodaturi essemus; quod fieri non debet.[135]Necesse est enim aut, id quod maxime velim, pelli istum ab Hispania, aut trahi id bellum, aut istum, ut confidere videtur, apprehendere Hispanias. Si pelletur, quam gratus aut quam honestus tum erit ad Pompeium noster adventus, cum ipsum Curionem ad eum transiturum putem? Si trahitur bellum, quid exspectem aut quam diu? Relinquitur, ut, si vincimur in Hispania, quiescamus. Id ego contra puto. Istum enim victorem magis relinquendum puto quam victum, et dubitantem magis quam fidentem suis rebus. Nam caedem video, si vicerit, et impetum in privatorum pecunias et exsulum reditum et tabulas novas et turpissimorum honores et regnum non modo Romano homini, sed ne Persae quidem cuiquam tolerabile. Tacita esse poterit indignitas nostra? pati poterunt oculi me cum Gabinio sententiam dicere, et quidem illum rogari prius? praesto esse clientem tuum Clodium, C. Atei Plaguleium, ceteros? Sed cur inimicos conligo, qui meos necessarios a me defensos nec videre in curia sine dolore nec versari inter eos sine dedecore potero? Quid, si ne id quidem est exploratum fore ut mihi liceat? Scribunt enim ad me amici eius me illi nullo modo satis

[135]non debetis omitted by the best MSS. and is probably only supplied by conjecture in P.

[Pg 301]always adds that you think the same, and this is what I have gathered myself from your letters, I think it is well for me to write to you what I think about it.The advice would be wise, it seems to me, only if I meant to shape my course according to what happens in Spain. That is impossible. For either, as I should much prefer, Caesar must be driven from Spain, or the war will drag on, or Caesar will seize Spain, as he seems to be confident. If Caesar is driven from Spain, you can imagine how pleasing and honourable my arrival will seem to Pompey, when I suppose even Curio will go over to him. If the war drags on, for what am I to wait or how long? The remaining alternative is that I should keep neutral, if we are beaten in Spain. I take the opposite view: for I think I am more bound to desert Caesar as victor than as vanquished, and while he is still doubtful rather than confident about his fortunes: for I foresee a massacre, if he conquers, attack on the wealth of private persons, the recall of exiles, repudiation of debts, high office for the vilest men, and a tyranny intolerable to a Persian much more to a Roman. Will my indignation be able to keep silence? Can my eyes endure to see myself giving my vote along with Gabinius, or indeed Gabinius being asked his opinion before me? Your client Clodius in waiting? Plaguleius, the client of C. Ateius, and all the others? But why do I make a list of opponents, when I shall be unable to see in the House without pain friends whom I have defended or to mix with them without shame? And what if even that may not be allowed to me, for all I know? For Caesar's friends write me that he is not at all

[Pg 301]

always adds that you think the same, and this is what I have gathered myself from your letters, I think it is well for me to write to you what I think about it.

The advice would be wise, it seems to me, only if I meant to shape my course according to what happens in Spain. That is impossible. For either, as I should much prefer, Caesar must be driven from Spain, or the war will drag on, or Caesar will seize Spain, as he seems to be confident. If Caesar is driven from Spain, you can imagine how pleasing and honourable my arrival will seem to Pompey, when I suppose even Curio will go over to him. If the war drags on, for what am I to wait or how long? The remaining alternative is that I should keep neutral, if we are beaten in Spain. I take the opposite view: for I think I am more bound to desert Caesar as victor than as vanquished, and while he is still doubtful rather than confident about his fortunes: for I foresee a massacre, if he conquers, attack on the wealth of private persons, the recall of exiles, repudiation of debts, high office for the vilest men, and a tyranny intolerable to a Persian much more to a Roman. Will my indignation be able to keep silence? Can my eyes endure to see myself giving my vote along with Gabinius, or indeed Gabinius being asked his opinion before me? Your client Clodius in waiting? Plaguleius, the client of C. Ateius, and all the others? But why do I make a list of opponents, when I shall be unable to see in the House without pain friends whom I have defended or to mix with them without shame? And what if even that may not be allowed to me, for all I know? For Caesar's friends write me that he is not at all

[Pg 302]fecisse, quod in senatum non venerim. Tamenne dubitemus, an ei nos etiam cum periculo venditemus, quicum coniuncti ne cum praemio quidem voluimus esse? Deinde hoc vide, non esse iudicium de tota contentione in Hispaniis, nisi forte iis amissis arma Pompeium abiecturum putas, cuius omne consilium Themistocleum est. Existimat enim, qui mare teneat, eum necesse esse rerum potiri. Itaque numquam id egit, ut Hispaniae per se tenerentur, navalis apparatus ei semper antiquissima cura fuit. Navigabit igitur, cum erit tempus, maximis classibus et ad Italiam accedet. In qua nos sedentes quid erimus? nam medios esse iam non licebit. Classibus adversabimur igitur? Quod maius scelus aut tantum denique? quid turpius? anuival dehic in absentis[136]solus tuli scelus, eiusdem cum Pompeio et cum reliquis principibus non feram? Quodsi iam misso officio periculi ratio habenda est, ab illis est periculum, si peccaro, ab hoc, si recte fecero, nec ullum in his malis consilium periculo vacuum inveniri potest, ut non sit dubium, quin turpiter facere cum periculo fugiamus, quod fugeremus etiam cum salute. Non si[137]simul cum Pompeio mare transierimus? Omnino non potuimus. Exstat ratio dierum. Sed tamen—fateamur enim, quod est: ne condimus quidem—ut possimus, fefellit ea me res, quae fortasse non debuit, sed fefellit. Pacem putavi fore. Quae si esset, iratum mihi Caesarem esse, cum idem amicus[136]The text here is hopelessly corrupt and no satisfactory emendation has been made. The translation gives the probable sense.[137]siadded by Tyrrell.[Pg 303]satisfied because I did not come to the Senate. Am I still to hesitate whether to sell myself to him at grave risk, when I refused to join him even with a certainty of reward. Besides consider this that the verdict on the whole contest does not depend on Spain; unless perhaps you think that, if Spain is lost, Pompey will throw down his arms, when his policy has always been that of Themistocles. He considers that the master of the sea must be master of the empire: so he has never planned to hold Spain for its own sake. The equipment of the fleet has always been his first care. So he will take to the sea in due season with a huge fleet and will come to Italy. What then will be the fate of us, if we stay here idle? Neutrality will be impossible. Shall we then resist the fleet? Could there be a crime deeper, greater or baser? Isolated I ran risks: shall I hesitate with the help of Pompey and the rest of the nobles. If now I am to take no account of duty but only of danger, it is from Pompey's party I run risk, if I do wrong, from Caesar, if I do right: and such is our evil plight that no plan is so free from danger as to leave a doubt that I should avoid doing with disgrace as well as danger what I should have avoided, if it had been safe. You will say I might safely have crossed the sea with Pompey. It was altogether impossible. It is easy to reckon the days: but nevertheless (for let me confess the truth: I do not even sugar my confession) supposing I could, I was mistaken over a point which perhaps ought not to have misled me; but it did. I thought that peace might be made: and, if it should be, I did not wish Caesar to be angry with me, when at the same time he was

[Pg 302]

fecisse, quod in senatum non venerim. Tamenne dubitemus, an ei nos etiam cum periculo venditemus, quicum coniuncti ne cum praemio quidem voluimus esse? Deinde hoc vide, non esse iudicium de tota contentione in Hispaniis, nisi forte iis amissis arma Pompeium abiecturum putas, cuius omne consilium Themistocleum est. Existimat enim, qui mare teneat, eum necesse esse rerum potiri. Itaque numquam id egit, ut Hispaniae per se tenerentur, navalis apparatus ei semper antiquissima cura fuit. Navigabit igitur, cum erit tempus, maximis classibus et ad Italiam accedet. In qua nos sedentes quid erimus? nam medios esse iam non licebit. Classibus adversabimur igitur? Quod maius scelus aut tantum denique? quid turpius? anuival dehic in absentis[136]solus tuli scelus, eiusdem cum Pompeio et cum reliquis principibus non feram? Quodsi iam misso officio periculi ratio habenda est, ab illis est periculum, si peccaro, ab hoc, si recte fecero, nec ullum in his malis consilium periculo vacuum inveniri potest, ut non sit dubium, quin turpiter facere cum periculo fugiamus, quod fugeremus etiam cum salute. Non si[137]simul cum Pompeio mare transierimus? Omnino non potuimus. Exstat ratio dierum. Sed tamen—fateamur enim, quod est: ne condimus quidem—ut possimus, fefellit ea me res, quae fortasse non debuit, sed fefellit. Pacem putavi fore. Quae si esset, iratum mihi Caesarem esse, cum idem amicus

[136]The text here is hopelessly corrupt and no satisfactory emendation has been made. The translation gives the probable sense.

[137]siadded by Tyrrell.

[Pg 303]satisfied because I did not come to the Senate. Am I still to hesitate whether to sell myself to him at grave risk, when I refused to join him even with a certainty of reward. Besides consider this that the verdict on the whole contest does not depend on Spain; unless perhaps you think that, if Spain is lost, Pompey will throw down his arms, when his policy has always been that of Themistocles. He considers that the master of the sea must be master of the empire: so he has never planned to hold Spain for its own sake. The equipment of the fleet has always been his first care. So he will take to the sea in due season with a huge fleet and will come to Italy. What then will be the fate of us, if we stay here idle? Neutrality will be impossible. Shall we then resist the fleet? Could there be a crime deeper, greater or baser? Isolated I ran risks: shall I hesitate with the help of Pompey and the rest of the nobles. If now I am to take no account of duty but only of danger, it is from Pompey's party I run risk, if I do wrong, from Caesar, if I do right: and such is our evil plight that no plan is so free from danger as to leave a doubt that I should avoid doing with disgrace as well as danger what I should have avoided, if it had been safe. You will say I might safely have crossed the sea with Pompey. It was altogether impossible. It is easy to reckon the days: but nevertheless (for let me confess the truth: I do not even sugar my confession) supposing I could, I was mistaken over a point which perhaps ought not to have misled me; but it did. I thought that peace might be made: and, if it should be, I did not wish Caesar to be angry with me, when at the same time he was

[Pg 303]

satisfied because I did not come to the Senate. Am I still to hesitate whether to sell myself to him at grave risk, when I refused to join him even with a certainty of reward. Besides consider this that the verdict on the whole contest does not depend on Spain; unless perhaps you think that, if Spain is lost, Pompey will throw down his arms, when his policy has always been that of Themistocles. He considers that the master of the sea must be master of the empire: so he has never planned to hold Spain for its own sake. The equipment of the fleet has always been his first care. So he will take to the sea in due season with a huge fleet and will come to Italy. What then will be the fate of us, if we stay here idle? Neutrality will be impossible. Shall we then resist the fleet? Could there be a crime deeper, greater or baser? Isolated I ran risks: shall I hesitate with the help of Pompey and the rest of the nobles. If now I am to take no account of duty but only of danger, it is from Pompey's party I run risk, if I do wrong, from Caesar, if I do right: and such is our evil plight that no plan is so free from danger as to leave a doubt that I should avoid doing with disgrace as well as danger what I should have avoided, if it had been safe. You will say I might safely have crossed the sea with Pompey. It was altogether impossible. It is easy to reckon the days: but nevertheless (for let me confess the truth: I do not even sugar my confession) supposing I could, I was mistaken over a point which perhaps ought not to have misled me; but it did. I thought that peace might be made: and, if it should be, I did not wish Caesar to be angry with me, when at the same time he was

[Pg 304]esset Pompeio, nolui. Senseram enim, quam idem essent. Hoc verens in hanc tarditatem incidi. Sed assequor omnia, si propero, si cunctor, amitto. Et tamen, mi Attice, auguria quoque me incitant quadam spe non dubia, nec haec collegii nostri ab Atto, sed illa Platonis de tyrannis. Nullo enim modo posse video stare istum diutius, quin ipse per se etiam languentibus nobis concidat, quippe qui florentissimus ac novusVI,VIIdiebus ipsi illi egenti ac perditae multitudini in odium acerbissimum venerit, qui duarum rerum simulationem tam cito amiserit, mansuetudinis in Metello, divitiarum in aerario. Iam quibus utatur vel sociis vel ministris? ii provincias, ii rem publicam regent, quorum nemo duo menses potuit patrimonium suum gubernare?Non sunt omnia colligenda, quae tu acutissime perspicis, sed tamen ea pone ante oculos; iam intelleges id regnum vix semenstre esse posse. Quod si me fefellerit, feram, sicut multi clarissimi homines in re publica excellentes tulerunt, nisi forti me Sardanapalli vicem [in suo lectulo][138]mori malle censueris quam exsilio Themistocleo. Qui com fuisset, ut ait Thucydides, τῶν μὲν παρόντων δι' ἐλαχίστης βουλῆς κράτιστος γνώμων, τῶν δὲ μελλόντων ἐς πλεῖστον τοῦ γενησομένου ἄριστος εἰκαστής, tamen incidit in eos[138]The words in brackets are deleted by Nipperdey as a gloss.[Pg 305]friendly with Pompey. For I had realized how exactly they were alike. That fear of mine led me to delay. But I gain all now by haste, and, if I delay, I lose all. Nevertheless, my friend, there are auguries which urge me on, with hope not uncertain: I do not mean those of my own college which came down from Attus Navius: but Plato's words about the tyrant.[139]For I see that Caesar can in no way maintain his position much longer, without causing his own fall, even if we are backward. For in his first and flourishing days it did not take him a week to incur the bitter hatred of the needy abandoned rabble, by letting slip through his fingers so quickly his fictitious claim to two things, clemency in the case of Metellus and ample wealth in the case of the public money. Now what kind of associates and servants can he employ? Are men to rule provinces and direct affairs not one of whom could steer his own fortunes for two months?[139]ProbablyRepublicVIII, 562.I need not put all the points together; you see them clearly enough: but put them before your eyes and you will understand that his reign can hardly last for half a year. If I am mistaken, I will bear the consequences, as many illustrious men, eminent in public life, have borne them, unless perhaps you consider that I should prefer to die like Sardanapalus [in his bed] rather than like Themistocles in exile. For Thucydides tells us that though Themistocles was "the best judge of current affairs on the shortest reflection, and the shrewdest to guess at what would happen in the future," yet he fell into misfortunes, which he would have escaped, had there been no

[Pg 304]

esset Pompeio, nolui. Senseram enim, quam idem essent. Hoc verens in hanc tarditatem incidi. Sed assequor omnia, si propero, si cunctor, amitto. Et tamen, mi Attice, auguria quoque me incitant quadam spe non dubia, nec haec collegii nostri ab Atto, sed illa Platonis de tyrannis. Nullo enim modo posse video stare istum diutius, quin ipse per se etiam languentibus nobis concidat, quippe qui florentissimus ac novusVI,VIIdiebus ipsi illi egenti ac perditae multitudini in odium acerbissimum venerit, qui duarum rerum simulationem tam cito amiserit, mansuetudinis in Metello, divitiarum in aerario. Iam quibus utatur vel sociis vel ministris? ii provincias, ii rem publicam regent, quorum nemo duo menses potuit patrimonium suum gubernare?

Non sunt omnia colligenda, quae tu acutissime perspicis, sed tamen ea pone ante oculos; iam intelleges id regnum vix semenstre esse posse. Quod si me fefellerit, feram, sicut multi clarissimi homines in re publica excellentes tulerunt, nisi forti me Sardanapalli vicem [in suo lectulo][138]mori malle censueris quam exsilio Themistocleo. Qui com fuisset, ut ait Thucydides, τῶν μὲν παρόντων δι' ἐλαχίστης βουλῆς κράτιστος γνώμων, τῶν δὲ μελλόντων ἐς πλεῖστον τοῦ γενησομένου ἄριστος εἰκαστής, tamen incidit in eos

[138]The words in brackets are deleted by Nipperdey as a gloss.

[Pg 305]friendly with Pompey. For I had realized how exactly they were alike. That fear of mine led me to delay. But I gain all now by haste, and, if I delay, I lose all. Nevertheless, my friend, there are auguries which urge me on, with hope not uncertain: I do not mean those of my own college which came down from Attus Navius: but Plato's words about the tyrant.[139]For I see that Caesar can in no way maintain his position much longer, without causing his own fall, even if we are backward. For in his first and flourishing days it did not take him a week to incur the bitter hatred of the needy abandoned rabble, by letting slip through his fingers so quickly his fictitious claim to two things, clemency in the case of Metellus and ample wealth in the case of the public money. Now what kind of associates and servants can he employ? Are men to rule provinces and direct affairs not one of whom could steer his own fortunes for two months?[139]ProbablyRepublicVIII, 562.I need not put all the points together; you see them clearly enough: but put them before your eyes and you will understand that his reign can hardly last for half a year. If I am mistaken, I will bear the consequences, as many illustrious men, eminent in public life, have borne them, unless perhaps you consider that I should prefer to die like Sardanapalus [in his bed] rather than like Themistocles in exile. For Thucydides tells us that though Themistocles was "the best judge of current affairs on the shortest reflection, and the shrewdest to guess at what would happen in the future," yet he fell into misfortunes, which he would have escaped, had there been no

[Pg 305]

friendly with Pompey. For I had realized how exactly they were alike. That fear of mine led me to delay. But I gain all now by haste, and, if I delay, I lose all. Nevertheless, my friend, there are auguries which urge me on, with hope not uncertain: I do not mean those of my own college which came down from Attus Navius: but Plato's words about the tyrant.[139]For I see that Caesar can in no way maintain his position much longer, without causing his own fall, even if we are backward. For in his first and flourishing days it did not take him a week to incur the bitter hatred of the needy abandoned rabble, by letting slip through his fingers so quickly his fictitious claim to two things, clemency in the case of Metellus and ample wealth in the case of the public money. Now what kind of associates and servants can he employ? Are men to rule provinces and direct affairs not one of whom could steer his own fortunes for two months?

[139]ProbablyRepublicVIII, 562.

I need not put all the points together; you see them clearly enough: but put them before your eyes and you will understand that his reign can hardly last for half a year. If I am mistaken, I will bear the consequences, as many illustrious men, eminent in public life, have borne them, unless perhaps you consider that I should prefer to die like Sardanapalus [in his bed] rather than like Themistocles in exile. For Thucydides tells us that though Themistocles was "the best judge of current affairs on the shortest reflection, and the shrewdest to guess at what would happen in the future," yet he fell into misfortunes, which he would have escaped, had there been no

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