"——Cadit & Ripheus justissimus unusQui fuit in Teucris, & servantissimus æqui.Diis aliter visum est.——"The gods thought fit.—So blameless Ripheus fell,Who lov'd fair Justice, and observ'd it well."
"And that Pantheus could neither be preserved by his transcendent piety, nor by the holy fillets of Apollo, whose priest he was:
"——Nec te tua plurima, Pantheu,Labentem pietas, nec Apollinis infula texit.Æn. II."Nor could thy piety thee, Pantheus, save,Nor ev'n thy priesthood, from an early grave.
"I might here mention the practice of antient Tragic Poets, both Greek and Latin; but as this particular is touched upon in the Paper above-mentioned, I shall pass it over in silence. I could produce passages out of Aristotle in favour of my opinion: And if in one place he says, that an absolutely virtuous man should not be represented as unhappy, this does not justify any one who shall think fit to bring in an absolutely virtuous man upon the stage. Those who are acquainted with that author's way of writing, know very well, that to take the whole extent of his subject into his divisions of it, he often makes use of such cases as are imaginary, and not reducible to practice....
"I shall conclude,says this gentleman, with observing, that tho' theSpectatorabove-mentioned is so far against the rule ofPoetical Justice, as to affirm, that good men may meet with an unhappy Catastrophe in Tragedy, it does not say, that ill men may go off unpunished. The reason for this distinction is very plain; namely, because the best of men [as is said above] have faults enough to justify Providence for any misfortunes and afflictions which may befal them; but there are many men so criminal, that they can have no claim or pretence to happiness. Thebestof men may deserve punishment; but theworstof men cannot deserve happiness."
Mr. Addison, as we have seen above, tells us, that Aristotle, in considering the Tragedies that were written in either of the kinds, observes, that those which ended unhappily had always pleased the people, and carried away the prize, in the public disputes of theStage, from those that ended happily. And we shall take leave to add, that this preference was given at a time when the entertainments of the Stage were committed to the care of the magistrates; when the prizes contended for were given by the State; when, of consequence, the emulation among writers was ardent; and when learning was at the highest pitch of glory in that renowned commonwealth.
It cannot be supposed, that the Athenians, in this their highest age of taste and politeness, were less humane, less tender-hearted, than we of the present. But they were notafraidof being moved, norashamedof shewing themselves to be so, at the distresses they saw well painted and represented. In short, they were of the opinion, with the wisest of men,That it was better to go to the house of mourning than to the house of mirth; and had fortitude enough to trust themselves with their own generous grief, because they found their hearts mended by it.
Thus also Horace, and the politest Romans in the Augustan age, wished to be affected:
Ac ne forte putes me, quæ facere ipse recusem,Cum recte tractant alii, laudare maligne;Ille per extentum funem mihi posse videturIre poeta, meum qui pectus inaniter angit,Irritat, mulcet; falsis terroribus implet,Ut magus; & modo me Thebis, modo ponit Athenis.
Thus Englished by Mr. Pope:
Yet, lest you think I railly more than teach,Or praise malignlyArtsI cannot reach,Let me, for once, presume t'instruct the timesTo know thePoetfrom theMan of Rhymes.'Tis He who gives my breast a thousand pains,Can make mefeeleach passion that he feigns;Enrage—compose—with more than magic art,Withpityand withterrortear my heart;And snatch me o'er the earth, or thro' the air,To Thebes, to Athens, when he will, and where.
Our fair readers are also desired to attend to what a celebrated Critic[42]of a neighbouring nation says on the nature and design of Tragedy, from the rules laid down by the same great Antient.
'Tragedy, says he, makes manmodest, by representing the great masters of the earth humbled; and it makes himtenderandmerciful, by shewing him thestrange accidents of life, and theunforeseen disgracesto which the most important persons are subject.
'But because Man is naturally timorous and compassionate, he may fall into other extremes. Too much fear may shake his constancy of mind, and too much compassion may enfeeble his equity. 'Tis the business of Tragedy to regulate these two weaknesses. It prepares and arms him againstdisgraces, by shewing them so frequent in the most considerable persons; and he will cease to fear extraordinary accidents, when he sees them happen to thehighestpart of Mankind. And still more efficacious, we may add, the example will be, when he sees them happen to thebest.
'But as the end of Tragedy is to teach men not to fear too weaklycommon misfortunes, it proposes also to teach them to spare their compassion for objects thatdeserve it. For there is aninjusticein being moved at the afflictions of those whodeserve to be miserable. We may see, without pity, Clytemnestra slain by her son Orestes in Æschylus, because she had murdered Agamemnon her husband; yet we cannot see Hippolytus die by the plot of his Stepmother Phædra, in Euripides, without compassion, because he died not, but for being chaste and virtuous.'
'These are the great authorities so favourable to the stories that end unhappily. And we beg leave to reinforce this inference from them, That if the temporary sufferings of the Virtuous and the Good can be accounted for and justified on Pagan principles, many more and infinitely stronger reasons will occur to a Christian Reader in behalf of what are called unhappyCatastrophes from the consideration of the doctrine offuture rewards; which is every-where strongly inforced in the History of Clarissa.
'Of this (to give but one instance) an ingenious Modern, distinguished by his rank, but much more for his excellent defence of some of the most important doctrines of Christianity, appears convinced in the conclusion of a patheticMonody, lately published; in which, after he had deplored, as a manwithout hope, (expressing ourselves in the Scripture phrase) the loss of an excellent Wife; he thus consoles himself:
'Yet, O my soul! thy rising murmurs stay,Nor dare th' All-wise Disposer to arraign,Or against his supreme decreeWith impious grief complain.That all thy full-blown joys at once should fade,Was his most righteous Will: And be that Will obey'd.'Would thy fond love his grace to her controul,And in these low abodes of sin and painHer pure, exalted soul,Unjustly, for thy partial good, detain?No—rather strive thy groveling mind to raiseUp to that unclouded blaze,That heav'nly radiance of eternal light,In which enthroned she now with pity seesHow frail, how insecure, how slightIs ev'ry mortal bliss.
'But of infinitely greater weight than all that has been above produced on this subject, are the words of the Psalmist.
"As for me, says he[43], my feet were almost gone, my step had well-nigh slipt: For I was envious at the foolish, when I saw the prosperity of the wicked. For their strength is firm: They are not in trouble as other men; neither are they plagued like other men—Their eyes stand out with fatness: They have more than their heart could wish—Verily I have cleansed mine heart in vain, and washed my hands in innocence; for all the day long have I been plagued, and chastened every morning. When I thought to know this, it was too painful for me. Until I went into the sanctuary of God; then understood I their end—Thou shalt guide me with thy counsel, and afterward receive me to glory.'
'This is the Psalmist's comfort and dependence. And shall man, presuming to alter the common course of nature, and, so far as he is able, to elude the tenure by which frail mortality indispensibly holds, imagine, that he can make a better dispensation; and by calling itPoetical Justice, indirectly reflect on theDivine?'
The more pains have been taken to obviate the objections arising from the notion ofPoetical Justice, as the doctrine built upon it had obtained general credit among us; and as it must be confessed to have the appearance ofhumanityandgood-naturefor its supports. And yet the writer of the History of Clarissa is humbly of opinion, that he might have been excused referring to them for the vindication ofhisCatastrophe, even by those who are advocates for the contrary opinion; since the notion ofPoetical Justice, founded on themodern rules, has hardly ever been more strictly observed in works of this nature, than in the present performance.
For, Is not Mr. Lovelace, who could persevere in his villainous views, against the strongest and most frequent convictions and remorses that ever were sent to awaken and reclaim a wicked man—Is not this great, thiswilfultransgressor, condignlypunished; and his punishment brought on thro' the intelligence of the very Joseph Leman whom he had corrupted[44]; and by means of the very women whom he had debauched[45]—Is not Mr. Belton, who has an Uncle'shasteneddeath to answer for[46]—Are not thewholeHarlowe-family—Isnot the vile Tomlinson—Are not the infamous Sinclair, and herwretched partners—And even the wickedServants, who, with their eyes open, contributed their parts to the carrying on of the vile schemes of their respective principals—Are they not All likewise exemplarily punished?
On the other hand, Is not MissHowe, for her noble friendship to the exalted Lady in her calamities—Is not Mr.Hickman, for his unexceptionable morals, and integrity of life—Is not the repentant and not ungenerousBelford—Is not the worthyNorton—made signally happy?
And who that are in earnest in their profession of Christianity, but will rather envy than regret the triumphant death ofClarissa; whose piety, from herearly childhood; whose diffusive charity; whose steady virtue; whose Christian humility; whose forgiving spirit; whose meekness, and resignation, HEAVENonlycould reward[47]?
"We shall now, according to expectation given in thePrefaceto this Edition, proceed to take brief notice of such other objections as have come to our knowlege: For as is there said, 'This Work being addressed to the Public as an History ofLifeandManners, those parts of it which are proposed to carry with them the force of Example, ought to be as unobjectible as is consistent with thedesign of the whole, and withhuman Nature.'
"Several persons have censured the Heroine as too cold in her love, too haughty, and even sometimes provoking. But we may presume to say, that this objection has arisen from want of attention to the Story, to the Character of Clarissa, and to her particular situation.
"It was not intended that she should bein Love, butin Likingonly, if that expression may be admitted. It is meant to be every-where inculcated in the Story, forExample-sake, that she never would have married Mr. Lovelace, because of his immoralities, had she been left to herself; and that her ruin was principally owing to the persecutions of her friends.
"What is too generally calledLove, ought (perhapsasgenerally) to be called by another name.Cupidity, or aPaphian Stimulus, as some women, even of condition, have acted, are not words too harsh to be substituted on the occasion, however grating they may be to delicate ears. But take the wordLovein the gentlest and most honourable sense, it would have been thought by some highly improbable, that Clarissa should have been able to shew such a command of her passions, as makes so distinguishing a part of her Character, had she been as violently in Love, as certain warm and fierce spirits would have had her to be. A few Observations are thrown in by way of Note in the present Edition, at proper places, to obviate this Objection, or rather to bespeak theAttentionof hasty Readers to what lies obviously before them. For thus the Heroine anticipates this very Objection, expostulating with Miss Howe, on her contemptuous treatment of Mr. Hickman; which [far from being guilty of the same fault herself] she did on all occasions, and declares she would do, whenever Miss Howe forgot herself, altho' she had not a day to live:
"'O my dear, says she, that it had been my Lot (as I was not permitted to live single) to have met with a man, by whom Icouldhave acted generously and unreservedly!
"'Mr. Lovelace, it is now plain, in order to have a pretence against me, taxed my behaviour to him with stiffness and distance. You, at one time, thought me guilty of some degree of Prudery. Difficult situations should be allowed for; which often make seeming occasions for censure unavoidable. I deserved notblame fromhim, who made mine difficult. And if I had had any other man to deal with than Mr. Lovelace, or had he had but half the merit which Mr Hickman has, you, my Dear, should have found, that my Doctrine, on this Subject, should have governed my Practice.' See this whole Letter[48]; See also Mr. Lovelace's Letter Nº lxxvii. Vol. VII. p. 310.& seq.where, just before his Death, he entirely acquits her conduct on this head.
"It has been thought by some worthy and ingenious persons, that if Lovelace had been drawn anInfidelorScoffer, his Character, according to the Taste of the present worse than Sceptical Age, would have been more natural. It is, however, too well known, that there are very many persons, of his Cast, whose actions discredit their belief. And are not the very Devils, in Scripture, said tobelieveandtremble?
"But the Reader must have observed, that great, and, it is hoped, good Use, has been made throughout the Work, by drawing Lovelace an Infidel only inPractice; and this as well in the arguments of his friend Belford, as in his own frequent Remorses, when touched with temporary Compunction, and in his last Scenes; which could not have been made, had either of them been painted assentimentalUnbelievers. Not to say, that Clarissa, whose great Objection to Mr. Wyerly was, that he was a Scoffer, must have been inexcusable had she known Lovelace to be so, and had given the least attention to his Addresses. On the contrary, thus she comforts herself, when she thinks she must be his—'This one consolation, however, remains: He is not an Infidel, an Unbeliever. Had he been an Infidel, there would have been no room at all for hope of him; but (priding himself as he does in his fertile invention) he would have been utterly abandoned, irreclaimable, and a Savage[49].' And it must be observed, that Scoffers are too witty in their ownopinion; in other words, value themselves too much upon their profligacy, to aim at concealing it.
"Besides, had Lovelace added ribbald jests upon Religion, to his other liberties, the freedoms which would then have passed between him and his friend, must have been of a nature truly infernal. And this farther hint was meant to be given, by way of inference, that the man who allowed himself in those liberties either of speech or action, which Lovelace thought shameful, was so far a worse man than Lovelace. For this reason is he every-where made to treat jests on sacred things and subjects, even down to the Mythology of the Pagans, among Pagans, as undoubted marks of the ill-breeding of the jesters; obscene images and talk, as liberties too shameful for even Rakes to allow themselves in; and injustice to creditors, and in matters ofMeumandTuum, as what it was beneath him to be guilty of.
"Some have objected to the meekness, to the tameness, as they will have it to be, of the character of Mr. Hickman. And yet Lovelace owns, that he rose upon him with great spirit in the interview between them; once, when he thought a reflection was but implied onMiss Howe[50]; and another time, when he imaginedhimselftreated contemptuously[51]. Miss Howe, it must be owned (tho' not to the credit of her own character) treats him ludicrously on several occasions. But so she does her Mother. And perhaps a Lady of her lively turn would have treated as whimsically any man but a Lovelace. Mr. Belford speaks of him with honour and respect[52]. So does Colonel Morden[53]. And so does Clarissa on every occasion. And all that Miss Howe herself says of him, tends more to his reputation than discredit[54], as Clarissa indeed tells her[55].
"And as to Lovelace's treatment of him, the Reader must have observed, that it was his way to treat every man with contempt, partly by way of self exaltation, and partly to gratify the natural gaiety of his disposition. He says himself to Belford[56], 'Thou knowest I love him not, Jack; and whom we love not, we cannot allow a merit to; perhaps not the merit they should be granted.' 'Modest and diffident men,' writes Belford, to Lovelace, in praise of Mr. Hickman, 'wear not soon off those little precisenesses, which the confident, if ever they had them, presently get over[57].'
"But, as Miss Howe treats her Mother as freely as she does her Lover; so does Mr. Lovelace take still greater liberties with Mr. Belford, than he does with Mr. Hickman, with respect to his person, air, and address, as Mr. Belford himself hints to Mr. Hickman[58]. And yet he is not so readily believed to the discredit of Mr. Belford, by the Ladies in general, as he is when he disparages Mr. Hickman. Whence can this partiality arise?—
"Mr. Belford had been a Rake: But was in a way of reformation.
"Mr. Hickman had always been a good man.
"And Lovelaceconfidently says,That the women love a man whose regard for them is founded in the knowlege of them[59].
"Nevertheless, it must be owned, that it was not proposed to draw Mr. Hickman, as the man of whom the Ladies in general were likely to be very fond. Had it been so,Goodness of heart, andGentleness of manners,great Assiduity, andinviolableandmodestLove, would not of themselves have been supposed sufficient recommendations. He would not have been allowed the least share ofprecisenessorformality, altho' those defects might have been imputed to his reverence forthe object of his passion: But in his character it was designed to shew, that the same man could not be every-thing; and to intimate to Ladies, that in chusing companions for life, they should rather prefer the honest heart of a Hickman, which would be all their own, than to risque the chance of sharing, perhaps with scores, (and some of those probably the most profligate of the Sex) the volatile mischievous one of a Lovelace: In short, that they should chuse, if they wished for durable happiness, for rectitude of mind, and not for speciousness of person or address: Nor make a jest of a good man in favour of a bad one, who would make a jest of them and of their whole Sex.
"Two Letters, however, by way of accommodation, are inserted in this edition, which perhaps will give Mr. Hickman's character some heightening with such Ladies, as love spirit in a man; and had rather suffer by it, than not meet with it.—
Women, born to be controul'd,Stoop to the Forward and the Bold,
Says Waller—And Lovelace too!
"Some have wished that the Story had been told in the usual narrative way of telling Stories designed to amuse and divert, and not in Letters written by the respective persons whose history is given in them. The author thinks he ought not to prescribe to the taste of others; but imagined himself at liberty to follow his own. He perhaps mistrusted his talents for the narrative kind of writing. He had the good fortune to succeed in the Epistolary way once before. A Story in which so many persons were concerned either principally or collaterally, and of characters and dispositions so various, carried on with tolerable connexion and perspicuity, in a series of Letters from different persons, without the aid of digressions and episodes foreign to the principal end and design, he thought had novelty to be pleaded for it: And that, in the present age, he supposed would not be a slight recommendation.
"But besides what has been said above, and in thePreface, on this head, the following opinion of an ingenious and candid Foreigner, on this manner of writing, may not be improperly inserted here.
"'The method which the Author has pursued in the History of Clarissa, is the same as in the Life of Pamela: Both are related in familiar Letters by the parties themselves, at the very time in which the events happened: And this method has given the author great advantages, which he could not have drawn from any other species of narration. The minute particulars of events, the sentiments and conversation of the parties, are, upon this plan, exhibited with all the warmth and spirit, that the passion supposed to be predominant at the very time, could produce, and with all the distinguishing characteristics which memory can supply in a History of recent transactions.
"'Romances in general, and Marivaux's amongst others, are wholly improbable; because they suppose the History to be written after the series of events is closed by the catastrophe: A circumstance which implies a strength of memory beyond all example and probability in the persons concerned, enabling them, at the distance of several years, to relate all the particulars of a transient conversation: Or rather, it implies a yet more improbable confidence and familiarity between all these persons and the author.
"'There is, however, one difficulty attending the Epistolary method; for it is necessary, that all the characters should have an uncommon taste for this kind of conversation, and that they should suffer no event, nor even a remarkable conversation, to pass, without immediately committing it to writing. But for the preservation of the Lettersonce written, the author has provided with great judgment, so as to render this circumstance highly probable[60].'
"It is presumed that what this gentleman says of the difficulties attending a Story thus given in the Epistolary manner of writing, will not be found to reach the History before us. It is very well accounted for in it, how the two principal Female characters come to take so great a delight in writing. Their subjects are not merely subjects of amusement; but greatly interesting to both: Yet many Ladies there are who now laudably correspond, when at distance from each other, on occasions that far less affect their mutual welfare and friendships, than those treated of by these Ladies. The two principal gentlemen had motives of gaiety and vain-glory for their inducements. It will generally be found, that persons who have talents for familiar writeing, as these correspondents are presumed to have, will not forbear amusing themselves with their pens, on less arduous occasions than what offer to these. These Four (whose Stories have a connexion with each other) out of a great number of characters which are introduced in this History, are only eminent in the Epistolary way: The rest appear but as occasional writers, and as drawn in rather by necessity than choice, from the different relations in which they stand with the four principal persons."
The Length of the piece has been objected to by some, who perhaps looked upon it as a mereNovelorRomance; and yet ofthesethere are not wanting works of equal length.
They were of opinion, that the Story moved too slowly, particularly in the first and second Volumes, which are chiefly taken up with the Altercations between Clarissa and the several persons of her Family.
But is it not true, that those Altercations are the Foundation of the whole, and therefore a necessary part of the work? The Letters and Conversations, where the Story makes the slowest progress, are presumed to becharacteristic. They give occasion likewise to suggest many interestingPersonalities, in which a good deal of the instruction essential to a work of this nature is conveyed. And it will, moreover, be remembered, that the Author, at his first setting out, apprised the Reader, that the Story (interesting as it is generally allowed to be) was to be principally looked upon as the Vehicle to the Instruction.
To all which we may add, that there was frequently a necessity to be very circumstantial and minute, in order to preserve and maintain that Air of Probability, which is necessary to be maintained in a Story designed to represent real Life; and which is rendered extremely busy and active by the plots and contrivances formed and carried on by one of the principal Characters.
'Some there are, and Ladies too! who have supposed that the excellencies of the Heroine are carried to an improbable, and even to an impracticable height, in this History. But the education of Clarissa fromearly childhoodought to be considered, as one of her very great advantages; as, indeed, the foundation ofallher excellencies: And it is hoped, for the sake of the doctrine designed to be inculcated by it, that it will.
'She had a pious, a well-read, a not meanly descended woman for her Nurse, who with her milk, as Mrs. Harlowe says[61], gave her that nurture which no other Nurse could give her. She was very early happy in the conversation-visits of her learned and worthy Dr. Lewen, and in her correspondencies, not with him only, but with other Divines mentioned in her last Will. Her Mother was, upon the whole, a good woman; who did credit to her birth and her fortune, and was able to instruct her in her early youth: Her Father was not a free-living, or free-principled man;in the conversation-visits of her learned and worthy Dr. Lewen, and in her correspondencies, not with him only, but with other Divines mentioned in her lat Will. HerMotherwas, upon the whole, a good woman, who did credit to her birth and her fortune; andbothdelighted in her for those improvements and attainments, which gave her,and them in her, a distinction that caused it to be said, that when she was out of the family, it was considered but as a common family[62]. She was moreover a Country Lady; and, as we have seen in Miss Howe's character of her[63], took great delight in rural and houshold employments; tho' qualified to adorn the brightest circle.
'It must be confessed, that we are not to look forClarissa'samong theconstant frequentersof Ranelagh and Vaux-hall, nor among those who may be calledDaughters of the Card-table. If we do, the character of our Heroine may then indeed be justly thought not only improbable, but unattainable. But we have neither room in this place, nor inclination, to pursue a subject so invidious. We quit it therefore, after we haverepeated, that weknowthere aresome, and wehopethere aremany, in the British dominions [or they are hardly any-where in the European world] who, as far asoccasionhas called upon them to exert the likehumbleandmodest, yetsteadyanduseful, virtues, have reached the perfections of a Clarissa.
'Having thus briefly taken notice of the most material objections that have been made to different parts of this History, it is hoped we may be allowed to add, That had we thought ourselves at liberty to give copies of some of the many Letters that have been written on the other side of the question, that is to say, in approbation of the Catastrophe, and of the general Conduct and Execution of the work, by someof the most eminent judges of composition in every branch of Literature; most of what has been written in this Postscript might have been spared.
'But as the principal objection with many has lain against the length of the piece, we shall add to what we have said above on that subject, in the words of one of those eminent writers: 'That,If, in the History before us, it shall be found, that the Spirit isduly diffused throughout; that the Characters arevarious and natural;well distinguishedanduniformly supportedandmaintained:Ifthere be avariety of incidentssufficient to excite Attention, and those so conducted, as to keep the Reader always awake; the Length then must add proportionably to the pleasure that every Person of Taste receives from a well-drawn Picture of Nature. But where the contrary of all these qualities shock the understanding, the extravagant performance will be judged tedious, tho' no longer than a Fairy-Tale.'
decorative emblem
Footnotes:
[34]Writing on to him.
[35]Her Flight.
[36]See Vol. III. p. 358.
[37]Spectator, Vol I. Nº XL.
[38]Yet in Tamerlane, two of the most amiable characters, Moneses and Arpasia, suffer death.
[39]See Spect. Vol. VII. Nº 548.
[40]A caution that our Blessed Saviour himself gives in the case of the Eighteen persons killed by the fall of the tower of Siloam, Luke xiii. 4.
[41]Vitiis nemo sine nascitur: optimus illeQui minimis urgetur——.
[42]Rapin, on Aristotle's Poetics.
[43]Psalm lxxiii.
[44]See Vol. VII. p. 301, 302.
[45]Ibid. p. 315.
[46]See Vol. VI. p. 268.
[47]And here it may not be amiss to remind the Reader, that so early in the Work as Vol. II. p. 159, 160, the dispensations of Providence are justified by herself. And thus she ends her Reflections—"I shall not live always—May my Closing Scene be happy!"
She had her wish. It was happy.
[48]Vol. VII. p. 64, 65, of the First Edition; and Vol. VI. p. 305 of this.
[49]Vol. IV. p. 122.
[50]Vol. VI. p. 10.
[51]Vol. VI. p. 14.
[52]Vol. VI. p. 71.
[53]Vol. VII. p. 244.
[54]See Vol. I. p. 314-319, and Vol. III. p. 44, 45.
[55]Vol. I. p. 363.
[56]Vol. VI. p. 1.
[57]Vol. VI. p. 71.
[58]Vol. VII. p. 197.
[59]Vol. IV. p. 302.
[60]This quotation is translated from a Critique on the History ofClarissa, written in French, and published at Amsterdam. The whole Critique is rendered into English, and inserted in the Gentleman's Magazine of June and August 1749. The author has done great honour in it to the History of Clarissa; and as there are Remarks published with it, answering several objections made to different passages by that candid Foreigner, the Reader is referred to the aforesaid Magazines, for both.
[61]See Vol. III. p 287, 288.
[62]See Vol. VI. p. 274. See also her Mother's praises of her to Mrs. Norton, Vol. I. p. 251.
[63]See Vol. VII. p. 278-280.
16. Nevil Payne'sFatal Jealousy(1673).17. Nicholas Rowe'sSome Account of the Life of Mr. William Shakespeare(1709).18. "Of Genius," inThe Occasional Paper, Vol. III, No. 10 (1719); and Aaron Hill's Preface toThe Creation(1720).
16. Nevil Payne'sFatal Jealousy(1673).
17. Nicholas Rowe'sSome Account of the Life of Mr. William Shakespeare(1709).
18. "Of Genius," inThe Occasional Paper, Vol. III, No. 10 (1719); and Aaron Hill's Preface toThe Creation(1720).
22. Samuel Johnson'sThe Vanity of Human Wishes(1749) and Two Rambler papers (1750).23. John Dryden'sHis Majesties Declaration Defended(1681).
22. Samuel Johnson'sThe Vanity of Human Wishes(1749) and Two Rambler papers (1750).
23. John Dryden'sHis Majesties Declaration Defended(1681).
26. Charles Macklin'sThe Man of the World(1792).
26. Charles Macklin'sThe Man of the World(1792).
31. Thomas Gray'sAn Elegy Wrote in a Country Church Yard(1751); andThe Eton College Manuscript.
31. Thomas Gray'sAn Elegy Wrote in a Country Church Yard(1751); andThe Eton College Manuscript.
41. Bernard Mandeville'sA Letter to Dion(1732).
41. Bernard Mandeville'sA Letter to Dion(1732).
45. John Robert Scott'sDissertation on the Progress of the Fine Arts.
45. John Robert Scott'sDissertation on the Progress of the Fine Arts.
49. Two St. Cecilia's Day Sermons (1696-1697).51. Lewis Maidwell'sAn Essay upon the Necessity and Excellency of Education(1705).52. Pappity Stampoy'sA Collection of Scotch Proverbs(1663).
49. Two St. Cecilia's Day Sermons (1696-1697).
51. Lewis Maidwell'sAn Essay upon the Necessity and Excellency of Education(1705).
52. Pappity Stampoy'sA Collection of Scotch Proverbs(1663).
75. John Joyne,A Journal(1679).76. André Dacier,Preface to Aristotle's Art of Poetry(1705).
75. John Joyne,A Journal(1679).
76. André Dacier,Preface to Aristotle's Art of Poetry(1705).
80. [P. Whalley's]An Essay on the Manner of Writing History(1746).83.Sawney and Colley (1742) and other Pope Pamphlets.84. Richard Savage'sAn Author to be lett(1729).
80. [P. Whalley's]An Essay on the Manner of Writing History(1746).
83.Sawney and Colley (1742) and other Pope Pamphlets.
84. Richard Savage'sAn Author to be lett(1729).
85-6.Essays on the Theatre from Eighteenth-Century Periodicals.87. Daniel Defoe,Of Captain Mission and his Crew(1728).90. Henry Needler,Works(1728).
85-6.Essays on the Theatre from Eighteenth-Century Periodicals.
87. Daniel Defoe,Of Captain Mission and his Crew(1728).
90. Henry Needler,Works(1728).
93. John Norris,Cursory Reflections Upon a Book Call'd. An Essay Concerning Human Understanding(1690).94. An Collins,Divine Songs and Meditacions(1653).95.An Essay on the New Species of Writing Founded by Mr. Fielding(1751).96.Hanoverian Ballads.
93. John Norris,Cursory Reflections Upon a Book Call'd. An Essay Concerning Human Understanding(1690).
94. An Collins,Divine Songs and Meditacions(1653).
95.An Essay on the New Species of Writing Founded by Mr. Fielding(1751).
96.Hanoverian Ballads.
97. Myles Davies,Athenae Britannicae(1716-1719).98.Select Hymns Taken Out of Mr. Herbert's Temple(1697).99. Thomas Augustine Arne,Artaxerxes(1761).100. Simon Patrick,A Brief Account of the New Sect of Latitude-Men(1662).101-2. Richard Hurd,Letters on Chivalry and Romance(1762).
97. Myles Davies,Athenae Britannicae(1716-1719).
98.Select Hymns Taken Out of Mr. Herbert's Temple(1697).
99. Thomas Augustine Arne,Artaxerxes(1761).
100. Simon Patrick,A Brief Account of the New Sect of Latitude-Men(1662).
101-2. Richard Hurd,Letters on Chivalry and Romance(1762).
The Society's purpose is to publish reprints (usually facsimile reproductions) of rare seventeenth and eighteenth century works. All income of the Society is devoted to defraying costs of publication and mailing.
Correspondence concerning subscriptions in the United States and Canada should be addressed to the William Andrews Clark Memorial Library, 2205 West Adams Boulevard, Los Angeles, California. Correspondence concerning editorial matters may be addressed to any of the general editors. The membership fee is $5.00 a year for subscribers in the United States and Canada and 30/- for subscribers in Great Britain and Europe. British and European subscribers should address B. H. Blackwell, Broad Street, Oxford, England. Copies of back issues in print may be obtained from the Corresponding Secretary.
The publications for 1963-1964 are in part subsidized by funds generously given to the Society in memory of the late Professor Edward N. Hooker, one of its co-founders.
Publications for 1963-1964
Samuel Richardson,Clarissa: Preface, Hints of Prefaces, and Postscript. Introduction by R. F. Brissenden.
Thomas D'Urfey,Wonders in the Sun, or the Kingdom of the Birds(1706). Introduction by William W. Appleton.
Daniel Defoe,A Brief History of the Poor Palatine Refugees(1709). Introduction by John Robert Moore.
Bernard Mandeville,An Enquiry into the Causes of the Frequent Executions at Tyburn(1725). Introduction by Malvin R. Zirker, Jr.
John Oldmixon,An Essay on Criticism(1728). Introduction by R. J. Madden, C.S.B.
CLARISSA.OR, THEHISTORYOF AYOUNG LADY:ComprehendingThe mostImportant ConcernsofPrivateLife,And particularly shewing,TheDistressesthat may attend the MisconductBoth ofParentsandChildren,In Relation toMarriage.Published by theEditorofPAMELA.VOL. I.LONDON:Printed for S. Richardson:And Sold byA. Millar, over-againstCatharine-streetin theStrand:J. andJa. Rivington, inSt. Paul's Church-yard:John Osborn, inPater-noster Row;And byJ. Leake, atBath.M.DCC.XLVIII.
Transcriber's Notes:
Long "s" has been modernized.
Additional spacing after some of the quotes is intentional to indicate both the end of a quotation and the beginning of a new paragraph as presented in the original text.